Growing Up Sexually

The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002)

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Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands


14 [previous chapter] [next chapter]

Curricular Subjectification/Objectification of Erotic Personhood. Renegotiating Performance and Participation


A Biosocial Entry to Cultural, Subcultural and Sporadic Operationalisation Illustrated on the Basis of "Age-Stratified" Sexual Behaviour



[see supplementary Ethnohistorical Bibliography and Social Constructionist Bibliography]


"Quod licet puerulo, non licet puero und umgekehrt"[1]



Abstract: This paper explores eroticisation processes in age-stratified settings. It is to suggested that the cultural erotological meaning attached to childhood and puberty is associated with curricular recruitment into adult sexual cultures. This defines whether the child is in any sense a participating agent (e.g., "participating victim") in (hypothetical) contacts with the ruling age class, and if so, what role it is granted. The data suggest that ruling age classes, opposing a universal taboo, may normalise age-stratified contacts by the advocacy of a given basis of exchange or application of pedagogical principles. In other cultures, where recruitment occupies a marginalized status because of the need for such recruitment being incidental rather than pervasive, such functions are (possibly correctly) interpreted as symptomatic of individual, curricular failures to accomplish (curricularised) social agendas, the result of which falls subject to pathologising. The tentative conclusion reads that cultures (as do individuals) operationalise children as erotic "objects" when such may be facilitated or required by teleiosocial blockages or lateral interests; if not required, children are counter-operationalised as "victims" of such (individual) operationalisation. The result is an individualised (as opposed to a culturally or subculturally peer-shared) operationalisation (legitimisation) conflict. More generally, complementation arguments are being used variably to legitimise given social imperatives. If not, identification processes are embraced to legitimise social recognition of nascent erotic citizenship. This complementation / identification duality can be used to study cultural legitimisation (operationalisation) principles from a child's perspective. A constructionist study of age stratified sexual affiliation, however, is not available in most cases; for the contemporary American situation, ethical implications compromise the methodological soundness of past and future study.




Curricular Subjectification/Objectification of Erotic Personhood: Renegotiating Performance and Participation.. 50


14.0 Introduction.. 50

14.1 The Erotic / Eroticised Child: A Perspective on Cultural Baselines. 50

14.2 Age-Disparate Patterning. 50

14.2.0 A Note of the Anthropology of Age Disparate Sexualities. 50

14.2.1 Heterosexual Age-Disparate Patterning. 50 "Negotiating Stigma"? The Sugar Daddy Principle. 50

14.2.2 Homosexual Age-Disparate Patterning. 50 A Lesser Known Variant: The Indonesian Case. 50

14.3 Erotic Identity/Role Assignment: Structural Variability. 50

14.4 Negotiated Meanings vs Negotiated Studies. 50

14.4.1 Sex Ethics vs Sex Science. 50

14.4.2 "Positivist" vs "Negativist Performative Impressions. 50

14.4.3 The Ethical Impression: Perspectives for the Constructionist 50

14.5 Discussion: "Paedophilia" as a Central Cultural Discourse. 50


Notes. 50



14.0 Introduction [up] [Contents]


This paper departs from the assumption that erotic identity is subject to a culture-identifying process of agenda assignment, a process shaping trajectories toward an "ideal chronology" of events ("curricularisation"), and specific as for the responsible authority, degree of interference and functional aim (cf. chapter 3).


Goodwin and Cramer (2002)[2] discuss how the definition of "inappropriate relationships" is likely to be "highly dependent on the cultural and subcultural setting in which it occurs", and that "any comprehensive account of inappropriate relationships needs to explain historical and cultural differences". This formulation would leave room for a discussion of "avengers, conquerors, playmates [or] lovers"[3] all being "perpetraters" historically and cross-culturally speaking. The application to "paedophilia" (e.g., Howitt, 2002)[4] is imperfect to say the least. Applying our ethical axiom to age disparate[5] sexual contacts, today's references to these settings are hardly "comprehensive", or, if trying, rather theoretical[6]. This may in the past have been legitimised by its, as a Dutch translation of a gone-by German work reads, "voor ons bijkans onverstaanbaren aard", roughly, "to us incomprehensible nature"[7]. Or, as Louis MacNeice says, "so unimaginably different / And all so long ago"[8]. Within age disparate sexual confrontations, the role of the younger individual is subject to a discussion via the hegemonic concept of "abuse". In Western discourse, such hybrid concepts as "participating victims" or "victim-precipitation"[9] in the context of these contacts have surfaced in the 1970s. It was argued that these arguments were phrased in a timeframe that "downplayed the seriousness of the problem"[10] when arguing, for instance, that "For children the sexual act was a means of imitating adult personality and of participating in those activities specifically associated with adulthood"[11]. Studying these situations cross-culturally, one encounters a wealth of life phase-stratified homosexual patterns, including so-called mentor[12] and, apparently, non-mentor systems[13], as well as cases of rather fluid cross-generational boundaries, which are generally heterosexual[14]. One also encounters prepubertally consummated age stratified marriages, temporary age stratified sexual alliances in age-set societies, semi-institutional child prostitution, etc. These cases, reasoning from a "modern" ethical perspective allow the too-easy image that children are "put into service" when circumstantial factors leave no other option to satisfy a culturally instilled level of sexual needs (G., Ventilsitte). This determinism may not be different from the child's integration into economic, political, ceremonial, and other parts of social life[15], the child being "recruited" when such is demanded by the imperatives of daily struggles, and along the rules of specific economies (cf. §1.1.2). This ideology can be challenged only by specific methodologies (see §14.4).


If anything, the said cases provide occasion for a cultural confrontation between definitions of sexual competence (of both parties). This chapter is dedicated to demonstrating some fundamental mechanisms, including the theses that


(a) cultural factors determine the timing of assigning and designing ("operationalising") "sexual" identities;

(b) in given cases the design of these identities reflects given assigned discursive roles;

(c) in these cases, operationalisation efforts are based on complementation principles more critically than on identification principles.




14.1 The Erotic / Eroticised Child: A Perspective on Cultural Baselines [up] [Contents]


For the time being delaying the perhaps more compelling concept of "eroticised" or fetishised innocence as dealt with in chapter 16, clinical data on normative human erotic age orientation, using adolescent and adult male subjects (the female case is largely unexplored) suggest a universal heterosexual hebephilia[16]. Congruently, this pattern is only marginally subject to legal constraint in current Euro-American discourse, and explicitly excused from medicalisation curricula (APA, 1980-1994)[17]. Inherently, it hardly enters academic reflection, other than the within the territories of the historical and the foreign. The father's experience of erotic response to his daughter, for instance, is a phenomenon which largely has been ignored in theoretical and experimental literature[18].


This chapter proposes the hypothesis that the female (and in selected cases, the "feminised male") individual may be culturally supplied with a potential erotic identity (thus, erotic potential) on the basis of her (his) potential (or in fact ideal or idealised) partnership, a role designation that may generally provide essential impetus to adolescent girls' heterosexual development. Preadolescent claims to the same status would be ignored, or deferred, for they will and cannot be answered legitimately. The timing of such claims, therefore, is subject to a continuous negotiation. Thus, the complementation argument in the problem of sexual status attribution holds that erotic subjects are legitimised as such if and when they are considered culturally legitimate sexual objects, and on such basis, which is in part a reflection of adult erotic orientation. If not, they may need to be de-eroticised, and their aneroticism "eroticised", that is, politicised, at a less apparent level (Kincaid). This argument (erotic pseudo-subjectivity) then serves as an a priori (rather than a posteriori) legitimisation of the (culturally relative) ideal image of cross-age noncompatibility. This noncompatibility is progressively legitimised by the entirely expectable negative vicissitudes of confrontations in such sporadic cases in which this issue of compatibility is subject to dyadic negotiations at fault with general, or hegemonic, discourses (e.g., familial policies).


This framework, of course, does nothing to excuse any individual choice of such interpretation; however, it also does not excuse any "cultural choice" of perspective.


This argument provides an entry for describing cultural variations in the developmental curricularisation (structural age stratification) of eroticism. For instance, it may describe Western eroticism being "operationalised" (legitimised) within peer subcultures rather than the family setting as a result of avoidance of paternal incest. It does not clash with the view of sexuality from a political entry (Paige and Paige), the father emphasising his daughter's sexual and reproductive potential so as to maximise her market value in synergy to general emotional currents, and de-emphasising if alliances are prearranged and until these arrangements are ceremonially sealed, against general emotional currents. It also provides an interpretation of the universal tendency to reject subcultural legitimisation efforts that run counter to established customs.


A basis for these claims lies in the frequency in which age-stratified patterns occur in non-Western societies. This is appreciated below in the case of heterosexual and homosexual age disparate patterns. No claim is made to explain the occurrence of all (or any) cases on some economic or structural basis; however, it seems clear that the child in these cases is provided with an erotic potential (object status) which is at odds with the acclaimed ideal of age egalitarianism, as well as of pubertal requirement, while at the same time, such ascribed potential is primarily to be interpreted as the enforcement of a complementary role fulfilment, i.e., serving partner's needs. Cultural justifications, however, enact to variably evade, deny or transform this interpretation, if at all informed by such ethics.



14.2 Age-Disparate Incidents and Patterns [up] [Contents]


Age stratified sexual behaviour patterns including children have been inviting subjects of modern historical reflection as well as conjecture[19], but rarely in a cross-cultural sense (e.g., La Fontaine, 1988)[20]. To be clear, the phenomenon here addressed is supposed to occur not in spite of but because of age/phase disparities. The main interest of anthropologists in early sexuality matters is that of the origin of the incest taboo, perhaps the "soggiest and heaviest" of theoretical dumplings in the "ethnographic soup"[21]. Basic positions were formulated by Freud (Familiarity breeds Attempt) and Westermarck (Familiarity breeds Contempt)[22]. Since, there have been reformulations arguing against a juxtaposition of both arguments[23]. The main problem with incest discussions within the authentic format, however, is that there is a failure to integrate developmental solutions to patterned avoidance relating to familiarity, kinship systems, age discrepancy and other dissimilarities (e.g., gender)[24]. This has led to collateral academic curricula on "abuse" (including incest as an unlawful and psychopathic category), incest as avoided category, "paedophilia" as a psychopathic category, and "institutionalised" age systems as functional ethnologically and historically (primarily, as symptoms of problematic adult gender dynamics). A biosocial / ethological exploration (Feierman, ed., 1990) remains without succession. These curricula, then, are traditionally separate ramifications[25], and accommodate different approaches to the question of development. A number of fundamental generalisations implicit in much theorising are open for reconsideration[26]. For instance, how have incest taboos "historically been reinforced and extended" to nonparental adults, especially men, beyond the immediate nuclear family?[27]


Taking a different route, Bell[28] has argued that


"[t]he incest taboo is the principle of the premodern system of alliances, while the modern deployment of sexuality threatens this same system of alliances through the colonization of the family by sexual discourse. This is exemplified in Freudian sexual discourse, in which the family is threatened by child sexuality, the Oedipus complex, etc. However, even the Freudian discourse of sexuality is double-edged, allowing for the continued deployment of alliances, while saturating these same alliances with desire".


Specifically, "media-orchestrated moral panics" addressing extrafamilial abuse would divert attention from the "extensive variety of forms of sexual abuse" including those situated in the familial setting[29]. Thus, "the case of incest shows the concurrent deployment today of strategies of both alliances and sexuality, [suggesting] we should see the contemporary family in terms of such a concurrent deployment".


An interesting argument here was made by Foucault, suggesting that what he calls this ''epistemophilic incest" of contact, observation, and surveillance is part of the foundation of the modern family[30].

Murdock[31] spoke of the "positive gradient of appropriate age". A positive or attractive gradient [also including propinquity and kinship] was defined as to "exert steady pressure against the […] negative or repelling gradients" [including ethnocentrism, exogamy, adultery, and homosexuality]. Thus, "inappropriate age is an important consideration in the social control of sexual behavior and merits detailed examination" (Bryant, 1977:p305)[32]. Murdock deals with age-disparate eroticism only in the (Freudian) context of "incest" (p291-5), while his concept of "appropriate age" seems applicable only to marital selection. This leaves unexplored the matter of "stratification of intimacy" (e.g., Gabb, 2001)[33] raised in later feminist contexts.

Money (1980:p45-9)[34] lists three major taboos in children's sexual socialisation, which Money allows to partially "overlap" the other: age-avoidancy, intimacy-avoidancy, and allosex-avoidancy. Age-avoidancy is connected to age stratification in sexual behaviour and communication. Intimacy-avoidancy is described in terms of (particularly parent-child) kinship taboos in discussing and observing sexual behaviour, hampering "direct" intrafamilial forms of education. The foregoing two are judged to be "not sex disparate, but […] applied equally to boys and girls in the course of their development", as far as sources demonstrate far from an obvious point. Allosex-avoidancy is discussed in terms of gender segregation in situations of bodily exposure and "erotic communication". Note that all three "taboos" issue "incest" dynamics. [Also note that the concept of "age taboos" in counterhegemonic circles[35] adding to a large list of "taboos" apparently related to age and sexuality[36].]


Transgenerational proceptivity is said to be counteracted by age-avoidancy, a "socially dictated constraint on personal disclosure to people of a different age group than oneself affecting erotic/sexual behavior and communication". Parents are protected from incestuous arousal and proceptivity by the Coolidge effect, and indirectly by the Westermarck effect in their offspring (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1990:p163; Wolf, 1970, 1995)[37]. Parental attraction to their own offspring is sometimes referred to as the Inverse Oedipus Complex, or counter-Oedipus (Fine, 1993)[38]. Named after King Lear's pathological attachment to his daughters, especially to Cordelia, a reverse "erotic fixation" is called the Lear Complex or "adult libido" or reversed Oedipus complex (Pauncz, 1933, 1951, 1952; Patricolo, 1994)[39]. The Lear-complex is an incestuous fixation of fathers upon their daughters. While the Oedipus complex depends exclusively upon the unconscious, the Lear-complex involves rather the conscious (Pauncz)[40]. The concept was never elaborated upon, either clinically or theoretically. A comparable syndrome is named after Oedipus' father, Laius. By the Laius Complex, Ross (1982,1985/6; Ross and Herzog, 1985)[41] means the "pederastic and filicidal inclinations that I [Ross] believe to be universal among fathers"[42]. This complex, too, is hardly ever recognised among psychoanalysts.


Researching phenomena severely stigmatised within a cultural setting puts the scientific industry to a test. Apparently, age-disparate patterning is an endocultural medicolegal discourse about deviating individuals with little cross-cultural reflection.


The mere term "paedophilia" (or any of its derivatives) is mentioned (searching fulltext) only in three articles in a selected number of mainstream general anthropological magazines[43], twice in the context of incest, and never in a cross-cultural sense. The mere term (or any of derivatives) is not used in 5 Middle-Eastern Studies journals[44], 8 Asian Studies journals[45], 4 African Studies journals[46] and only twice in 7 African American Journals[47], one of them discussing Shirly Temple. This may be related to a number of issues, among them incidence, cultural preoccupation, anthropologists' avoidance, anthropological terminology, etc. For a comparison, the entire 2002 fulltext eHRAF lists the term twice: in both cases the same author fears himself being conceptualised as a potential "pedophile"[48].


Authors[49], however, have argued for a broader culturalist and historical scope, in terms of perception, "diagnosis", intervention and decursus. Notwithstanding the monolithic endoculturalist concept of paedophilia, the "functions" of age-disparate contacts may be varied. Hekma[50] considers "modern paedophilia" to be "very different in social and psychological status and in ubiquity from Greek pederasty". Adult-child contacts may serve functions relative to communal belief[i] and transition ritualisation (Herdt, 1981, 1984) or traditionalised pedagogical organisation (Eglinton, 1964). [Likewise, functions of initiation ceremonies known to include "homosexual" elements (e.g., Dundes, 1976:p233-4)[51] are variably positioned within a functionalist analysis].


Focussing on the phenomenon within cultural frameworks, and on discursive levels, an (arbitrary) a priori classification was made between opposite-sex and same-sex contacts for purposes of presentation. (It appears that scholars either universally deal with these categories in separation, or integrate them on the fragile basis of lumping them into an interventionalist or moralist agenda.)



14.2.0 A Note on the Anthropology of Age Disparate Sexualities [up] [Contents]


Apart from plenty of colloquial reading on the matter[52], the following survey will deal with main studies addressing historical and ethnographic accounts of regional age-stratified patterns. This review will not be concerned with incidental patterns. The concept of "institutional" and "age-structured" sexual practices are increasingly seen as culture-specific, a dogma clearly advocated by Herdt's and others' terminological evolution. Today's authoritative terms for less-than-incidental erotically motivated age disparate attachments include the confusing "age-set pattern" (Murray and Roscoe), "age-grade"[53], "age-stratification", and "age-structure" [54], terms to replace the obviously dissatisfying "intergenerationality"[55], or "transgenerationality" (Greenberg[56]), or its unification under the concept of "ritualisation". Most of the current anthropology on age-structured or age-grade structured sexual practices deals with these phenomena under the general flag of "homosexualities"; this, of course, would be inadequate (though correct) in cases of which the younger party is in prepuberty, a situation referring to the ethnopsychiatric (and perhaps ethnolinguistic) problem of "paedophilia". Although homosexuality has been successfully demedicalised in the West only since the 1970s, a genuine ethnopsychiatry of homosexuality never took ground. Even for "boy-love", ethnological consideration has hardly been more than an apology, or close to it. More relevant, the definition of paedophilia clearly lacks a cross-cultural intention, and has never addressed the (world-wide) inclination to, and behaviours towards, young adolescents. The conclusion that paedophilia has not been the subject of academic anthropology is generally correct, with some exceptions. In what could have been a groundbreaking 1990 work on biosocial dimensions (edited by Feierman), this problem was not answered definitively. Generally, the boy's proscribed or real age in "boy-love" and "boy-marriage" customs is of remarkably little concern to "gay" situated (armchair) anthropologists, and even to some "boy-love" apologists. More relevant here, its meaning for sexual development remains debated in nearly all cases. The obvious contemporary obsession with abusiveness has been informed by the subchapters of "sexual abuse in historical perspectives" and "sexual abuse across cultures" in the 1990s, although the current concept of paedophilia is almost entirely neglected[57], or rather, its term commonly abused (e.g., DeMause c.s.). One might equally argue that a historical analysis of paedophilia as a medical construct has received little penetrating research[58]. The failure, for instance, to parallel the terminological evolution from –philia to –sexuality, requires further probing, especially in the light of what could be considered the "sexualising" of paedo"phile" lifeways. It appears that there are few other generalist ethnopsychiatric interpretations of "boy-loving" than those offered within a psychohistorical setting (DeMause, Kahr, Atlas) and within a sociobiological / ethological scope (Feierman c.s.), while particularist and culturalist accounts were offered by ethnologists (e.g., Herdt) and historians (e.g., Frayser, 1976). An integration into contemporary clinical perspectives has not been offered.


The approach here taken is informed by the proposition that official and unofficial sanctions on age difference in sexual systems are, if not critical, informative to the concept of erotic curricularisation. The agency of the child, for instance, is not discussed in most writings that assume the child is a static object or answers to a static pattern of "participation", or a static pattern of being victimised.




14.2.1 Heterosexual Age-Disparate Patterning [up] [Contents]


Over a range of societies, age-disparate heterosexual patterning is far less controversial intraculturally as its homosexual counterpart, and its apology nor its antagonism, or even its study (e.g., Leahy, 1994)[59], in Western society is in any way an academic tradition. This may or may not be related to its premodern universality. We see that in nearly every part of the world, at some point in history, institutions ensure adult male-female pubescent pairing. This is frequently anticipated by earlier affiliation (betrothal), when the man himself (e.g., Senoi-Semang, Gilyak, Nyakyusa, Nyamwesi, Nso', Australians, Wari'), his or her mother-in-law (Arapesh, Chinese), or his co-wife (Nkundo Mongo) raises his future bride. Thus, the husband "shapes" his child wife.


Cape York Australian natives rationalised their child-marriage by arguing that "the girl will not be afraid of her husband if she grows up with him" [60]; she will also be sexually trained. The same is said about the Nyakyusa: "We have no evidence to suggest that the girls in any general way dislike sleeping with their husbands before puberty, rather the reverse; and the men say: "It is good, it accustoms a girl to her husband" ".


The occurrence of heterosexual generationally disparate patterns is noted in many cases.


A common pattern describes prepubertal betrothal, with "delayed", pubescent consummation[61]. In other (mostly debated) cases, it is made explicit that conjugal consummation does not await puberty[62]. More or less indifferent attitudes toward incidental age-stratified sexual contacts with prepubescents have been documented among the Nkundo (Hulstaert), Bangala (Weeks), Hopi (Brandt), Trukese (Gladwin and Sarason), Easter Islanders (Metraux), New Guinea, (Strathern), Bemba (Richards) and in Uganda (Bohmer and Kirumira). More than incidental age stratified patterns including prepubescents outside of wedlock are said to occur for the Maya, traditional Haitians, Mombasa Swahili, Ingalik, Trukese (fellatio) and generally in age set societies (Masai, Ariaal Rendille, Baraguyu, Nandi [debated]). The Babunda practiced a rare kind of institutional child prostitution (Torday). In a modest number of other cases, girls are said to be initiated (instructed) by an "older experienced man", where it may also be true for boys (Sierra Nevada: Cágaba, Ica, Kogi; Polynesia: Tongareva Island, Easter Island).


One might argue that "poetic" beliefs act as a legitimisation for prepubertally consumed age stratified marriage or routine seduction (Australian Aboriginals, Bororó, Masai, Lepcha, Canela).


For example, at ages 6 to 14, a Canela (Eastern Timbira) girl "is appointed to be a girl associate of a male society for one or a number of successive years. At one or more ceremonial points in the festival, beginning in her early teens, she has sexual relations with the society's members, teaching her that one of her roles in mature Canela life is to keep nonrelated males sexually satisfied". Congruently, "[g]irls almost always have intercourse before they menstruate, so their experience reinforces the Canela theory that sexual intercourse is the cause of menstruation" (Crocker and Crocker).


This may well be the case among those cases where there is infant betrothal (Andamanese, Nyamwezi, Azande, New Guinea, Tahiti) or at least female peripubescent marriage (Yemen)[63]. According to Swartz, one "rather sophisticated informant" suggested that "[…] men only get interested in girls when the breasts begin to develop, that perhaps both would begin without copulation, but that "we Trukese are bad and when we see a girl is almost a young woman, we want to have intercourse with her". Legitimisations seem to be leading their own life: in the Tukano, Ramkokamerkra, New Britain, and (provisionally) Timbira cases, the coitogenic menarche belief was observed to persist beyond contemporary applicability. In most cases, one is justified to assume asymmetric matrimonial alliances are the by-product of a polygynous system, or a shortage principle. (No attempt will be made to analyse individual cases.)


Thus, cultural legitimisations of perceiving the child as an erotic (or at least matrimonial) subject include that of making the girl grow up physically (cf. chapter 16), referring to some theological institute or imperative (Indian dvadasis and child marriage), legitimising some exchange principle, reasoning from an economic perspective, promoting the idea of "necessary instruction", etc. "Negotiating Stigma"? The Sugar Daddy Principle (cf. Africa, Sugar Daddies) [up] [Contents]


Typical of Sub-Saharan Africa (Uganda, Malawi, Kenya, Ethiopia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Tanzania[64], South Africa) and the Caribbean (Jamaica), the "sugar daddy"[65] syndrome refers to older, relatively wealthy men who engage adolescents in sexual relationships. School girls find sugar daddies to pay school fees, etc. (Van Haren, 1999[66]; Sellix, 1996[67]; Bledsoe 1990[68]; Meekers and Calvès, 1997[69] and refs.). In Uganda, a semi-prostitution based sexual exchange between young adolescent girls and "big men" would be "very common" (Bohmer and Kirumira, 2000:p277-81)[70].


Authors[71] have argued against an essentialist concept of "sugared" relationships as unilateral and coercive. Silberschmidt and Rasch (2001)[72] observed that older adolescent girls are normally seen as victims and easy preys of older and married men's sexual exploitation. However, the article was to suggest that these girls are "not only victims but also willing preys and active social agents engaging in high-risk sexual behaviour" with old males (relationships called mpenzi). Discussing these abusive patterns within the "more diffuse forms of sexual economic exchange", Johnson[73] argues that


"[t]here are thus many situations in which both adults and children are legally and socially considered capable of giving meaningful sexual consent despite being massively disadvantaged in relation to their sexual partner in terms of socio-economic power. It follows, then, that the Sugar Daddy does not usually need to distort social agreed ideas about childhood or sexual consent in order to rationalise a sexual relationship with a teenage girl. Nor can his motivations necessarily be described as aberrant. In many cultures, youthful female bodies are considered sexually desirable, and men are expected to demonstrate their masculinity through their capacity to command sexual access to 'desirable' female bodies".


Pedersen and Hegna[74] likewise contested hegemonic prostitution discourses, arguing that in their study of sold sex by Oslo 14 to 17-year-olds, "[p]robably parts of the sex sale experiences described in the paper may be best understood in terms of curiosity and search for excitement". The subject, however, are nevertheless "in need of help and protection". Ba (1981)[75] suggests that early sexual experience is common among urbanised youth, using data from French West Africa. Sexual games played in childhood rapidly change into monetary and gift-based[76] economies, which are tacitly accepted by society.



14.2.2 Homosexual Age-Disparate Patterning[77] [up] [Contents]


With too much ease, several cases of age disparate systems are commonly lumped into convenient container categories, not unusually including absurd historical interpretations:


"The earliest records on childhood sexuality [sic] for such early civilizations as the Celtic, Germanic, Egyptian, Persian, Greek, Roman, Japanese, Indian and Chinese all show ritualized pederasty of the Australian and Melanesian type; i.e., boys beginning at seven to ten years of age were forced to submit to fellatio and anal intercourse under the belief that women were so powerful and men so weak that only in this way would the boys be able to grow sperm and attain manhood" [referring to Herdt][78].


DeMause makes many overt mistakes, including generalisations pertaining to age, emic function, use of "force" (which is nowhere demonstrated), and the attribution of "ritualism". This obviously problematises the very foundations of the traditional psychohistorical claim.


Apparently justified, a meta-analysis of 17 cultures that incorporated homosexual "mentorship" affiliation found that being 'mentored' usually occurs in a military setting and serves as a "precursor" to heterosexual marriage (Crapo, 1995)[79]. In these cultures, it is usually the case that older men consider extra wives to be status symbols, and thus the mentorship system also prevents (or: relieves) marital competition among younger males. Other significant differences between the practices of mentorship and non-mentorship societies were found, such as the prescription of (heterosexual) monogamy (0% vs. 16%), whether the husband and wife typically sleep apart (44% vs. 18%), and whether children are completely segregated with peers by their gender (42% vs. 13%). A limited study (extensive review available elsewhere) suggests that allosexual options (homosexuality, age disparate contacts, animal contacts) represent cross-culturally stereotypical alternatives for blocked heterosexual pathways, particularly for males, and in all legitimised phases of the sexual curriculum. The parallelism between sexual subcultures and individuals in this respect seems to be considered legitimate only for those categories that are culturally disapproved; this can tentatively be considered as a political bias.


Cultural legitimisations include that of making the boy grow up physically (Sambia, etc.)[80], making him a "complete" citizen (ancient Greece) or otherwise prepare him "for the duties and privileges of manhood" (Malekula), or identifying some basis of exchange (e.g., South-African "wives of the mines"; East Bay, Small Island), particularly monetary. The boy's 'objectification' is apparent in some cases, while in others idealisation is a key feature. They are "to keep the men faithful" during their service at the minefields (Ovambos); Mossi soronés were to play female roles and serve men on Fridays when sexual intercourse with women was prohibited; Adjeh boys are trained to entertain their lords in alternative ways ["om hunne heeren op andere wijzen te vermaken"]; etc. In early modern Ottoman society, as in other Mediterranean and Near Eastern societies, "sexual congress between adult males and young boys was not construed as "homosexual" or aberrant; what was deemed problematic was homoeroticism among adult males" (Pierce, 1997:p175)[81]. Another widely entertained rationale was that the passive partner could be homosexualised, while the inserter was not.

In selected cases, both participants are "excused".


Tessmann (1904 [I]:p131)[82] notes how Pangwe boys "who as is well known "have neither understanding nor shame" " have sexual acquaintances with older men, who "are excused with the [...] assertion: a bele nnem e bango= "he has the heart (that is, the aspirations) of boys".


If anything, this case is suggestive of discursive currents that run counter to the current Euro-American one. A Lesser Known Variant: The Indonesian Case [to Indonesia] [up] [Contents]


A finding from various parts of indigenous Indonesia (Sumatra, Bali, Sidjoengjoeng, Adjeh, Celebes, Java) pre-1900 ethnographers have described not commonly known patterns of cross-age erotics. Although few insights can be offered owing to the minimal coverage by the authors, the boys seem to have had specific roles as suggested by titles (anak djawi, sedatis, gandrungs, gemblakan, basirs). Two patterns particularly stand out: that of a historically rooted patron-protégé or bilateral pattern (warok-gemblakan) and a unilateral pattern of servants/dancers which contributed to chief's personal prestige (sedatis), the boys being drafted, put on display and performing at festive gatherings, accompanying the chief on trips, and being exchanged as gifts.

Then there is the erotic appeal of the dancing, cross-dressed prepubescent (Kruijt, Jacobs, Chabot). It only faintly resembles Islamic forms of age-stratified erotics, which medieval poetry centralises adolescent males on a non-mentor basis (e.g., Pashtun ashnas, medieval Jewish "gazelles"). The sedatti very much approaches, however, the Afghan Kuch-i safari ("travelling [boy-] wife"), or Bača ("singing boy") as described by Burton (and others).


An interim conclusion reads that no specific studies add to the (condemnatory and casual) references offered by representatives of the Dutch rule. An ethnohistorical, ethnopsychiatric or ethical ramification restricting itself to these references will be hampered by this fact. To anticipate on observations aired below, it seems that this problem is a structural one encountered in many sites or settings.



14.3 Erotic Identity/Role Assignment: Structural Variability [up] [Contents]


As anticipated, I suggest that culturalised and individualised patterns operate along the same tendencies to rationalise their operationalising children as erotic object-subjects. The well-travelled scholar Guyon (1876 -1963), for instance, paralleled the widespread (e.g., §11.1.1) tendency to biologise idealised agenda[83]. Kinsey and consorts' appeal to Guyon seems to be an awkward matter in this respect, given the contemporary condemnation of his use of obscure sources for his controversial child data (Reisman; see here). It can further be observed that concepts of apprenticeship and mentorship via or pertaining to phase-hierarchical erotic roles are being used by self-identified "paedophiles" to ideologise individual and countercultural erotic systems or, rather, dyadic affiliations[84].


In the entire social construct, most clearly studied in academia and journalism, the "paedo-erotic" (to use a once-preferred Dutch phrase) momentum / motive appears sexualised in a sense that what may well be individuals' psychosocial identity ultrastructure is subject to severe reductionism, filtering integral human trajectories of experience and leaving a residue of the undesirable and the unlawful. Apart from the decades of psychoanalytic record (a record problematic for its own reasons) which suggested at least something of a holistic concern, the social construction (or mere recognition) of factual paedophilic trajectories is an untrodden terrain, for obvious reasons, and it can be hypothesised that very selective (and changing) culture-wide reductionism is producing much of the undesirability, and identity. The narrowness of the academic and lay scope may be "cultural". 1970s Dutch (and later German) activist materials suggest that what be known as "paedophiles" actually could have lives, in which they selectively produce and reproduce reality (truths, misunderstandings): pathetic trajectories, perhaps, but hardly "predatory" sec. A historical parallel may be drawn with the sexualisation inherent in the social production of what would be "homoerotic" trajectories (which is a somewhat more accessible, still not entirely legitimate, alley). Thing is that the social legitimacy of such a parallel is obfuscating an objective developmental reality of nonnormative trajectories. What appears to be a significant cultural routine, U.S. culture-watchers seem to recognise "paedophilic" momentum is what would be the changing erotic commodification of child objects, or, more problematic, of "childhood" (the curriculum). The production of both the ethics and alleged aesthetics involved are of central theoretical significance for the cultural and human condition. In this line or reason, "paedophilia", as we know it, in turn represents the functional commodification of those individuals that may accept its essentialism and may be internalising its reductionism, a process that appears to fuel and accommodate the continuous reorganisation and fine-tuning of a hegemonic social narrative; a narrative that may have to do with modernist (e.g., interventionalist) applications of personal pasts ("childhood") and notions of individualist reproduction ("children") more than with pathetic or whatever lifestyles. "Paedophilia", again, is interesting here only for its being a cultural exercise in the essentialisation, distribution and instrumentalisation of truths (and ethnohistorically variable at that) that shape the context of sexual developments.


The above examples are mostly taken from the ethnographic literature. It is hypothesised that contemporary Western cultures less rigorously apply complementation arguments, and have no social or economic need for age disparate configurations. Instead, less definite operationalisations are used which leaves the process to peer-organised identification (and to a lesser degree, complementation) motives. By contrast, traditional societies tended to centralise conjugal (e.g., Baganda, Luguru, Bemba, Nkoya; cf. Shirishana Yanomamo; Bangladesh) and even nonconjugal (e.g., Canela) submission as a value impressed on girls, a matter largely being revised by globalist tendencies. The issue of agency, however, may not be as apparent.


At puberty, a Sicilian girl becomes a Vergine, Virgin[85]. The process of creating la Vergine suggests both complementation and identification motives[86]. Giovanni observes how, through negative and positive terms, women "[…] are socialised to accept and even desire the role of la Vergine" (p411-2).


Simplifying issues, normative sexual identities within the modern, egalitarianist West are progressively based on role behaviour that is to be copied from significant others, and, eventually, made to fit a perceived pattern of expectation pertaining to a (essentially hypothetical) potential partnership. The argument made in this paper is that this process, particularly in non-western non-industrial societies, may take place within the definitions of a paternalistic order that requires a specific role rather than fostering a particular individual development (or "identity"). Thus, erotic "identities" reflect assigned roles (hence, assigned identities). If at all, this process takes place later than the establishment of core gender identity, and can be subject to purposeful 'delay' (past pubescence) as well as interim revision to a considerable degree. Feminists have argued that in cultures that condone dual standards, obvious gender differences exist in the developmental subjectification of male sexuality (definition of identity), and the parallel developmental objectification of female sexuality (definition relative to male identity). These processes apparently take place within two dimensions: the central pre-conjugal setting and the lateral familial setting. The fertile/erotic girl serves her husband, and thus, her familial (patrilineal, fraternal) cause. This would legitimise the hypothesis that cultural views regarding "erotic age" depend on whether the girl is part of a historical interest system ("market", they say), and on the distinct organisation and basis of such a system.



14.4 Negotiated Meanings vs Negotiated Studies [up] [Contents]



14.4.1 Sex Ethics vs Sex Science [up] [Contents]



Prior to a major medicolegal fuss in the late 1990s, Osborne (1995)[87] offered a comprehensive meta-analysis of the methodologies of 104 American studies of the incidence or prevalence of, and/or effects on, pre-adults who engage in sexual relationships with adult partners. The findings of that analysis would demonstrate that the assumption of inherent trauma is largely informed by an "anti-empirical moral ideology which does not consistently reflect current theory and findings regarding human sexual development, and which does not take into account the socially-constructed attitudes of erotophobia and homophobia which pervade American culture".

This type of criticism is expressed by many influential, though controversial, authors, notably Krivacska, Money, Bullough, Bauserman, Rind, etc. Textbooks variably include and organise the ethnohistoriographic phenomenon of man-boy contacts within their curricula[88], suggestive of an ambiguity in frameworking the phenomenon. The import of cultural dogmata in the field is well-discussed elsewhere[ii]. Alongside the quasi-academic erotica apparently circulating in sidetrack subcultures[iii], few positivist[89] sociological accounts have been offered considering "intergenerational" contacts in contemporary Western contexts including the perspective of the younger party. These include reports dated within the early 1980s to early 1990s on Dutch, Australian and North-American subjects (as studied by by Pieterse, Sandfort, Rossmann, Brongersma, Wilson and Leahy [see online thesis], with further data by Okami and Rind / Savin-Williams)[iv]. These reports, albeit invariably gathered using limited, nonrepresentative and diverse methodologies[90], and to be appreciated with utmost caution given the selection of informants, shed a preliminary light on the distribution and negotiation of meaning within (rather than attribution to) such affiliations as they happen or happened to take place. The results of these studies may be augmented by the more drastically limited work on "victim participation" referred to supra (§14.0). It appears that regarding the numerous non-western examples, few data are available for positivist or neutral sociological accounts that thus consider the position of the younger party.



14.4.2 "Positivist" vs "Negativist Performative Impressions [up] [Contents]


The following example illustrates, at an intermediate level between individuals and cultures, subcultural operationalisation of young people into an adult-operated sexual system.


In the U.S. of the 1950s and 1960s, boy prostitution scenes were common in large cities. In a much-reprinted article, Reiss (1961)[91] explored such a special form of male prostitution in American society, namely, the homosexual relationship between adult male fellators and lower-class delinquent boys. It is seen as an economic, financial transaction between the boys and the fellators which is governed by delinquent peer norms. For the delinquent boys it is an easy way of earning money by threatening violence to adult male fellators. These norms integrate the two types of "deviators" into an institutionalised form of prostitution and protect the boys from self-definitions either as prostitutes or as homosexuals. Pretty much the same was noted in France[92]. These patterns noted in metropolitan areas of every continent give the impression of an exchange system rather than solely an organised subculture of exploitation. This may be so given the theoretical continuity with adult male prostitution.


Working within a poststructuralist perspective, Leahy (p18-74)[93] discusses sexual connotations, implications and age differences as being represented by negotiated meanings arising within age stratified contexts of all-male groups and dyads. These meanings are interpreted as "discursive strategies that conserve aspects of the dominant discourse and that nevertheless validate the [occurring] transgression". Thus, the author identified


"[…] two types of minimization of the sexual aspect of intergenerational relationships. One is the discursive positioning of the younger party as a participant in a game, a situation of play. The sexual aspect of what occurs is set to one side, although both participants are in another sense quite well aware of it. The second is the minimization and restriction of activities discursively constituted as paradigmatically sexual, the restriction of sexual contact to cuddling and petting, and the avoidance of such things as penetration, nakedness, orgasm and genital contact. […] In general, the strategy of minimization works to conserve a powerful and relevant discourse by suggesting that the transgression against it is relatively minor and unimportant. While this expresses deference to the dominant discourse, it occurs in situations where what is actually taking place is undoubtedly transgressive".


Leahy goes on to identify three different strategic moves in minimising sex: (a) refusing positions offered within dominant discourses, (b) presentation of events as exceptions that prove the rule, and (c) changing the discourse. The author further demonstrates how transgressions within dominant discourses are validated by the use of ambivalence as a strategy, by denying the relevance of the dominant discourse, by reversing the discourse, and further by claiming the transgression.


Not selecting for a positive outcome or reflection, sociology becomes a quite different tool, narratives helping to "delineate emotional and relational vulnerabilities" in this age group and population and "clarifying" the role romantic or sexual relationships with an older individual plays in adolescent "risk-taking, self-repair and revictimization"[94]. This narrative suggests that the format and motives of the study determine the eventual conclusions, a situation posing a significant problem to the interpretation of contemporary literature. Dominant discourses, to follow Leahy's entry, redefine what could have been the issue of objectivity to an issue of morality and ethical restraint; it solidifies itself by systematically eradicating a specific part of human agency. Clearly, the application of concepts such as "manufactured sexualities" should be renegotiated to challenge constructs as ("participated"?) revictimisation, "pathological sexualisation", etc.


A transitional form between positivism and negativism may be appreciated in Gilgun's (1995)[95] postmodern entry to incest, thus motivated:


"The fragmentation in the discourse of incest perpetrators fits well with postmodern views of the world as paradoxical, ambiguous, and inconsistent. An explicit postmodernist analysis of narratives of persons who commit incest or other abusive acts could illustrate and elaborate this aspect of postmodernism […]. A second reason to undertake a postmodernist analysis of narratives of persons who commit abusive acts is the potential to demonstrate the limits of the plasticity of discourse" (p278).




14.4.3 The Ethical Impression: Perspectives for the Constructionist [up] [Contents]


Cross-cultural considerations of sexual "abuse" experiences among children are predominantly informed within the scope of American ethnic minorities, and therefore being subculturalist rather than truly cross-cultural[96]. A collection of subcultural peculiarities was edited by Fontes (1995)[97]. Most writers argue for a "cross-national" approach in discussing combat motivation and strategies (e.g., Finkelhor and Korbin, 1988)[98], thereby bypassing both the etic and the emic pursuit. Only some authors[99] have specifically addressed this issue of cultural definition. It must be argued that American definition of "child sexual abuse" is predominantly informed by age difference, and hardly any definition goes without it.


The social constructionist understanding of child sexual abuse is jeopardised by this biomedical developmentalism. Since the middle of the 1990s, constructionist accounts of "sexual abuse" of children have been offered at the casuistic-clinical[v] and sociostructural level[vi], delineating the historical uses of the concept by "patients", "clients", "doctors", "lawyers" as well as by (and regarding[100]) social interest groups, such as feminists. Further, this line of approach may address the contemporary issue of children as sexual abusers[101]. Taken together, "positivist", historical[vii], and anthropological[102] studies may clarify patterns of traumatogenesis as well as use of historiography in contemporary academic performance within sexual discourses.


Jenkins[103] argued for the image of "an American social problem [being] exported more or less intact to Europe". Thus, over two decades "European nations have adopted what were once distinctively North American concepts of pedophiles and sexual offenders against children", which would be partially attributable to worldwide dominance of American mass media. Babington [104] wonders whether these media have "acted more to define public opinion than to express it". A definite cultural pendant of "abuse" ethics, paedophilia can be studied as a journalist discourse (e.g., Kitzinger, 1997)[105]. A qualitative analysis of the content and language of selected Italian newspaper items published 1992-1999 was used by Gianesini (2000)[106] to investigate the definitional process that has gradually accompanied (contributed to?) the emergence of paedophilia as a social problem. A comparison of the 1984-9 Dutch situation as characterised by Maassen[107] may prove interesting. A recent British account is provided by Critcher (2002)[108]. Note that British media are concurrently accused of pathologising collective 'anti-paedophile' efforts (Drury, 2002)[109].

Some further modern historical issues related to the concept of sexual dangers for children were collected by Rossen and Schuijer[110].




14.5 Discussion: "Paedophilia" as a Central Cultural Discourse [up] [Contents]


Reporting in 1981, Mohr[111] stated:


"In spite of what has been termed the Freudian revolution with its discovery [sic] of infantile sexuality (Freud, 1905), and in spite of an increasing frankness in public discussion of sexual variances and the recognition of the need for sex education in schools, children's sexual interests as such have never been acknowledged except in their relationship to future sexual functioning. Children are basically still treated as asexual beings with some cognitive interest in sexuality. Actual sexualization is generally acknowledged only in puberty and even then the social response is one of control. We can thus observe all the attributes of a taboo, in which sex play between children can still be ignored or controlled by social disapproval, but in which sexual interaction between adults and children constitutes a break which has to be publicly stigmatized and controlled by institutional means" (ital.add.).


In this statement, Mohr verbalises what may be the essential social function of the contemporary "paedophilia" concept: curricularisation. The paedophile represents a threat to sexual behaviour trajectories via his introducing the child to operationalising knowledge. The rejection of this (direct) influence is a function of curricularising tendencies that apparently fluctuate over time. The experience is thus by cultural definition extracurricular, or, contemporarily, discurricular. Rather than providing a communicative "Catch-22" (Money), it represents the co-existence of incompatible operationalisation efforts (that is, assigned agendas, recruitment policies). Both parties then attract nosological interpretations and medical discourses, a tendency also manifestly variable over time. Curricular operationalisations are identified by their subjectification /objectification strategies and ideologies. In contemporary Western discourse, opposing a wealth of ethnohistorical examples, it has become politically impossible either to promote unbalanced objectification principles or legitimise objectification through pseudo-subjectification principles. However Western ideals of erotic subjects (rather than objects) shape sexual discourses, contemporary practices do not so much as directly facilitate either principle, but roughly provide an age-segmented environment where such principles are laterally to be "picked up along the way". Whereas (sub)culture-wide objectification theoretically facilitates a rapid and unambiguous assimilation into exchange systems, identification is accomplished only after a protracted and complex curriculum, given (a) the absence (and counteraction) of objectifying principles, and (b) interference by and the need to resist nevertheless pervasive objectification principles, and (c) identification being counteracted by an avoidance of (early) cross-segmental transmission of sexual attitudes and techniques. This complexity arises in the main institutions that provide subjective or objective sexual behaviour identities: the family and the marital bond. In the early years, the child will not be subjectified, partially for fear of its being objectified (="abused") in the process; finally ending up having "subjectified themselves", they might fail to be partners on the basis of this unilateral individualism, or may prolong the definition of "adult sexuality" on this very basis.


[1] Friedjung, J. (1923) Die Kindliche Sexualität und ihre Bedeutung für Erziehung und Ärztliche Praxis. Berlin: Julius Springer

[2] Goodwin, R. & Cramer, D. (2002) Inappropriate relationships in a time of social change...some reflections on culture, history, and relational dimensions, in Goodwin, R. et al. (Eds.) Inappropriate Relationships: The Unconventional, the Disapproved, and the Forbidden. LEA's Series on Personal Relationships. Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, p247-63

[3] Gilgun, J. F. (1994) Avengers, Conquerors, Playmates and Lovers: Roles Played by Child Sexual Abuse Perpetrators, Families in Society 75,8:467-79

[4] Howitt, D. (2002) Social exclusion--Pedophile style, in Goodwin, R. et al. (Eds.) Inappropriate Relationships: The Unconventional, the Disapproved, and the Forbidden. LEA's Series on Personal Relationships. Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, p221-43

[5] The author will refrain from distracting moral classifications.

[6] E.g., Kelly, R. J. & Scott, M. M. (1986) Sociocultural considerations in child sexual abuse, in MacFarlane, K. et al. (Eds.) Sexual Abuse of Young Children: Evaluation and Treatment. New York & London: The Guilford Press, p151-63

[7] Schwarz, H. ([1830]) Geschiedenis der Opvoeding […]. 2nd ed. Utrecht: S. Alter. Vol. I, p355

[8] Louis MacNeice, "Autumn Journal", section ix, as cited by Arkins, B. (1994) Sexuality in Fifth-Century Athens, Classics Ireland []

[9] The former term, initially proposed by Rogers and Weiss (1953), appealed to child initiative or contextual willingness as a part of the "interactive" "victimising" sequence. It was issued by a number of authors including Mohr and Turner (1964:p34-5), Potrykus and Wöbcke (1974 [1976:p65-9]) citing research by Schönfelder (1965, 1968), Silverman (1974), Virkkunen (1975, 1981), Ingram (1979/1981), MacVicar (1979), Sandfort (1981:p45-8) and Bryant (1982:p313-4). Some authors equally suggested that children and adolescents may "seduce" those considerably older than themselves (e.g., Brongersma, 1987:p197-203). It is likely that the occurrence of "victim-precipitation", or "non-opposition" has eroded under the stress of educational measures promoting "awareness and assertiveness" in these situations. This has possibly changed the initial appraisal of the experience over the last decades. At least the child can now be considered an active factor in the cultural determination of the nonoccurrence of these incidents.

[10] Myers, J. E. B., Diedrich, S., Lee, D., Fincher, K. McC. & Stern, R. (1999) Professional writing on child sexual abuse from 1900 to 1975: Dominant themes and impact on prosecution, Child Maltreatm 4,3:201-16

[11] Lafon, M. R., Trivas, J. & Pouget, R. (1958) Aspects psychologiques des attentats sexuels sur les enfants et les adolescents, Ann Medico-Psychol 2:865-96

[12] "Mentor" systems: Korea (Wha rang), Azande, South African / Mozambique gold mines (bukhontxana), premodern Japan (shudo), Australian Aborigines (Chookadoo , Mullawongah), New Guinea, New Hebrides (Malekula Big Nambas, South and North Raga), East Bay, premodern Greece (eromenos).

[13] Indonesia (anak djawi, sedatis, gandrungs, gemblakan, basirs), Afghanistan (Bačabozlik), premodern China, and selected African cases (Swahili, Herero, Hottentot, Ovambos, Mossi, Nkundo, Bangala, Zulu)

[14] E.g., Xokleng, Kaingángs, Kagaba

[15] These are rated for some of the SCCS societies under the heading of Household Division of Work.

[16] The clinical "normalcy" "epheboteleiophilia" is suggested by PPG testing in normal males (using adolescents, 12-16; Freund, K. & Costell, R. (1970) The structure of erotic preference in the nondeviant male, Behav Res & Ther 8,1:15-20). However, see Cimbolic, P., Wise, R.A., Rossetti, S. & Safer, M. (1999) Development of a combined objective ephebophile scale, Sexual Addict & Compuls 6,3:253-66. Bernard (1979/1985:p57, 58) reported two studies (1973, 1977) that illustrated a continuous variety of age range of sexual interest. Money (1991:p5) is "of the strong impression, although I've never proven this, that we ought to have a Greek word for twentyophiles, thirtyophiles, fortyophiles".

[17] American Psychiatric Association (1980, 1987, 1994) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, III, IIIr, IVth. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association

[18] Erhardt, V. (1993) A Phenomenological Study of the Father's Experience of Erotic Response to the Daughter. PhD Dissertation, Georgia State University [DAI-B 54/10, p5424, April 1994]

[19] E.g., Shultz, L. G. (1982) Child sexual abuse in historical perspective, J Soc Work & Hum Sex 1:21-35; Wasserman, S. & Rosenfeld, A. (1992) An overview of the history of child sexual abuse and Sigmund Freud's contributions, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, p49-72; Haas, E. Th. (2000) Kinderschändung: Dramatisieren der Krise. Zeitgemässe Betrachtungen zu einem alten Thema, Zeitschr Psychoanal Theor & Prax 15,1:37-60; Rush, F. (1980) The Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall; Olafson, E., Corwin, D. L. & Summit, R. C. (1993) Modern History of Sexual Abuse Awareness: Cycles of Discovery and Suppression, Child Abuse & Negl 17:7-24; Coldrey, B. M. (1996) The sexual abuse of children: the historical perspectives, Studies 85:370-80; Masters, R. E. L. (1962) Forbidden Sexual Behavior and Morality: An Objective Re-Examination of Perverse Sex Practices in Different Cultures. New York: Julian Press, p363-411; Lloyd, R. (1977) Playland: A Study of Human Exploitation. London: Blond & Briggs. See Ch. 6: The History of Boy Prostitution; Kahr, B. (1991) The Sexual Molestation of Children: Historical Perspectives, J Psychohist 19,2:191-214; Bullough, V. L. (1990) History in adult human sexual behaviour with children and adolescents in western societies, in Feierman, J. (Ed.) Pedophilia, Biosocial Dimensions. Springer-Verlag, New York, p69-90; Breiner, S. J. (1985) Child abuse patterns: Comparison of ancient Western civilization and traditional China, Analytic Psychother & Psychopathol 2,1:27-50; Killias, M. (1990) The historic origins of penal statutes concerning sexual activities involving children and adolescents, J Homosex 20,1/2:41-6; Trube-Becker, E. (1997) Historische Perspektive sexueller Kontakte zwischen Erwachsenen und Kindern bzw. Jugendlichen und die soziale Akzeptanz dieses Phänomens von der Zeit der Römer und Griechen bis heute, in Amann, G. & Wipplinger, R. (Eds.) Sexueller Mißbrauch: Überblick zu Forschung, Beratung und Therapie. Ein Handbuch, Tübingen: Dgvt-Verlag, p39-51; Bolen, R. M. (2001) Child Sexual Abuse: Its Scope and Our Failure. New York, NY, US: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers; Jones, I. H. ([1992] 2000) Cultural and historical aspects of male sexual assault, in Mezey, G. C. & King, M. B. (Eds.) Male Victims of Sexual Assault. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p113-24; Mullis, J. S. & Baunach, D. M. (2000) Surveilling Pedophilia: Sexual Deviance and the Quandaries of Social Control. Paper for the Society for the Study of Social Problems; Howitt, D. (1995) Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children. Chichester [etc.]: J. Wiley & Sons, p231-7; Smart, C. (2000) Reconsidering the Recent History of Child Sexual Abuse, 1910-1960, J Soc Policy 29,1:55-71; and many works of DeMause.

[20] La Fontaine, J. S. (1988) Child sexual abuse and the incest taboo: practical problems and theoretical issues, Man 23:1-18. See also Nelson, J. A. & Meller, J. R. (1994) Incest taboo and sexual abuse, in Krivacska, J. J. & Money, J. (Eds.) The Handbook of Forensic Sexology: Biomedical & Criminological Perspectives. New York: Prometheus Books, p80-97

[21] Mason, T. (nd) Incest: Frontiers and Syncretism. Online paper, at

[22] Fox (1962) argued that siblings would stimulate each other sexually through their regular interactions and because these feelings could not be satiated by orgasm (in prepuberty), a sexual frustration would result causing Westermarck's aversion.

[23] Spain, D. H. (1987) The Westermarck-Freud Incest-Theory Debate: S. J. (1985) Child abuse patterns: Comparison of ancient Western civilization and traditional China, Analytic Psychother & Psychopathol 2,1:27-50; Killias, M. (1990) The historic origins of penal statutes concerning sexual activities involving children and adolescents, J Homosex 20,1/2:41-6; Trube-Becker, E. (1997) Historische Perspektive sexueller Kontakte zwischen Erwachsenen und Kindern bzw. Jugendlichen und die soziale Akzeptanz dieses Phänomens von der Zeit der Römer und Griechen bis heute, in Amann, G. & Wipplinger, R. (Eds.) Sexueller Mißbrauch: Überblick zu Forschung, Beratung und Therapie. Ein Handbuch, Tübingen: Dgvt-Verlag, p39-51; Bolen, R. M. (2001) Child Sexual Abuse: Its Scope and Our Failure. New York, NY, US: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers; Jones, I. H. ([1992] 2000) Cultural and historical aspects of male sexual assault, in Mezey, G. C. & King, M. B. (Eds.) Male Victims of Sexual Assault. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p113-24; Mullis, J. S. & Baunach, D. M. (2000) Surveilling Pedophilia: Sexual Deviance and the Quandaries of Social Control. Paper for the Society for the Study of Social Problems; Howitt, D. (1995) Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children. Chichester [etc.]: J. Wiley & Sons, p231-7; Smart, C. (2000) Reconsidering the Recent History of Child Sexual Abuse, 1910-1960, J Soc Policy 29,1:55-71; and many works of DeMause.

[20] La Fontaine, J. S. (1988) Child sexual abuse and the incest taboo: practical problems and theoretical issues, Man 23:1-18. See also Nelson, J. A. & Meller, J. R. (1994) Incest taboo and sexual abuse, in Krivacska, J. J. & Money, J. (Eds.) The Handbook of Forensic Sexology: Biomedical & Criminological Perspectives. New York: Prometheus Books, p80-97

[21] Mason, T. (nd) Incest: Frontiers and Syncretism. Online paper, at

[22] Fox (1962) argued that siblings would stimulate each other sexually through their regular interactions and because these feelings could not be satiated by orgasm (in prepuberty), a sexual frustration would result causing Westermarck's aversion.

[23] Spain, D. H. (1987) The Westermarck-Freud Incest-Theory Debate: An Evaluation and Reformulation, Current Anthropol 28,5:623-45

[24] E.g., Willner, D. (1983) Definition and Violation: Incest and the Incest Taboos, Man, New Series 18,1:134-59

[25] This dissociation is also described in Parker, S. (1987) The Waning of the Incest Taboo, Legal Studies Forum 11,2:205-21

[26] Hendrix, L. & Schneider, M. A. (1999) Assumptions on Sex and Society in the Biosocial Theory of Incest, Cross-Cultural Res 33,2:193-218

[27] Immerman, R. S. & Mackey, W. C. (1997) An additional facet of the incest taboo: A protection of the mating-strategy template, J Genetic Psychol 158,2:151-64

[28] Bell, V. (1995) Bio-Politics and the Spectre of Incest: Sexuality and/in the Family, in, in Robertson, R., Featherstone, M. & Lash, S. (Eds.) Global Modernities. London: Sage Publications Ltd, p227-43

[29] Cowburn, M. & Dominelli, L. (2001) Masking hegemonic masculinity: reconstructing the paedophile as the dangerous stranger, Br J Social Work 31,3:399-415

[30] Foucault, M. (Ewald, F. et al., eds., 1999) Les Anormaux; Cours au Collège de France (1974-1975). [Paris]: Gallimard / Seuil, p234, as read by Elden, S. (2001a) The History of Sexuality and the Constitution of the State. Paper prepared for delivery at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, August 30-September 2 [], at p5; and Elden, S. (2001b) The constitution of the normal: monsters and masturbation at the Collège de France, boundary 2, 28,1:91-105 [], at p101

[31] Murdock, G. P. (1949) Social Structure. New York: Macnillan, p318-9. Also cited by Bryant, C. D. (1977) Sexual Deviancy and Social Proscription. New York: Human Sciences Press, p304-5

[32] Op.cit.

[33] Gabb, J. (2001) Querying the discourses of love: An analysis of contemporary patterns of love and the stratification of intimacy within lesbian families, Eur J Women's Studies 8,3:313-28

[34] Money, J. (1980) Love and Love Sickness. Baltimore [etc.]: Johns Hopkins University Press

[35] Tsang D. (Ed., 1981) The Age Taboo. Boston: Alyson Publications

[36] Consider Johnson, W. (1977) Childhood sexuality: the last of the great taboos? SIECUS Report 5,4:1,2,15; Sonenschein, D. (1984) Breaking the taboo of sex and adolescence: children, sex, and the media, in Browne, R. (Ed.) Forbidden Fruits: Taboos and Tabooism in Culture. Bowling Green: Popular Press, p111-32; Mönkemeyer, K. (1993) Kindliche Sexualität Heute: Tabus, Konflikte, Lösungen. Weinheim, Basel: Beltz Quadriga

[37] The Coolidge Effect (Wilson et al, 1963), which is studied in rats, golden hamsters, mice, Poeciliidae fish and prairie voles, can be defined as the restoration of mating behavior in males that have reached sexual satiation with 1 female and show a restoration of mating behavior when the original female is replaced with a novel female. Westermarck Theory (Westermarck, 1889) maintains that incest avoidance between siblings develops as a function of the inhibiting effect of continued proximity during the early years of childhood on later sexual interest.

[38] Fine, A. (1993) Laieos pedophile et infanticide, Rev Franc Psychanal 57,2:515-26

[39] Pauncz, A. (1933) Der Learkomplex, die Kehrseite des Oedipuskomplexes. Beitrag zur Sexualtheorie, Ztschr Ges Neurol & Psychia 143:294-332; Pauncz, A. (1951) The concept of adult libido and the Lear complex, Am J Psychother 5:187-95; Pauncz, A. (1952) Psychopathology of Shakespeare's King Lear: exemplification of the Lear Complex (a new interpretation), Am Imago 9:57-78; Pauncz, A. (1954) The Lear complex in world literature, Am Imago 11:51-83; Patricolo, F. (1994) The Lear complex: Shakespeare's King Lear family in therapy, DAI 54(10-B):5373. In Pauncz's 1951 article, the Chief Medical Director, Department of Medicine and Surgery, Veterans Administration, Washington, having provided permission for its publication, explicitly assumed "no responsibility for the opinions [!] expressed or conclusions drawn by the author".

[40] For literary studies, see Pauncz (1954) and Jaarsma (1972).

[41] Ross, J. M. (1982) Oedipus revisited. Laius and the "Laius complex", Psychoanal Study Child 37:169-200. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in Psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p285-316; Ross, J. M. (1985-6) The darker side of fatherhood: clinical and developmental ramifications of the "Laius motif", Int J Psychoanal Psychother 11:117-54. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in Psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p389-417; Ross, J. M. & Herzog, J. M. (1985). The sins of the father: Notes on fathers, aggression, and pathogenesis, in Anthony, E. J. & Pollock, G. (Eds.) Parental Influences. Boston: Little, Brown, p477-510

[42] Also note the reations to the 1985/6 paper by Kwawer and Esman. For a panel on Laius' paedophilia, see Rev Franc Psychanal 57(1993),2 with contributions of Rocha, Fine, Barande, Chabert, Chauvel, Hurry, Arfouilloux and Nicolaiedis & Nicolaiedis. See also Knausen (1972); Vernon, Th. (1972) The Laius Complex, Humanist, November/December, p27-8; Le Guen, C. (1974) The formation of the transference: or the Laius complex in the armchair, Int J Psychoanal 55,4:505-18

[43] Using JSTOR, on articles only: Annual Review of Anthropology (1972-1996); Anthropology Today (1985-1996); Current Anthropology (1959-1999); Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (1995-1996); Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1907-1965); Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (1965-1973)

[44] British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies (1991-1998); International Journal of Middle East Studies (1970-1996); Journal of Palestine Studies (1971-1997); Middle East Report (1988-1996); Pakistan Forum (1970-1973)

[45] Asian Survey (1961-1997); China Journal (1995-1996); Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1936-1996); Journal of Asian Studies (1956-1998); Journal of Japanese Studies (1974-1996); Modern China (1975-1998); Monumenta Nipponica (1938-1996); Pacific Affairs (1928-1997)

[46] International Journal of African Historical Studies (1972-1998); Journal of Modern African Studies (1963-1996); Journal of Southern African Studies (1974-1998)

[47] African American Review (1992-1998); Callaloo (1976-1994); Journal of Black Studies (1970-1998); Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (1993-1999) Journal of Negro Education (1932-1996); Journal of Negro History (1916-1998); Transition (1961-1999)

[48] Bourgois, Ph. I. (1995) In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. 1996 printing, p68, 264

[49] E.g., Beckett, K. (1996) Culture and the politics of signification: the case of child sexual abuse, Social Problems 43,1:57-76; Levett, A. (1994) Problems of cultural imperialism in the study of child sexual abuse, in Dawes, A. & Donald, D. (Eds.) Childhood & Adversity: Psychological Perspectives from South African Research. Claremont, South Africa: David Philip Publishers (Pty) Ltd., p240-60; Levett, A. (1995) Discourses of child sexual abuse: Regimes of truth? In Lubek, I., Hezewijk, R. van, et al. (Eds.) Trends and Issues in Theoretical Psychology. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Co., p294-300 / Levett, A. (1996) Discursos sobre el abuso sexual del menor. Regimenes de poder? In Lopez, A. & Iglesias, L. (Eds.) Psicologia, Discurso y Poder: Metodologias Cualitativas, Perspectivas Criticas. Madrid: Visor, p235-46; Thompson, Sh. J. (1988) Child sexual abuse redefined: Impact of modern culture on the sexual mores of the Yuit Eskimo, in Sgroi, S. M. (Ed.) Vulnerable Populations, Vol. 1: Evaluation and Treatment of Sexually Abused Children and Adult Survivors. Lexington, MA, England: Lexington Books/D. C. Heath & Com., p299-310; Angelides, S. (2002) Feminism, Child Sexual Abuse, and the Erasure of Child Sexuality. Paper presented at the Cultural Studies Association of Australia Conference, University of Melbourne, December 5-7; Angelides, S. (in press) Historicizing Affect, Psychoanalyzing History: Pedophilia and The Discourse of Child Sexuality. Forthcoming in the Journal of Homosexuality; Coburn-Engquist, J. L. (1998) The Politics of Protection: The (Re)Production of Child Sexual Abuse and the Governance of Citizenship. PhD Dissertation, University of Denver [DAI-A 59/11, p4010, May 1999]; O'Dell, L. J. (1998) Damaged Goods and Victims? Challenging the Assumptions within the Academic Research into the Effects of Child Sexual Abuse. PhD Dissertation, Aston University (UK) [DAI-C 60/01, p194, Spring 1999]; Schultz, P. D. (2000) A Critical Analysis of the Rhetoric of Child Sexual Abuse. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. One might also want to check Reid, Th. A. (2001) An Ethical Analysis of Discourse on Child Sexual Abuse. PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago [DAI-A 2001 Aug; 62,2:576]

[50] Hekma, G. (nd) Queering Anthropology. Online paper []

[51] Dundes, A. (1976) A Psychoanalytic Study of the Bullroarer, Man, New Series 11,2:220-38

[52] E.g., Walen, D A. (1995) "Lust-Exciting Apparel" and the Homosexual Appeal of the Boy Actor: The Early Modern Stage Polemic, Theatre Hist Stud 15: 87-103; Vicinus, M. (1994) The Adolescent Boy: Fin de Siecle Femme Fatale? J Hist Sex 5,1:90-114; Merrick, J. (1997) Sodomitical Inclination in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris, Eighteenth-Cent Stud 30,3:289-95; Starr, Ch. (1999) Shifting Boundaries: Gender in Pinhua Baojian, Nan Nü: Men, Women and Gender in Early and Imperial China [Netherlands] 1,2:268-302; Szonyi, M. (1998) The Cult of Hu Tianbao and the Eighteenth-Century Discourse of Homosexuality, Late Imperial China 19,1:1-25; Volpp, S. A. (1995) The Male Queen: Boy Actors and Literati Libertines. PhD Dissertation, Harvard University [DAI-A 1996 56(12):4779]

[53] Werner, D. (1998) Sobre a evolução e variação cultural na homossexualidade masculina, in Pedro, J. M. & Grossi, M. P. (Eds.) Masculino, Feminino Plural. Florianópolis: ed. Mulheres, p99-129. Cf. Werner, D. (2000) Homosexuality and Hierarchy. Poster for the International Behavioral Development Symposium

[54] Murray (2000) recognises three patterns of "homosexuality": age-structured, gender-stratified, and egalitarian. These three types have existed throughout the world throughout history.

[55] See for instance its Dutch use by Sandfort, Brongersma, and Van Naerssen in the Journal of Homosexuality's special edition on "Male Intergenerational Intimacy" (Volume 20, 1/2, 1990).

[56] Greenberg (1988:p26-40) recognises four patterns of "homosexuality": transgenerational, trans-genderal, class-structured, and egalitarian. See Greenberg, D. F. (1988) The Construction of Homosexuality. Chicago & London: Chicago University Press. See further p106-16, covering "sodomy in male initiation rites".

[57] The literary historical use of "paedophilia" represents a major problem. Freeman (1998) even suggests a "rather incestuous literary kinship web" of 19th to 20th century writers contributing to the genre of American "pedophilic picaresques". See Freeman, E. (1998) Honeymoon with a Stranger: Pedophiliac Picaresques from Poe to Nabokov, Am Lit 70, 4:863-97

[58] See, however, Arveiller, J. (1998) Pédophilie et psychiatrie. Repères historiques, Evolution Psychiatrique 63,1-2:11-34. For a sociological view, consider Kees, P. E. (1981) Sociogenese van de Afkeer van Pedoseksualiteit. Research paper, Tilburg, The Netherlands: Katholieke Hogeschool

[59] Leahy, T. (1994) Taking up a Position: Discourses of Femininity and Adolescence in the Context of Man/Girl Relationships, Gender & Society 8,1:48-72

[60] Thomson, D. F. (1933) The Hero Cult, Initiation and Totemism on Cape York, J Royal Anthropol Instit Great Britain & Ireland 63:453-537

[61] Examples inlcude Akan, Vagla, Amhara (lower class), Wolof (though premenarchal intercourse mentioned by Faladé), Marutze, Chewa, [Abessinier], Valenge, Nso', Koalib, Lozi, Luo, Nandi, Nubia, Fanti, Mambwe, Bari, Ibibio, Kanda, Nkundo Mongo, Bela, Lalia-Ngolu; Pakistan, Brahmin, Punjabi, Taiwan Hokkien (Sim pua), Chuuk (formerly), Islamic countries (Iran), Kurtachi, New Britain, Saramaca (for betrothed girls), Zorcas, Warao; Aranda, Malekula (Mewun, Big Nambas), Shipibo

[62] Tuareg, Luvale, Pokomo, Kunandaburi (Australia), India: Veda (debated; legally issued in 1846, 1891, and 1925); Adjeh (debated); Wolof (debated); Hausa (debated)

[63] Both the Apinayé and the Kaska apply negative biomedical associations to masturbation but poetic qualities to coitus; Kaska coitarche, however, was a negative experience, the belief being used both as a preventative warning and to pressure girls into "confessing" the presumed antecedents of menarche after its occurrence. The belief therefore provides the correct impression of curricular control.

[64] In Tanzania, young girls not infrequently report having older men or Mshefas (those who provide) as sexual partners (Fuglesang, M. (1997) Lessons for Life - Past and Present Modes of Sexuality Education in Tanzanian Society, Soc Sci & Med 44,8:1245-54).

[65] The literature is unclear about the existence of "sugar mommies".

[66] Haren, J. van (1999) Mapenzi na Pesa: Girls in Search for Love, Sex and Money. A Study on Adolescent Sexuality in an Urban Tanzanian Neighbourhood. Occasional paper. Nijmegen [Holland]: Katholieke Universiteit Nijmegen

[67] Sellix, T. (1996) An Investigation into the Relationship between Older Males and Adolescents Females in Africa: Deconstructing the "Sugar Daddy". Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for Master of Arts in International Development. Washington, DC: American University

[68] Bledsoe, Caroline H. 1990 School fees and the marriage process for Mende girls in Sierra Leone, in Sanday, P. R. & Goodenough, R. G. (Eds.) New Directions in the Anthropology of Gender. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, p283–309

[69] Meekers, D. & Calvès, A. (1997) 'Main' girlfriends, girlfriends, marriage, and money: The social context of HIV risk behaviour in sub-Saharan Africa, Health Transition Rev 7, Suppl.:361–75

[70] Bohmer, L. & Kirumira, E. K. (2000) Socio-economic context and the sexual behavior of Ugandan out of school youth, Culture, Health & Sex 2,3:269-85

[71] Leshabari, M. T. & Kaaya, S. F. (1997) Bridging the information gap: sexual maturity and reproductive health problems among youth in Tanzania, Health Transition Rev, Suppl. 3 to 7:29-44: " 'Sugar daddies' have often been blamed for observed coital relationships between single girls and older men, where financial or material gain for the girls is implied (Lema and Kabeberi-Macharia 1992; Lwihula, Nyamuryekung'e and Hamelmann 1996). However, the `sugar daddy' phenomenon may be too simplistic an explanation for the dynamics of sexual relations in Africa, particularly with respect to the youth population. In a study conducted in Dar es Salaam for example, a large proportion of 200 teenagers with abortion complications, the majority of whom were single, reported their partners to be men above the age of 45 years (Mpangile, Leshabari and Kihwele 1993). Almost 40 per cent of these partners lived in the same poor neighbourhoods as the girls and were not perceived to be better-off financially. Thus financial and material benefit for the girls may not have been the only reason for their relationships with the older men. Often when the 'sugar daddy' phenomenon is discussed, a shift from established cultural rules which governed sexual morality and sexual partnership in the African context is implied".

[72] Silberschmidt, M. & Rasch, V. (2001) Adolescent girls, illegal abortions and "sugar-daddies" in Dar es Salaam: vulnerable victims and active social agents, Soc Sci Med 52,12:1815-26

[73] Davidson, J. O. (2001) The Sex Exploiter. Theme paper for the Second World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children

[74] Pedersen, W. & Hegna, K. (2000) Barn og unge som selger sex [Children and adolescents selling sex], Tidsskr Nor Laegeforen 20;120,2:215-20; Pedersen, W. & Hegna, K. ([2002]) Children and adolescents who sell sex: a community study, Soc Sci & Med [uncorrected proof]

[75] Ba, Y. (1981) Some elements for a debate on juvenile "prostitution" and its suppression, African Environm 114-15-16, ENDA Dakar, Senegal

[76] Stavrou, S. E. & Kaufman, C. E. (2000) "Bus Fare Please": The Economics of Sex, Gifts and Violence among Adolescents in Urban South Africa. To be presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, March 23-25, Los Angeles, California, United States []

[77] An elaborate annotated bibliography was part of the preparatory work.

[78] DeMause, L. (1989) The role of adaptation and selection in psychohistorical evolution, J Psychohist 16,4:355-71

[79] Crapo, R. H. (1995) Factors in the Cross-Cultural Patterning of Male Homosexuality: A Reappraisal of the Literature, Cross-Cultural Res 29,2:178-202. Also cited by Martz, E. E. (Spring, 2000) Transgenerational Intimacy– Developmental Friend or Foe? Research article, Cornell University. Munroe et al. (1969) earlier found nine such mentor systems. See Munroe, R. L., Whiting, J. & Hally, D. (1969) Institutionalized male transvestitism and sex distinction, Am Anthropol 7:87-91

[80] The list reads: (1) growing boys, (2) masculinising their bodies in preparation for warrior life , (3) for the provision of sexual play or pleasure for the older youths, and (4) for the transmission of semen and soul substance to subsequent generations. Herdt, G. (1997) Male birth-giving in the cultural imagination of the Sambia, Psychoanal Rev 84,2:217-26

[81] Cited in Pierce, L. P. (1997) Seniority, sexuality, and social order: the vocabulary of gender in early modern Ottoman society, in Zilfi, M. C. (Ed.) Women in the Ottoman Empire. Leiden [etc.] [Holland]: Brill, p169-96

[82] Tessmann, G. (1904) Die Pangwe. Berlin: E. Wasmuth. Vol. I; Murray and Roscoe (1998:p142)

[83] Guyon, who repeatedly refers to "numerous" personal experiences in the sexual lives of girls in various places, leaves no doubt to the effects of age disparate "initiations": "The early loss of virginity- and particularly, in many cases, before the onset of menstruation- reveals itself as a factor of good development and of asserted physiological balance- exactly the opposite of the neurotic girls who are found in western families and in convent schools. Girls thus initiated, even if they are very ordinary in appearance, grow beautiful. Their traits become regular, their face refines, their eyes widen and shine, their appearance become definite, their person grows healthy, their proportions harmonise. They grow taller, they attract attention [sic]. Sexual culture appears for these young plants an indispensable element highly beneficial to their development. They show none of the anæmia and lack of vitality which characterise girls who are shut up, and coddled, the victims of repression and of censure. They reach a state of equilibrium- physical, psychological and moral- which no other experience can assure". Sexual intercourse even "assists the maturation of her throat and bosom". See Guyon. R. (1950) The child and sexual activity; part II, Int J Sexol 3,4:237-47, at p243-4. A dissident Los Angeles-based front characterised by the title René Guyon Society roughly carries a pro-incest lobby.

[84] "Boy-love" is a "retro-cult" in contemporary Japanese subcultures that seeks to promote and celebrate (i.e., legitimise) this history-derived image via pornographic cartoons and novelettes. Mainstream, pornographic and nonpornographic Japanese cartoons, however, endemically exhibit the eroticisation and idealisation of paedomorphic qualities, suggestive of a culture-wide problem of shedding the concept of "young" (factually, prepubertal, or "cute", kawaii) from that of "erotic" and "sexual".

[85] Giovannini, M. J. (1981) Woman: A Dominant Symbol Within the Cultural System of a Sicilian Town, Man, N. S. 16,3:408-26, at p411

[86] "The innate vulnerability of women- defined in terms of their ability to be physically penetrated- is commonly cited to explain and justify their strict surveillance, which begins at puberty. On the one hand, puberty indicates the potential to create life, a potential that should come to fruition following marriage, But Garrese [Garre, Sicilian town] also believe that puberty marks the beginning of a woman's sexuality- her own sexual urges as well as her sexual appeal to men. Therfore from that point on a woman must be carefully guarded if her virtue is to remain intact".

[87] Osborne, R. (1995) A Critical Analysis of Research on Pre-Adult Sexual Socialization. Diss., Northeastern University (DAI-B 57/06, 1996, p4059)

[88] Rind, B. (1998) Biased Use of Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives on Male Homosexuality in Human Sexuality Textbooks, J Sex Res 35,4:397-407

[89] Referring, of course, to a methodological and not an attitudinal orientation.

[90] Sandfort examined 25 boys aged 10-16 and 20 men within selected contemporary dyadic affiliations. Leahy examined 19 selected (male and female) individuals who contemporarily claimed to have had a "positive" sexual "relationship" with an adult. Brongersma draws from an indefinite number of (male) correspondents, most of whom claimed to have or have had sexual contacts with minors or with boys younger than themselves; this was augmented by a limited account of boys. The accounts are fragmentary and unstructured. Wilson draws from a diary held by a single individual describing his sexual interactions with boys who were underage at that time, added to interview material involving a selected number of this individual's sexual associates (adults by then), who would without exception speak positively of their interactions. Rind, citing Savin-Williams, presents 26 selected male cases who were identified as having had sexual relations as adolescents between 12 and 17 years of age with adult males, most of whom voicing a predominantly positive attitude. A number of other accounts are less detailed.

[91] Reiss, A. J. Jr. (1961) The social integration of queers and peers, Social Problems 9:102-20. Reprinted in In Gagnon, J. H. & Simon, W. (Eds., 1967) Sexual Deviance. New York, N.Y.: Harper & Row, p197-228; and in Rubington, E. & Weinburg, M. S. (Eds., 1968) Deviance: The Interactionist Perspective. London: Macmillan, and in Rushing, W. A. (Ed., 1975) Deviant Behavior and Social Process. Chicago: Rand MacNally College, p254-67, and in Dynes, W. R. & Donaldson, S. (Eds., 1992) Sociology of Homosexuality. New York, NY [etc.]: Garland, p296-314

[92] Amado, G. (1951) Ethique et psychologie d'un groupe d'adolescents inadaptés, Évolution Psychia 1:3-30

[93] Leahy does not analyse the Dutch work of Sandfort and Brongersma. Also note two earlier activist papers circulated under Leahy's name entitled "Pedophilia and the construction of childhood" and "Child - adult sex: is it ever ok?" [avail. Homodok, Amsterdam, both ca. 1983], where he ventures to identify "voluntary" participation in (male homosexual) paedosexual relationships within the context of patriarchal/capitalist society. Cf. nondated papers received from the author.

[94] Saul, D. H. (2001) Young adolescent girls and older men: Issues of development, gender and abuse in sexual relations before the age of consent, DAI-B 62(3-B):1647

[95] Gilgun, J. F. (1995) We Shared Something Special: The Moral Discourse of Incest Perpetrators, J Marriage & Fam 57,2:265-81

[96] Maureen, C., K. & McEachern, A. G. (2000) Racial, ethnic, and cultural factors of childhood sexual abuse; A selected review of the literature, Clin Psychol Rev 20,7:905-22; Mennen, F. E. (1995) The relationship of race/ethnicity to symptoms in childhood sexual abuse, Child Abuse & Neglect 19,1:115-24; Kalof, L. (2000) Ethnic differences in female sexual victimization, Sexuality & Culture 4,4:75-97

[97] Fontes, L. A. (Ed., 1995) Sexual Abuse in Nine North American Cultures: Treatment and Prevention. Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc; Thousand Oaks, CA, US: Sage Publications, Inc.

[98] Finkelhor, D. & Korbin, J. (1988) Child abuse as an international issue, Child Abuse & Neglect 12,1:3-23

[99] Korbin, J. E. (1987) Child sexual abuse: Implications from the cross-cultural record, in Scheper-Hughes, N. (Ed.) Child Survival: Anthropological Perspectives on the Treatment and Maltreatment of Children. Dordrecht, Boston, Lancaster, Tokyo: D. Reidel Publishing Company, p247-67; Dempster, H. L. & Roberts, J. (1991) Child sexual abuse research: a methodological quagmire, Child Abuse & Neglect 15,4:593-95; Davenport, W. H. (1992) Adult-child sexual relations in cross-cultural perspective, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, p73-80; Rubin, G. (1984) Thinking sex, in Vance, C. S. (Ed.) Pleasure and Danger. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, p267-319; Scheper-Hughes, N. & Stein, H. (1985) Child Abuse Hysteria. Paper presented at the American Ethnological Society, Wrightsville Beach. Cited by Davis and Whitten (1987:p77)

[100] Hooper, C. A. (1997) Child sexual abuse and the regulation of women: Variations on a theme, in O'Toole, L. L. & Schiffman, J. R. (Eds.) Gender Violence: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New York: New York University Press, p336-51

[101] Brownlie, J. (2001) The 'being-risky' child: Governing childhood and sexual risk, Sociology 35,2:519-37

[102] La Fontaine, J. S. (1988) Child sexual abuse and the incest taboo: practical problems and theoretical issues, Man 23:1-18

[103] Jenkins, Ph. (2000) How Europe Discovered Its Sex Offender Crisis. Paper for the Society for the Study of Social Problems

[104] Babington, D. (1993) Sexual Outlaws and the Posses of Hearsay, Queen's Quart 100,2:491-503

[105] Kitzinger, J. (1999) The Ultimate Neighbour from Hell? Stranger Danger and the Media Framing of Paedophiles, in Franklin, B. [Ed.] Social Policy, The Media and Misrepresentation. London: Routledge, p207-21

[106] Gianesini, G. (2000) The Definition of Pedophilia as a Social Problem: The Case of Italian Newspaper Media. Occasional paper, Sociology & Anthropology Dept, U Central Florida

[107] Maassen, M. (1989) Pedofilie in the Media. Research paper, Free University of Amsterdam

[108] Critcher, Ch. (2002) Media, Government And Moral Panic: The Politics of Paedophilia in Britain 2000-01, Journalism Studies 3,4:521-35

[109] Drury, J. (2002) 'When the Mobs Are Looking for Witches to Burn, Nobody's Safe': Talking about the Reactionary Crowd, Discourse & Society 13,1:41-73

[110] Rossen, B. & Schuijer, J. (1992) Het Seksuele Gevaar voor Kinderen: Mythen en Feiten. Amsterdam /Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger [Dutch]

[111] Mohr, J. W. (1981) Age structures in pedophilia, in Cook, M. & Howells, K. (Eds.) Adult Sexual Interest in Children. London: Academic Press, p41-54

[i] Davidson, R. (2001) "This Pernicious Delusion": Law, Medicine, and Child Sexual Abuse in Early-Twentieth-Century Scotland, J Hist Sex 10,1:62-77; Groenink, E. (1995) Seks met kinderen als medicijn tegen AIDS, Opzij [Dutch] 23,9:41. Cf. Riemer, S. (1940) A Research Note on Incest, Am J Sociol 45,4:566-75: "A [American?] folk believe of indefinite origin is that sexual intercourse with a virgin has a therapeutic effect upon venereal disease in a male. Sometimes the belief is less specific; so that sexual intercourse with a young girl. Not necessarily a virgin, is believed to be beneficial to "disease", no necessarily venereal" (p575n4). This was also found in Zimbabwe: Epprecht, M. (1998) The "Unsaying" of Indigenous Homosexualities in Zimbabwe: Mapping a Blindspot in an African Masculinity, J Southern Afr Stud 24,4:631-51, at p647; and India: Tamba, S. (2001) From Hidden to Manifest Horror: Child Sexual Abuse, Philosophy & Soc Action 27,1:23-35. The South African case (e.g., Hinfelaar, 1994), presumed to be the place of origin (McGreal, C. (2001) AIDs myth drives South african baby rape crisis "due to AIDS myth", The Guardian, Nov 3; Pitcher, G. J. & Bowley, D. M. (2002) Infant rape in South Africa, Lancet Jan 26; 359(9303):274-5) was refuted by Jewkes, R., Martin, L. & Penn-Kekana, L. (2002) The virgin cleansing myth: cases of child rape are not exotic, Lancet Feb 23;359(9307):711, who could cite only one possible case. See also Millner, C. (2002) South Africa's Shame, Essence 33,4:114-7. Unconfirmed sources suggest the virgin myth exists in Botswana, Swaziland and other countries. See also Maxwell, J. (2000) Africa's lost generation,; Keeton, C. (2001) Infant's gang rape spurs outrage across South Africa, Nando Times, Nov. 10. In Jamaica, sex with a virgin is thought to cure gonorrhoea (Chevannes-Vogel, D. (1999) Prevention and management of reproductive tract infections in a slum in Kingston, Jamaica, Bull Med Mundi 73, Jun/Jul.).

[ii] Okami, P. (1990) Sociopolitical biases in the contemporary scientific literature on adult human sexual behavior with children and adolescents, in Feierman, J. R. (Ed.) Pedophilia: Biosocial Dimensions, New York: Springer-Verlag, p91–121; Bauserman, R. (1990) Objectivity and ideology: Criticism of Theo Sandfort's research on man-boy sexual relations, J Homosex 20:297-312; Brongersma, E. (1991) Boy-lovers and their influence on boys: Distorted research and anecdotal observations, J Homosex 20:145-73; Bullough, V. L. & Bullough, B. (1996) Problems of Research into Adult / Child Sexual Interaction, Iss Child Abuse Accus 8,2. Paper originally presented at the Western Region Annual Conference for the Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality, San Diego, California, April, 1996; Rind, B., Tromovitch, P. & Bauserman, R. (2001) The validity and appropriateness of methods, analyses, and conclusions in Rind et al. (1998): A rebuttal of victimological critique from Ondersma et al. (2001) and Dallam et al. (2001), Psychol Bull 127,6:734-58; Dallam, S. J. (2002) Science or Propaganda? An examination of Rind, Tromovitch and Bauserman (1998), J Child Sex Abuse 9,3/4:109-34

[iii] To list a few of these: Banis, V. J. (1966) Men & Their Boys: The Homosexual Relationship Between Adult and Adolescent. Los Angeles, CA: Medco Books; Dodson, V. (1968) Pederasty: Sex between Men and Boys. North Hollywood, CA: Barclay House; Stevens, L. (1969) Boys Together: A Psychological Sex Study of Sex Between Boys: Excerpts from Case Histories. Hollywood, CA: Books Unlimited; Anon. (1970?) Ecydiasm, Mutual Masturbation & Exhibitionism: ...A Complete Study and Survey of the Issues of Today. [Best Yet Series; vol. 1]; Winchester, J. (1988) Pulling It Off: Masturbation Practices of 191 Mid-Western American Boys. Amsterdam: Acolyte Press. German transl., Unter der Hand: Masturbationspraktiker von 191 Amerikanischen Jungen des Mittleren Westens. Holbäk: Gay Pubs, 1989; Winchester, J. (1989) Getting It On: Rites of Passage: Homosexual Histories of Six Heterosexual American Boys. Amsterdam: Acolyte Press [All cited works available from Homodok library, Amsterdam]

[iv] Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1982) The Sexual Aspect of Paedophile Relationships: The Experience of Twenty-Five Boys, Amsterdam: Pan/Spartacus; Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1983) Pedophile relationships in the Netherlands: Alternative lifestyle for children? Alt Lifestyles 5,3:164-83; Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1984) Sex in pedophiliac relationships: An empirical investigation among a nonrepresentative group of boys, J Sex Res 20,2:123-42; Sandfort, Th. G. M. & Everaerd, W. (1990) Male juvenile partners in pedophilia, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology, Vol. 7. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p361-80. The original qualitative works are written in Dutch. Cf. Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1979) De Ervaringswereld van Kinderen in Pedofiele Relaties/ Pedoseksuele Contacten en Pedofiele Relaties. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands; Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1980) Ervaringen van kinderen in pedofiele relaties, in Hermans, H. & Verstraeten, D. (Eds.) Zelfonderzoek, Waarderingen van Mensen in Diverse Toepassingsvelden. Deventer: Van Loghum Slaterus, p101-16; Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1981) Het Seksuele Aspect van Pedofiele Relaties: Ervaringen van Jongens. Sociologisch Instituut Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, the Netherlands, p37-88; Sandfort, Th. G. M. & Hoogma, M. (1982) Ervaringen van Jongens in Pedofiele Relaties. Sociologisch Instituut Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, the Netherlands, p9-55; Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1986) Jongens over Vriendschap en Seks met Mannen. Amsterdam: SUA. See also Sandfort, Th. G. M. (1983) Meisjes over hun pedofiele vriendschappen met mannen, Jeugd & Samenl [Holland] 13,2:105-15; Wilson, P. (1981) The Man They Called a Monster: Sexual experiences Between Men and Boys. North Ryde, Australia: Cassell; Rossman, P. (1985) Sexual Experience Between Men and Boys. Hounslow, Middlesex: Maurice Temple Smith; Brongersma, E. (1987) Jongensliefde: Seks en Erotiek Tussen Jongens en Mannen. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: SUA. 1986 English enl. ed., Loving Boys: A Multidisciplinary Study of Sexual Relations Between Adult and Minor Males. Vol. 1. Elmhurst, NY: Global Academic Publishers; Leahy, T. (1991) Negotiating Stigma: Approaches to Intergenerational Sex. PhD thesis presented to the University of New South Wales. Online ed., Books-Reborn; Leahy, T. (1992) Positively experienced man-boy sex: the discourse of seduction and the social construction of masculinity, Austr & N Z J Sociol 28,1:71-88; Okami, P. (1991) Self-Reports of "Positive" Childhood and Adolescent Sexual Contacts with Older Persons: An Exploratory Study, Arch Sex Behav 20,5:437-57; Rind, B. (2001) Gay and bisexual adolescent boys' sexual experiences with men: an empirical examination of psychological correlates in a nonclinical sample, Arch Sex Behav 30,4:345-68, citing material collected by Savin-Williams, R. C. (1997) "…And Then I Became Gay": Young Men's Stories. New York: Routledge

[v] Kincaid, J. (1999) Telling Tales of Terror: The Construction and Meaning of Childhood Sexual Exploitation. Paper presented at the 1999 Conference of the Western Region of SSSS; McCormack, M. J. (1989) Contested Discourses: The Social Construction of Child Sexual Abuse as a Social Problem. PhD Dissertation, Michigan State University [DAI-A 50/12, p4115, June 1990]; Davies, M. L. (1995) Childhood Sexual Abuse and the Construction of Identity: Healing Sylvia. London; Bristol, PA: Taylor & Francis; Crossley, M. L. (2000) Deconstructing autobiographical accounts of childhood sexual abuse: Some critical reflections, Feminism & Psychol 10,1:73-90; MacMartin, C. (1999) Disclosure as Discourse: Theorizing Children's Reports of Sexual Abuse, Theory & Psychol 9,4:503–32; MacMartin, C. (2000) Discursive Constructions of Child Sexual Abuse: Conduct, Credibility and Culpability in Trial Judgment, DAI-B 61,3:1698-B; James, A. (1998) What makes a child: issues from the social construction of childhood for an understanding of child sexual abuse, Anthropol in Action 5,3:2-6. For notes on "moral panics", see Gorelick, S. M. (1995) Child Sexual Abuse, Moral Panic, and the Mass Media: A Case Study in the Social Construction of Deviance. Phd Dissertation, City University of New York [DAI-A 56/05, p1992, Nov 1995]; Laine, C. (2000) The Sexual Abuse Scandal in Canadian Hockey: Expanding the Construction of Pedophilia. MA Dissertation, Carleton University [MAI 39/05, p1322, Oct 2001]; Rossen, B. (1989) Zedenangst: Het Verhaal van Oude Pekela. Amsterdam/Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger [Dutch]; and Peters, C. J. (1996) Headlines about Child Sexual Abuse: Was There a Moral Panic in Winnipeg between 1983 and 1985? MSW, University of Manitoba [MAI 35/05, p1237, Oct 1997]. See further McPhee, D. M. (1998) The Child Protection System: Organizational Responses to Child Sexual Abuse and the Social Construction of Social Problems. Phd Dissertation, University of Toronto [DAI-A 60/01, p249, Jul 1999]

[vi] Scott, D. (1995) The social construction of child sexual abuse: Debates about definitions and the politics of prevalence, Psychia, Psychol & Law 2,2:117-26; Atmore, Ch. (1996) Cross-cultural media-tions: Media coverage of two child sexual abuse controversies in New Zealand/Aotearoa, Child Abuse Rev 5,5:334-45; Beckett, K. (1996) Culture and the politics of signification: The case of child sexual abuse, Social Problems 43,1:57-76; Davis, J. Eu. (1999) Structures of Innocence: Sexual abuse, psychotherapy, and the construction of moral meanings, DAI-A 59(7-A):2749; Fischer, N. L. (2000) Sexualizing Abuse: Child Molestation, Power and the Law, 1885-1998. PhD Dissertation, State University of New York at Albany [DAI-A 61,4:1623-A]; Fischer, N. L. (1998) Defending the Symbolic Boundaries of the Family: Legal Discourse on Child Sexual Abuse. Paper for the American Sociological Association; Smart, C. (1999) A History of Ambivalence and Conflict in the Discursive Construction of the "Child Victim" of Sexual Abuse, Social & Legal Studies 8,3:391-409; Scott, S. (2001) Surviving selves: Feminism and contemporary discourses of child sexual abuse, Feminist Theory 2,3:349-61; Erbes, Ch. R. & Harter, S. L. (2002) Constructions of abuse: Understanding the effects of childhood sexual abuse, in Raskin, J. D. & Bridges, S. K. (Ed.) Studies in Meaning: Exploring Constructivist Psychology. New York: Pace University Press, p27-48; Berson, R. C. (1989) The Social Construction of Childhood Sexual Abuse: Toward New Theory and Research. PsyD Thesis, Antioch University/ New England Graduate School [DAI 50(4-B):1641]; Worrell, M. L. (2001) The Discursive Construction of Child Sexual Abuse. PhD Dissertation, Open University UK [DAI-C 63/03, Fall 2002, p417]

[vii] E.g., Shultz, L. G. (1982) Child sexual abuse in historical perspective, J Soc Work & Hum Sex 1:21-35; Wasserman, S. & Rosenfeld, A. (1992) An overview of the history of child sexual abuse and Sigmund Freud's contributions, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey, p49-72; Piekaar, P. (1994) Seksueel misbruik van jongens: een nieuw sociaal probleem? Amsterdams Sociol Tijdschr [Dutch] 21,2:30-50; Haas, E. Th. (2000) Kinderschändung: Dramatisieren der Krise. Zeitgemässe Betrachtungen zu einem alten Thema, Zeitschr Psychoanal Theor & Prax 15,1:37-60; Rush, F. (1980) The Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall; Olafson, E., Corwin, D. L. & Summit, R. C. (1993) Modern History of Sexual Abuse Awareness: Cycles of Discovery and Suppression, Child Abuse & Negl 17:7-24; Coldrey, B. M. (1996) The sexual abuse of children: the historical perspectives, Studies 85:370-80; Masters, R. E. L. (1962) Forbidden Sexual Behavior and Morality: An Objective Re-Examination of Perverse Sex Practices in Different Cultures. New York: Julian Press, p363-411; Lloyd, R. (1977) Playland: A Study of Human Exploitation. London: Blond & Briggs. See Ch. 6: The History of Boy Prostitution; Kahr, B. (1991) The Sexual Molestation of Children: Historical Perspectives, J Psychohist 19,2:191-214; Bullough, V. L. (1990) History in adult human sexual behaviour with children and adolescents in western societies, in Feierman, J. (Ed.) Pedophilia, Biosocial Dimensions. Springer-Verlag, New York, p69-90; Breiner, S. J. (1985) Child abuse patterns: Comparison of ancient Western civilization and traditional China, Analytic Psychother & Psychopathol 2,1:27-50; Killias, M. (1990) The historic origins of penal statutes concerning sexual activities involving children and adolescents, J Homosex 20,1/2:41-6; Trube-Becker, E. (1997) Historische Perspektive sexueller Kontakte zwischen Erwachsenen und Kindern bzw. Jugendlichen und die soziale Akzeptanz dieses Phänomens von der Zeit der Römer und Griechen bis heute, in Amann, G. & Wipplinger, R. (Eds.) Sexueller Mißbrauch: Überblick zu Forschung, Beratung und Therapie. Ein Handbuch, Tübingen: Dgvt-Verlag, p39-51; Bolen, R. M. (2001) Child Sexual Abuse: Its Scope and Our Failure. New York, NY, US: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers; Jones, I. H. ([1992] 2000) Cultural and historical aspects of male sexual assault, in Mezey, G. C. & King, M. B. (Eds.) Male Victims of Sexual Assault. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p113-24; Mullis, J. S. & Baunach, D. M. (2000) Surveilling Pedophilia: Sexual Deviance and the Quandaries of Social Control. Paper for the Society for the Study of Social Problems; Howitt, D. (1995) Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children. Chichester [etc.]: J. Wiley & Sons, p231-7; Smart, C. (2000) Reconsidering the Recent History of Child Sexual Abuse, 1910-1960, J Soc Policy 29,1:55-71; and many works of DeMause.