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The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002) [to Volume II Index] [to Main Index Page] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [I] [II] [III] [IV] Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually.
Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of
Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands 14 [previous chapter] [next chapter] Curricular Subjectification/Objectification of Erotic
Personhood. Renegotiating Performance and Participation A
Biosocial Entry to Cultural, Subcultural and Sporadic Operationalisation
Illustrated on the Basis of "Age-Stratified" Sexual
Behaviour [see supplementary Ethnohistorical Bibliography and Social Constructionist Bibliography] "Quod licet puerulo, non licet puero und umgekehrt"[1] Abstract: This paper explores eroticisation processes in
age-stratified settings. It is to suggested that the cultural erotological
meaning attached to childhood and puberty is associated with curricular
recruitment into adult sexual cultures. This defines whether the child is in
any sense a participating agent (e.g., "participating victim") in
(hypothetical) contacts with the ruling age class, and if so, what role it is
granted. The data suggest that ruling age classes, opposing a universal taboo,
may normalise age-stratified contacts by the advocacy of a given basis of
exchange or application of pedagogical principles. In other cultures, where recruitment occupies a marginalized
status because of the need for such recruitment being incidental rather than
pervasive, such functions are (possibly correctly) interpreted as symptomatic
of individual, curricular failures to
accomplish (curricularised) social
agendas, the result of which falls subject to pathologising. The tentative
conclusion reads that cultures (as do individuals) operationalise children as
erotic "objects" when such may be facilitated or required by teleiosocial
blockages or lateral interests; if not required, children are counter-operationalised as "victims" of
such (individual) operationalisation. The result is an individualised (as
opposed to a culturally or subculturally peer-shared) operationalisation (legitimisation) conflict. More generally,
complementation arguments are being used variably to legitimise given
social imperatives. If not, identification
processes are embraced to legitimise social recognition of nascent erotic
citizenship. This complementation / identification duality can be used to study
cultural legitimisation (operationalisation) principles from a child's
perspective. A constructionist study of age stratified sexual affiliation,
however, is not available in most cases; for the contemporary American
situation, ethical implications compromise the methodological soundness of past
and future study. Contents
14.1 The Erotic / Eroticised Child: A Perspective on
Cultural Baselines 14.2.0 A Note of the
Anthropology of Age Disparate Sexualities 14.2.1 Heterosexual
Age-Disparate Patterning 14.2.1.1 "Negotiating Stigma"?
The Sugar Daddy Principle 14.2.2 Homosexual
Age-Disparate Patterning 14.2.2.1 A Lesser Known
Variant: The Indonesian Case 14.3 Erotic Identity/Role Assignment: Structural
Variability 14.4 Negotiated Meanings vs Negotiated Studies 14.4.1 Sex Ethics vs Sex
Science 14.4.2 "Positivist" vs
"Negativist Performative Impressions 14.4.3
The Ethical Impression: Perspectives for the Constructionist 14.5 Discussion: "Paedophilia" as a Central Cultural
Discourse 14.0 Introduction [up]
[Contents]
This paper
departs from the assumption that erotic identity is subject to a
culture-identifying process of agenda assignment, a process shaping
trajectories toward an "ideal chronology" of events ("curricularisation"), and
specific as for the responsible authority, degree of interference and
functional aim (cf. chapter 3). Goodwin and
Cramer (2002)[2] discuss how the definition of "inappropriate
relationships" is likely to be "highly dependent on the cultural and
subcultural setting in which it occurs", and that "any comprehensive account of
inappropriate relationships needs to explain historical and cultural
differences". This formulation would leave room for a
discussion of "avengers, conquerors, playmates [or] lovers"[3]
all being "perpetraters" historically and cross-culturally speaking. The
application to "paedophilia" (e.g., Howitt, 2002)[4]
is imperfect to say the least. Applying our ethical axiom to age disparate[5]
sexual contacts, today's references to these settings are hardly
"comprehensive", or, if trying, rather theoretical[6].
This may in the past have been legitimised by its, as a Dutch translation of a
gone-by German work reads, "voor ons bijkans onverstaanbaren aard", roughly,
"to us incomprehensible nature"[7].
Or, as Louis MacNeice says, "so unimaginably different / And all so long ago"[8]. Within age disparate sexual confrontations, the role
of the younger individual is subject to a discussion via the hegemonic concept
of "abuse". In Western discourse, such hybrid concepts as "participating
victims" or "victim-precipitation"[9]
in the context of these contacts have surfaced in the 1970s. It was argued that
these arguments were phrased in a timeframe that "downplayed the seriousness of
the problem"[10] when
arguing, for instance, that "For children the sexual act was a means of
imitating adult personality and of participating in those activities
specifically associated with adulthood"[11].
Studying these situations cross-culturally, one encounters a wealth of life
phase-stratified homosexual patterns, including so-called mentor[12]
and, apparently, non-mentor systems[13],
as well as cases of rather fluid cross-generational boundaries, which are
generally heterosexual[14].
One also encounters prepubertally consummated age stratified marriages,
temporary age stratified sexual alliances in age-set societies,
semi-institutional child prostitution, etc. These cases, reasoning from a
"modern" ethical perspective allow the too-easy image that children are "put
into service" when circumstantial factors leave no other option to satisfy a
culturally instilled level of sexual needs (G., Ventilsitte). This determinism may not be different from the
child's integration into economic, political, ceremonial, and other parts of
social life[15], the child
being "recruited" when such is demanded by the imperatives of daily struggles,
and along the rules of specific economies (cf. §1.1.2). This ideology
can be challenged only by specific methodologies (see §14.4). If
anything, the said cases provide occasion for a cultural confrontation between
definitions of sexual competence (of both parties). This chapter is dedicated
to demonstrating some fundamental mechanisms, including the theses that (a) cultural
factors determine the timing of assigning and designing ("operationalising")
"sexual" identities; (b) in given
cases the design of these identities reflects given assigned discursive roles; (c) in these
cases, operationalisation efforts are based on complementation principles more
critically than on identification principles. 14.1 The Erotic / Eroticised Child: A Perspective on Cultural Baselines [up] [Contents]
For the time
being delaying the perhaps more compelling concept of "eroticised" or
fetishised innocence as dealt with in chapter 16, clinical data on normative human
erotic age orientation, using adolescent and adult male subjects (the female
case is largely unexplored) suggest a universal heterosexual hebephilia[16]. Congruently, this pattern is only marginally subject
to legal constraint in current Euro-American discourse, and explicitly excused
from medicalisation curricula (APA, 1980-1994)[17].
Inherently, it hardly enters academic reflection, other than the within the
territories of the historical and the foreign. The father's
experience of erotic response to his daughter, for instance, is a phenomenon
which largely has been ignored in theoretical and experimental literature[18]. This chapter proposes
the hypothesis that the female (and in selected cases, the "feminised male")
individual may be culturally supplied with
a potential erotic identity (thus, erotic potential) on the basis of her (his)
potential (or in fact ideal or idealised) partnership, a role designation that
may generally provide essential impetus to adolescent girls' heterosexual
development. Preadolescent claims to
the same status would be ignored, or deferred, for they will and cannot be answered legitimately. The timing of such
claims, therefore, is subject to a continuous negotiation. Thus, the complementation argument in the problem
of sexual status attribution holds that erotic subjects are legitimised as such if and when they are considered culturally legitimate sexual objects, and on such basis, which is in
part a reflection of adult erotic orientation. If not, they may need to be
de-eroticised, and their aneroticism "eroticised", that is, politicised, at a
less apparent level (Kincaid). This argument (erotic pseudo-subjectivity) then
serves as an a priori (rather than a posteriori) legitimisation of the
(culturally relative) ideal image of cross-age noncompatibility. This
noncompatibility is progressively legitimised by the entirely expectable
negative vicissitudes of confrontations in such sporadic cases in which this
issue of compatibility is subject to dyadic negotiations at fault with general,
or hegemonic, discourses (e.g., familial policies). This framework,
of course, does nothing to excuse any individual choice of such interpretation;
however, it also does not excuse any "cultural choice" of perspective. This
argument provides an entry for describing cultural variations in the
developmental curricularisation (structural age stratification) of eroticism.
For instance, it may describe Western eroticism being "operationalised"
(legitimised) within peer subcultures rather than the family setting as a
result of avoidance of paternal incest. It does not clash with the view of
sexuality from a political entry (Paige and Paige), the father emphasising his
daughter's sexual and reproductive potential so as to maximise her market value
in synergy to general emotional currents,
and de-emphasising if alliances are prearranged and until these arrangements
are ceremonially sealed, against general
emotional currents. It also provides an interpretation of the universal
tendency to reject subcultural legitimisation efforts that run counter to
established customs. A basis for
these claims lies in the frequency in which age-stratified patterns occur in
non-Western societies. This is appreciated below in the case of heterosexual
and homosexual age disparate patterns. No claim is made to explain the
occurrence of all (or any) cases on some economic or structural basis; however,
it seems clear that the child in these cases is provided with an erotic
potential (object status) which is at odds with the acclaimed ideal of age
egalitarianism, as well as of pubertal requirement, while at the same time,
such ascribed potential is primarily to be interpreted as the enforcement of a
complementary role fulfilment, i.e., serving partner's needs. Cultural
justifications, however, enact to variably evade, deny or transform this
interpretation, if at all informed by such ethics. 14.2 Age-Disparate Incidents and Patterns [up] [Contents]
Age
stratified sexual behaviour patterns including children have been inviting
subjects of modern historical reflection as well as conjecture[19],
but rarely in a cross-cultural sense (e.g., La Fontaine, 1988)[20].
To be clear, the phenomenon here addressed is supposed to occur not in spite of but because of age/phase disparities. The main interest of anthropologists
in early sexuality matters is that of the origin of the incest taboo, perhaps the "soggiest and heaviest" of
theoretical dumplings in the "ethnographic soup"[21].
Basic positions were formulated by Freud (Familiarity breeds Attempt) and
Westermarck (Familiarity breeds Contempt)[22].
Since, there have been reformulations arguing against a juxtaposition of both
arguments[23]. The main
problem with incest discussions within the authentic format, however, is that
there is a failure to integrate developmental solutions to patterned avoidance
relating to familiarity, kinship systems, age discrepancy and other
dissimilarities (e.g., gender)[24].
This has led to collateral academic curricula on "abuse" (including incest as
an unlawful and psychopathic category), incest as avoided category,
"paedophilia" as a psychopathic category, and "institutionalised" age systems
as functional ethnologically and historically (primarily, as symptoms of
problematic adult gender dynamics). A biosocial / ethological exploration
(Feierman, ed., 1990) remains without succession. These curricula, then, are
traditionally separate ramifications[25],
and accommodate different approaches to the question of development. A number
of fundamental generalisations implicit in much theorising are open for
reconsideration[26]. For
instance, how have incest taboos "historically been reinforced and extended" to
nonparental adults, especially men, beyond the immediate nuclear family?[27]
Taking
a different route, Bell[28]
has argued that "[t]he incest taboo is the principle of the premodern
system of alliances, while the modern deployment of sexuality threatens this
same system of alliances through the colonization of the family by sexual
discourse. This is exemplified in Freudian sexual discourse, in which the
family is threatened by child sexuality, the Oedipus complex, etc. However,
even the Freudian discourse of sexuality is double-edged, allowing for the
continued deployment of alliances, while saturating these same alliances with
desire". Specifically, "media-orchestrated moral panics"
addressing extrafamilial abuse would divert attention from the "extensive
variety of forms of sexual abuse" including those situated in the familial
setting[29].
Thus, "the case of incest shows the concurrent deployment today of strategies
of both alliances and sexuality, [suggesting] we should see the contemporary
family in terms of such a concurrent deployment". An interesting argument here was made by Foucault, suggesting that what
he calls this ''epistemophilic incest" of contact, observation, and
surveillance is part of the foundation of the modern family[30]. Murdock[31]
spoke of the "positive gradient of appropriate age". A positive or attractive gradient
[also including propinquity and kinship] was defined as to "exert steady
pressure against the […] negative or
repelling gradients" [including ethnocentrism, exogamy, adultery, and
homosexuality]. Thus, "inappropriate age is an important consideration in the
social control of sexual behavior and merits detailed examination" (Bryant,
1977:p305)[32]. Murdock
deals with age-disparate eroticism only in the (Freudian) context of "incest"
(p291-5), while his concept of "appropriate age" seems applicable only to
marital selection. This leaves unexplored the
matter of "stratification of intimacy" (e.g., Gabb, 2001)[33]
raised in later feminist contexts. Money
(1980:p45-9)[34] lists three
major taboos in children's sexual socialisation, which Money allows to partially
"overlap" the other: age-avoidancy, intimacy-avoidancy, and allosex-avoidancy. Age-avoidancy is connected to age stratification in sexual
behaviour and communication. Intimacy-avoidancy is described in terms of (particularly
parent-child) kinship taboos in discussing and observing sexual behaviour,
hampering "direct" intrafamilial forms of education. The foregoing two are
judged to be "not sex disparate, but […] applied equally to boys and girls in
the course of their development", as far as sources demonstrate far from an
obvious point. Allosex-avoidancy is discussed in terms of gender segregation
in situations of bodily exposure and "erotic communication". Note that all
three "taboos" issue "incest" dynamics. [Also note that the concept of "age
taboos" in counterhegemonic circles[35]
adding to a large list of "taboos" apparently related to age and sexuality[36].] Transgenerational
proceptivity is said to be counteracted by age-avoidancy, a "socially dictated
constraint on personal disclosure to people of a different age group than
oneself affecting erotic/sexual behavior and communication". Parents are
protected from incestuous arousal and proceptivity by the Coolidge effect,
and indirectly by the Westermarck effect in their offspring (Eibl-Eibesfeldt,
1990:p163; Wolf, 1970, 1995)[37].
Parental attraction to their own offspring is sometimes referred to as the Inverse Oedipus Complex, or
counter-Oedipus (Fine, 1993)[38].
Named after King Lear's pathological attachment to his daughters, especially to
Cordelia, a reverse "erotic fixation" is called the Lear Complex or "adult libido" or reversed Oedipus complex
(Pauncz, 1933, 1951, 1952; Patricolo, 1994)[39].
The Lear-complex is an incestuous fixation of fathers upon their daughters.
While the Oedipus complex depends exclusively upon the unconscious, the
Lear-complex involves rather the conscious (Pauncz)[40].
The concept was never elaborated upon, either clinically or theoretically. A
comparable syndrome is named after Oedipus' father, Laius. By the Laius Complex, Ross (1982,1985/6; Ross
and Herzog, 1985)[41]
means the "pederastic and filicidal inclinations that I [Ross] believe to be
universal among fathers"[42].
This complex, too, is hardly ever recognised among psychoanalysts. Researching
phenomena severely stigmatised within a cultural setting puts the scientific
industry to a test. Apparently, age-disparate patterning is an endocultural
medicolegal discourse about deviating individuals with little cross-cultural
reflection. The mere term "paedophilia" (or any of its
derivatives) is mentioned (searching fulltext) only in three articles in a
selected number of mainstream general anthropological magazines[43],
twice in the context of incest, and never in a cross-cultural sense. The mere
term (or any of derivatives) is not used in 5 Middle-Eastern Studies journals[44],
8 Asian Studies journals[45],
4 African Studies journals[46]
and only twice in 7 African American Journals[47],
one of them discussing Shirly Temple. This may be related to a number of
issues, among them incidence, cultural preoccupation, anthropologists'
avoidance, anthropological terminology, etc. For a comparison, the entire 2002
fulltext eHRAF lists the term twice: in both cases the same author fears
himself being conceptualised as a potential "pedophile"[48]. Authors[49],
however, have argued for a broader culturalist and historical scope, in terms
of perception, "diagnosis", intervention and decursus. Notwithstanding the
monolithic endoculturalist concept of paedophilia, the "functions" of
age-disparate contacts may be varied. Hekma[50]
considers "modern paedophilia" to be "very different in social and
psychological status and in ubiquity from Greek pederasty". Adult-child
contacts may serve functions relative to communal belief[i]
and transition ritualisation (Herdt, 1981, 1984) or traditionalised pedagogical
organisation (Eglinton, 1964). [Likewise, functions of initiation ceremonies
known to include "homosexual" elements (e.g., Dundes, 1976:p233-4)[51]
are variably positioned within a functionalist analysis]. Focussing
on the phenomenon within cultural frameworks, and on discursive levels, an
(arbitrary) a priori classification
was made between opposite-sex and same-sex contacts for purposes of
presentation. (It appears that scholars either universally deal with these
categories in separation, or integrate them on the fragile basis of lumping
them into an interventionalist or moralist agenda.) 14.2.0 A Note on the Anthropology
of Age Disparate Sexualities [up] [Contents]
Apart from
plenty of colloquial reading on the matter[52],
the following survey will deal with main studies addressing historical and
ethnographic accounts of regional age-stratified patterns. This review will not
be concerned with incidental patterns. The concept of "institutional" and
"age-structured" sexual practices are increasingly seen as culture-specific, a
dogma clearly advocated by Herdt's and others' terminological evolution.
Today's authoritative terms for less-than-incidental erotically motivated age
disparate attachments include the confusing "age-set pattern" (Murray and
Roscoe), "age-grade"[53],
"age-stratification", and "age-structure" [54],
terms to replace the obviously dissatisfying "intergenerationality"[55],
or "transgenerationality" (Greenberg[56]),
or its unification under the concept of "ritualisation". Most of the current
anthropology on age-structured or age-grade structured sexual practices deals
with these phenomena under the general flag of "homosexualities"; this, of
course, would be inadequate (though correct) in cases of which the younger
party is in prepuberty, a situation referring to the ethnopsychiatric (and
perhaps ethnolinguistic) problem of "paedophilia". Although homosexuality has
been successfully demedicalised in the West only since the 1970s, a genuine
ethnopsychiatry of homosexuality
never took ground. Even for "boy-love", ethnological consideration has hardly
been more than an apology, or close to it. More relevant, the definition of
paedophilia clearly lacks a cross-cultural intention, and has never addressed
the (world-wide) inclination to, and behaviours towards, young adolescents. The
conclusion that paedophilia has not been the subject of academic anthropology
is generally correct, with some exceptions. In what could have been a groundbreaking
1990 work on biosocial dimensions (edited by Feierman), this problem was not
answered definitively. Generally, the boy's proscribed or real age in
"boy-love" and "boy-marriage" customs is of remarkably little concern to "gay"
situated (armchair) anthropologists, and even to some "boy-love" apologists.
More relevant here, its meaning for sexual development remains debated in
nearly all cases. The obvious contemporary obsession with abusiveness has been
informed by the subchapters of "sexual abuse in historical perspectives" and
"sexual abuse across cultures" in the 1990s, although the current concept of
paedophilia is almost entirely neglected[57],
or rather, its term commonly abused (e.g., DeMause c.s.). One might equally
argue that a historical analysis of paedophilia as a medical construct has
received little penetrating research[58].
The failure, for instance, to parallel the terminological evolution from –philia
to –sexuality, requires further probing, especially in the light of what
could be considered the "sexualising" of paedo"phile" lifeways. It appears that
there are few other generalist ethnopsychiatric interpretations of
"boy-loving" than those offered within a psychohistorical setting (DeMause,
Kahr, Atlas) and within a sociobiological / ethological scope (Feierman c.s.),
while particularist and culturalist accounts were offered by
ethnologists (e.g., Herdt) and historians (e.g., Frayser, 1976). An integration
into contemporary clinical perspectives has not been offered. The
approach here taken is informed by the proposition that official and unofficial
sanctions on age difference in sexual systems are, if not critical, informative
to the concept of erotic curricularisation. The agency of the child, for
instance, is not discussed in most writings that assume the child is a static
object or answers to a static pattern of "participation", or a static pattern
of being victimised. 14.2.1
Heterosexual Age-Disparate Patterning [up] [Contents]
Over a range of
societies, age-disparate heterosexual
patterning is far less controversial intraculturally as its homosexual
counterpart, and its apology nor its antagonism, or even its study (e.g.,
Leahy, 1994)[59], in Western
society is in any way an academic tradition. This may or may not be related to
its premodern universality. We see that in nearly every part of the world, at
some point in history, institutions ensure adult male-female pubescent pairing.
This is frequently anticipated by earlier affiliation (betrothal), when the man
himself (e.g., Senoi-Semang, Gilyak, Nyakyusa, Nyamwesi, Nso', Australians,
Wari'), his or her mother-in-law (Arapesh, Chinese), or his co-wife (Nkundo
Mongo) raises his future bride. Thus, the husband "shapes" his child wife. Cape York Australian
natives rationalised their child-marriage by arguing that "the girl will not be
afraid of her husband if she grows up with him" [60];
she will also be sexually trained. The same is said about the Nyakyusa: "We have no evidence to
suggest that the girls in any general way dislike sleeping with their husbands
before puberty, rather the reverse; and the men say: "It is good, it accustoms
a girl to her husband" ". The occurrence
of heterosexual generationally disparate patterns is noted in many cases. A common pattern describes prepubertal betrothal, with
"delayed", pubescent consummation[61].
In other (mostly debated) cases, it is made explicit that conjugal consummation
does not await puberty[62].
More or less indifferent attitudes toward
incidental age-stratified sexual
contacts with prepubescents have been documented among the Nkundo (Hulstaert), Bangala
(Weeks), Hopi (Brandt), Trukese (Gladwin and Sarason), Easter Islanders (Metraux), New Guinea, (Strathern), Bemba (Richards) and in Uganda (Bohmer and Kirumira). More than
incidental age stratified patterns including prepubescents outside of wedlock
are said to occur for the Maya, traditional Haitians, Mombasa Swahili, Ingalik, Trukese
(fellatio) and generally in age set societies (Masai, Ariaal Rendille, Baraguyu, Nandi [debated]). The Babunda
practiced a rare kind of institutional child prostitution (Torday). In a modest
number of other cases, girls are said to be initiated (instructed) by an "older
experienced man", where it may also be true for boys (Sierra Nevada: Cágaba, Ica, Kogi; Polynesia: Tongareva Island, Easter Island). One might argue
that "poetic" beliefs act as a legitimisation for prepubertally consumed age
stratified marriage or routine seduction (Australian
Aboriginals, Bororó, Masai, Lepcha, Canela). For
example, at ages 6 to 14, a Canela (Eastern Timbira) girl "is appointed to be a
girl associate of a male society for one or a number of successive years. At
one or more ceremonial points in the festival, beginning in her early teens,
she has sexual relations with the society's members, teaching her that one of
her roles in mature Canela life is to keep nonrelated males sexually
satisfied". Congruently, "[g]irls almost always have intercourse before they
menstruate, so their experience reinforces the Canela theory that sexual
intercourse is the cause of menstruation" (Crocker and Crocker). This may well
be the case among those cases where there is infant betrothal (Andamanese, Nyamwezi, Azande, New Guinea, Tahiti) or at least female peripubescent marriage (Yemen)[63].
According to Swartz, one "rather sophisticated informant" suggested that "[…]
men only get interested in girls when the breasts begin to develop, that
perhaps both would begin without copulation, but that "we Trukese are bad and
when we see a girl is almost a young woman, we want to have intercourse with
her". Legitimisations seem to be leading their own life: in the Tukano,
Ramkokamerkra, New Britain, and (provisionally) Timbira cases, the coitogenic
menarche belief was observed to persist beyond contemporary
applicability. In most cases, one is justified to assume asymmetric matrimonial
alliances are the by-product of a polygynous system, or a shortage principle.
(No attempt will be made to analyse individual cases.) Thus, cultural
legitimisations of perceiving the child as an erotic (or at least matrimonial) subject include that of making the girl
grow up physically (cf. chapter 16), referring to some theological
institute or imperative (Indian dvadasis
and child marriage), legitimising some exchange principle, reasoning from an
economic perspective, promoting the idea of "necessary instruction", etc. 14.2.1.1 "Negotiating
Stigma"? The Sugar Daddy Principle (cf. Africa, Sugar Daddies) [up] [Contents]
Typical of Sub-Saharan Africa (Uganda,
Malawi, Kenya, Ethiopia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Tanzania[64],
South Africa) and the Caribbean
(Jamaica), the "sugar daddy"[65]
syndrome refers to older, relatively wealthy men who engage adolescents in
sexual relationships. School girls find sugar
daddies to pay school fees, etc. (Van Haren, 1999[66];
Sellix, 1996[67]; Bledsoe
1990[68];
Meekers and Calvès, 1997[69]
and refs.). In Uganda, a
semi-prostitution based sexual exchange between young adolescent girls and "big
men" would be "very common" (Bohmer and Kirumira, 2000:p277-81)[70]. Authors[71]
have argued against an essentialist concept of "sugared" relationships as
unilateral and coercive. Silberschmidt and Rasch (2001)[72]
observed that older adolescent girls are normally seen as victims and easy
preys of older and married men's sexual exploitation. However, the article was
to suggest that these girls are "not only victims but also willing preys and
active social agents engaging in high-risk sexual behaviour" with old males
(relationships called mpenzi). Discussing these abusive patterns within the "more diffuse forms of sexual economic exchange",
Johnson[73] argues that "[t]here
are thus many situations in which both adults and children are legally and
socially considered capable of giving meaningful sexual consent despite being
massively disadvantaged in relation to their sexual partner in terms of
socio-economic power. It follows, then, that the Sugar Daddy does not usually
need to distort social agreed ideas about childhood or sexual consent in order
to rationalise a sexual relationship with a teenage girl. Nor can his
motivations necessarily be described as aberrant. In many cultures, youthful
female bodies are considered sexually desirable, and men are expected to
demonstrate their masculinity through their capacity to command sexual access
to 'desirable' female bodies". Pedersen and
Hegna[74]
likewise contested hegemonic prostitution discourses, arguing that in their
study of sold sex by Oslo 14 to 17-year-olds, "[p]robably parts of the sex sale
experiences described in the paper may be best understood in terms of curiosity
and search for excitement". The subject, however, are nevertheless "in need of
help and protection". Ba (1981)[75]
suggests that early sexual experience is common among urbanised youth, using
data from French West Africa. Sexual games played in childhood rapidly change
into monetary and gift-based[76]
economies, which are tacitly accepted by society. 14.2.2 Homosexual
Age-Disparate Patterning[77] [up] [Contents]
With too much
ease, several cases of age disparate systems are commonly lumped into convenient
container categories, not unusually including absurd historical
interpretations: "The
earliest records on childhood sexuality [sic] for such early
civilizations as the Celtic, Germanic, Egyptian, Persian, Greek, Roman,
Japanese, Indian and Chinese all show ritualized pederasty of the Australian
and Melanesian type; i.e., boys beginning at seven to ten years of age were
forced to submit to fellatio and anal intercourse under the belief that women
were so powerful and men so weak that only in this way would the boys be able
to grow sperm and attain manhood" [referring to Herdt][78]. DeMause makes
many overt mistakes, including generalisations pertaining to age, emic
function, use of "force" (which is nowhere demonstrated), and the attribution
of "ritualism". This obviously problematises the very foundations of the
traditional psychohistorical claim. Apparently
justified, a meta-analysis of 17 cultures that incorporated homosexual
"mentorship" affiliation found that being 'mentored' usually
occurs in a military setting and serves as a "precursor" to heterosexual
marriage (Crapo, 1995)[79].
In these cultures, it is usually the case that older men consider extra wives
to be status symbols, and thus the mentorship system also prevents (or:
relieves) marital competition among younger males. Other significant
differences between the practices of mentorship and non-mentorship societies
were found, such as the prescription of (heterosexual) monogamy (0% vs. 16%),
whether the husband and wife typically sleep apart (44% vs. 18%), and whether
children are completely segregated with peers by their gender (42% vs. 13%). A
limited study (extensive review available elsewhere) suggests that allosexual
options (homosexuality, age disparate contacts, animal contacts) represent
cross-culturally stereotypical alternatives for blocked heterosexual pathways,
particularly for males, and in all
legitimised phases of the sexual curriculum. The parallelism between sexual
subcultures and individuals in this respect seems to be considered legitimate
only for those categories that are culturally disapproved; this can tentatively
be considered as a political bias. Cultural
legitimisations include that of making the boy grow up physically (Sambia, etc.)[80],
making him a "complete" citizen (ancient
Greece) or otherwise prepare him "for the duties and privileges of manhood"
(Malekula), or identifying some basis of exchange (e.g., South-African "wives of the mines"; East Bay, Small Island),
particularly monetary. The boy's 'objectification' is apparent in some cases,
while in others idealisation is a key feature. They are "to keep the men
faithful" during their service at the minefields (Ovambos); Mossi soronés were to play female
roles and serve men on Fridays when sexual intercourse with women was
prohibited; Adjeh boys are trained
to entertain their lords in alternative ways ["om hunne heeren op andere wijzen
te vermaken"]; etc. In early modern Ottoman society, as in other Mediterranean
and Near Eastern societies, "sexual congress between adult males and young boys
was not construed as "homosexual" or aberrant; what was deemed problematic was homoeroticism among adult males" (Pierce, 1997:p175)[81].
Another widely entertained rationale was that the passive partner could be
homosexualised, while the inserter was not. In selected
cases, both participants are "excused". Tessmann (1904 [I]:p131)[82]
notes how Pangwe boys "who as is
well known "have neither understanding nor shame" " have sexual acquaintances
with older men, who "are excused with the [...] assertion: a bele nnem e bango=
"he has the heart (that is, the aspirations) of boys". If anything,
this case is suggestive of discursive currents that run counter to the current
Euro-American one. 14.2.2.1 A
Lesser Known Variant: The Indonesian Case [to Indonesia]
[up]
[Contents]
A finding from various
parts of indigenous Indonesia (Sumatra, Bali, Sidjoengjoeng, Adjeh, Celebes,
Java) pre-1900 ethnographers have described not commonly known patterns of
cross-age erotics. Although few insights can be offered owing to the minimal
coverage by the authors, the boys seem to have had specific roles as suggested
by titles (anak djawi, sedatis, gandrungs, gemblakan, basirs). Two patterns particularly stand out:
that of a historically rooted patron-protégé or bilateral pattern (warok-gemblakan)
and a unilateral pattern of servants/dancers which contributed to chief's
personal prestige (sedatis), the boys being drafted, put on display and
performing at festive gatherings, accompanying the chief on trips, and being
exchanged as gifts. Then there is
the erotic appeal of the dancing, cross-dressed prepubescent (Kruijt, Jacobs,
Chabot). It only faintly resembles Islamic forms of age-stratified erotics,
which medieval poetry centralises adolescent males on a non-mentor basis (e.g.,
Pashtun ashnas, medieval Jewish "gazelles"). The sedatti
very much approaches, however, the Afghan Kuch-i safari ("travelling [boy-] wife"), or Bača ("singing
boy") as described by Burton (and others). An interim
conclusion reads that no specific studies add to the (condemnatory and casual)
references offered by representatives of the Dutch rule. An ethnohistorical,
ethnopsychiatric or ethical ramification restricting itself to these references
will be hampered by this fact. To anticipate on observations aired below, it
seems that this problem is a structural one encountered in many sites or
settings. 14.3 Erotic Identity/Role Assignment: Structural Variability [up] [Contents]
As anticipated,
I suggest that culturalised and individualised patterns operate along the same
tendencies to rationalise their operationalising children as erotic
object-subjects. The well-travelled scholar Guyon (1876 -1963), for instance, paralleled
the widespread (e.g., §11.1.1) tendency to biologise idealised agenda[83].
Kinsey and consorts' appeal to Guyon seems to be an awkward matter in this
respect, given the contemporary condemnation of his use of obscure sources for
his controversial child data (Reisman; see here).
It can further be observed that concepts of apprenticeship and mentorship via
or pertaining to phase-hierarchical erotic roles are being used by
self-identified "paedophiles" to ideologise individual and countercultural
erotic systems or, rather, dyadic affiliations[84]. In
the entire social construct, most clearly studied in academia and journalism,
the "paedo-erotic" (to use a once-preferred Dutch phrase) momentum / motive
appears sexualised in a sense that what may well be individuals' psychosocial
identity ultrastructure is subject to severe reductionism, filtering integral
human trajectories of experience and leaving a residue of the undesirable and
the unlawful. Apart from the decades of psychoanalytic record (a record
problematic for its own reasons) which suggested at least something of a
holistic concern, the social construction (or mere recognition) of factual
paedophilic trajectories is an untrodden terrain, for obvious reasons, and it
can be hypothesised that very selective (and changing) culture-wide
reductionism is producing much of the undesirability, and identity. The
narrowness of the academic and lay scope may be "cultural". 1970s Dutch (and
later German) activist materials suggest that what be known as "paedophiles"
actually could have lives, in which they selectively produce and reproduce
reality (truths, misunderstandings): pathetic trajectories, perhaps, but hardly
"predatory" sec. A historical parallel may be drawn with the sexualisation
inherent in the social production of what would be "homoerotic" trajectories
(which is a somewhat more accessible, still not entirely legitimate, alley). Thing is that the social legitimacy of such
a parallel is obfuscating an objective developmental reality of nonnormative
trajectories. What appears to be a significant cultural routine, U.S.
culture-watchers seem to recognise "paedophilic" momentum is what would be the
changing erotic commodification of child objects, or, more problematic, of
"childhood" (the curriculum). The production of both the ethics and alleged
aesthetics involved are of central theoretical significance for the cultural
and human condition. In this line or reason, "paedophilia", as we know it, in
turn represents the functional commodification of those individuals that may
accept its essentialism and may be internalising its reductionism, a process
that appears to fuel and accommodate the continuous reorganisation and
fine-tuning of a hegemonic social narrative; a narrative that may have to do
with modernist (e.g., interventionalist) applications of personal pasts
("childhood") and notions of individualist reproduction ("children") more than
with pathetic or whatever lifestyles. "Paedophilia", again, is interesting here
only for its being a cultural exercise in the essentialisation, distribution
and instrumentalisation of truths (and ethnohistorically variable at that) that
shape the context of sexual developments. The above
examples are mostly taken from the ethnographic literature. It is hypothesised
that contemporary Western cultures less rigorously apply complementation
arguments, and have no social or economic need for age disparate
configurations. Instead, less definite operationalisations are used which
leaves the process to peer-organised identification (and to a lesser degree,
complementation) motives. By contrast, traditional societies tended to
centralise conjugal (e.g., Baganda, Luguru, Bemba, Nkoya; cf. Shirishana Yanomamo; Bangladesh) and
even nonconjugal (e.g., Canela)
submission as a value impressed on girls, a matter largely being revised by
globalist tendencies. The issue of agency, however, may not be as apparent. At
puberty, a Sicilian girl becomes a Vergine, Virgin[85].
The process of creating la Vergine
suggests both complementation and identification motives[86].
Giovanni observes how, through negative and positive terms, women "[…] are
socialised to accept and even desire the role of la Vergine" (p411-2). Simplifying
issues, normative sexual identities within the modern, egalitarianist West are
progressively based on role behaviour that is to be copied from significant
others, and, eventually, made to fit a perceived pattern of expectation pertaining
to a (essentially hypothetical) potential partnership. The argument made in
this paper is that this process, particularly in non-western non-industrial
societies, may take place within the definitions of a paternalistic order that
requires a specific role rather than fostering a particular individual
development (or "identity"). Thus, erotic "identities" reflect assigned roles (hence, assigned identities). If at all, this
process takes place later than the establishment of core gender identity, and can
be subject to purposeful 'delay' (past pubescence) as well as interim revision
to a considerable degree. Feminists have argued that in cultures that condone
dual standards, obvious gender differences exist in the developmental subjectification of male sexuality (definition of identity), and the parallel
developmental objectification of female sexuality (definition relative to male identity). These
processes apparently take place within two dimensions: the central pre-conjugal
setting and the lateral familial setting. The fertile/erotic girl serves her
husband, and thus, her familial (patrilineal, fraternal) cause. This would
legitimise the hypothesis that cultural views regarding "erotic age" depend on
whether the girl is part of a historical interest system ("market", they say),
and on the distinct organisation and basis of such a system. 14.4 Negotiated Meanings vs Negotiated Studies [up] [Contents]
14.4.1 Sex Ethics vs Sex Science [up] [Contents]
Prior
to a major medicolegal fuss in the late 1990s, Osborne (1995)[87]
offered a comprehensive meta-analysis of the methodologies of 104 American
studies of the incidence or prevalence of, and/or effects on, pre-adults who
engage in sexual relationships with adult partners. The findings of that
analysis would demonstrate that the assumption of inherent trauma is largely
informed by an "anti-empirical moral ideology which does not consistently
reflect current theory and findings regarding human sexual development, and
which does not take into account the socially-constructed attitudes of
erotophobia and homophobia which pervade American culture". This type of
criticism is expressed by many influential, though controversial, authors,
notably Krivacska, Money, Bullough, Bauserman, Rind, etc. Textbooks variably
include and organise the ethnohistoriographic
phenomenon of man-boy contacts within their curricula[88],
suggestive of an ambiguity in frameworking the phenomenon. The import of
cultural dogmata in the field is well-discussed elsewhere[ii].
Alongside the quasi-academic erotica apparently circulating in sidetrack
subcultures[iii],
few positivist[89]
sociological accounts have been offered considering "intergenerational"
contacts in contemporary Western contexts including the perspective of the
younger party. These include reports dated within the early 1980s to early
1990s on Dutch, Australian and North-American
subjects (as studied by by Pieterse, Sandfort, Rossmann, Brongersma, Wilson and
Leahy [see online thesis], with further data by Okami and Rind /
Savin-Williams)[iv]. These
reports, albeit invariably gathered using limited, nonrepresentative and
diverse methodologies[90],
and to be appreciated with utmost caution given the selection of informants,
shed a preliminary light on the distribution and negotiation of meaning within (rather than attribution to) such
affiliations as they happen or happened to take place. The
results of these studies may be augmented by the more drastically limited work
on "victim participation" referred to supra (§14.0). It appears that
regarding the numerous non-western examples, few data are available for
positivist or neutral sociological accounts that thus consider the position of
the younger party. 14.4.2 "Positivist" vs "Negativist
Performative Impressions [up] [Contents]
The following example
illustrates, at an intermediate level between individuals and cultures,
subcultural operationalisation of young people into an adult-operated sexual
system. In the U.S.
of the 1950s and 1960s, boy prostitution scenes were common in large cities. In
a much-reprinted article, Reiss (1961)[91]
explored such a special form of male prostitution in American society, namely,
the homosexual relationship between adult male fellators and lower-class
delinquent boys. It is seen as an economic, financial transaction between the
boys and the fellators which is governed by delinquent peer norms. For the
delinquent boys it is an easy way of earning money by threatening violence to
adult male fellators. These norms integrate the two types of "deviators" into
an institutionalised form of prostitution and protect the boys from
self-definitions either as prostitutes or as homosexuals. Pretty much the same
was noted in France[92].
These patterns noted in metropolitan areas of every continent give the
impression of an exchange system rather than solely an organised subculture of
exploitation. This may be so given the theoretical continuity with adult male
prostitution. Working within a poststructuralist perspective, Leahy (p18-74)[93]
discusses sexual connotations, implications and age differences as being
represented by negotiated meanings arising within age stratified contexts of
all-male groups and dyads. These meanings are interpreted as "discursive strategies
that conserve aspects of the dominant discourse and that nevertheless validate
the [occurring] transgression". Thus, the author identified "[…] two types of minimization
of the sexual aspect of intergenerational relationships. One is the discursive
positioning of the younger party as a participant in a game, a situation of
play. The sexual aspect of what occurs is set to one side, although both
participants are in another sense quite well aware of it. The second is the
minimization and restriction of activities discursively constituted as
paradigmatically sexual, the restriction of sexual contact to cuddling and
petting, and the avoidance of such things as penetration, nakedness, orgasm and
genital contact. […] In general, the strategy of minimization works to conserve a powerful and relevant discourse by
suggesting that the transgression against it is relatively minor and
unimportant. While this expresses deference to the dominant discourse, it
occurs in situations where what is actually taking place is undoubtedly
transgressive". Leahy goes on to identify three different strategic moves in minimising sex: (a)
refusing positions offered within dominant discourses, (b) presentation of
events as exceptions that prove the rule,
and (c) changing the discourse. The
author further demonstrates how transgressions within dominant discourses are
validated by the use of ambivalence
as a strategy, by denying the relevance of the dominant discourse, by
reversing the discourse, and further by
claiming the transgression. Not selecting for a positive outcome or reflection, sociology becomes a
quite different tool, narratives helping to "delineate emotional and relational
vulnerabilities" in this age group and population and "clarifying" the role romantic
or sexual relationships with an older individual plays in adolescent
"risk-taking, self-repair and revictimization"[94].
This narrative suggests that the format and motives of the study determine the
eventual conclusions, a situation posing a significant problem to the
interpretation of contemporary literature. Dominant discourses, to follow
Leahy's entry, redefine what could have been the issue of objectivity to an
issue of morality and ethical restraint; it solidifies itself by systematically
eradicating a specific part of human agency. Clearly, the application of
concepts such as "manufactured sexualities" should be renegotiated to challenge
constructs as ("participated"?) revictimisation, "pathological sexualisation",
etc. A transitional form between
positivism and negativism may be appreciated in Gilgun's (1995)[95]
postmodern entry to incest, thus motivated: "The fragmentation in the discourse of incest perpetrators fits well with postmodern views of the world as paradoxical, ambiguous, and inconsistent. An explicit postmodernist analysis of narratives of persons who commit incest or other abusive acts could illustrate and elaborate this aspect of postmodernism […]. A second reason to undertake a postmodernist analysis of narratives of persons who commit abusive acts is the potential to demonstrate the limits of the plasticity of discourse" (p278). 14.4.3 The
Ethical Impression: Perspectives for the Constructionist [up] [Contents]
Cross-cultural
considerations of sexual "abuse" experiences among children are predominantly
informed within the scope of American ethnic minorities, and therefore being
subculturalist rather than truly cross-cultural[96].
A collection of subcultural peculiarities was edited by Fontes (1995)[97].
Most writers argue for a "cross-national" approach in discussing combat
motivation and strategies (e.g., Finkelhor and Korbin, 1988)[98],
thereby bypassing both the etic and the emic pursuit. Only some authors[99]
have specifically addressed this issue of cultural definition. It must be
argued that American definition of "child sexual abuse" is predominantly
informed by age difference, and hardly any definition goes without it. The social constructionist understanding of child sexual abuse is jeopardised by this biomedical developmentalism. Since the middle of the 1990s, constructionist
accounts of "sexual abuse" of children have been offered at the
casuistic-clinical[v] and
sociostructural level[vi],
delineating the historical uses of the concept by "patients", "clients",
"doctors", "lawyers" as well as by (and regarding[100])
social interest groups, such as feminists. Further, this line of approach may
address the contemporary issue of children as sexual abusers[101].
Taken together, "positivist", historical[vii],
and anthropological[102]
studies may clarify patterns of traumatogenesis as well as use of
historiography in contemporary academic performance within sexual discourses. Jenkins[103]
argued for the image of "an American social problem [being] exported more or
less intact to Europe". Thus, over two decades "European nations have adopted
what were once distinctively North American concepts of pedophiles and sexual
offenders against children", which would be partially attributable to worldwide
dominance of American mass media. Babington [104]
wonders whether these media have "acted more to define public opinion than to
express it". A definite cultural pendant of "abuse" ethics, paedophilia can be studied as a journalist discourse
(e.g., Kitzinger, 1997)[105].
A qualitative analysis of the content and language of selected Italian
newspaper items published 1992-1999 was used by Gianesini (2000)[106]
to investigate the definitional process that has gradually accompanied
(contributed to?) the emergence of paedophilia as a social problem. A
comparison of the 1984-9 Dutch situation as characterised by Maassen[107]
may prove interesting. A recent British account is provided by Critcher
(2002)[108]. Note that
British media are concurrently accused of pathologising collective
'anti-paedophile' efforts (Drury, 2002)[109]. Some
further modern historical issues related to the concept of sexual dangers for children were collected by Rossen and
Schuijer[110]. 14.5 Discussion: "Paedophilia" as a Central Cultural Discourse [up] [Contents]
Reporting in
1981, Mohr[111] stated: "In spite of what has been termed the Freudian
revolution with its discovery [sic]
of infantile sexuality (Freud, 1905), and in spite of an increasing frankness
in public discussion of sexual variances and the recognition of the need for
sex education in schools, children's sexual interests as such have never been
acknowledged except in their relationship to future sexual functioning.
Children are basically still treated as asexual beings with some cognitive
interest in sexuality. Actual sexualization is generally acknowledged only in
puberty and even then the social response is one of control. We can thus
observe all the attributes of a taboo, in which sex play between children can
still be ignored or controlled by social disapproval, but in which sexual interaction
between adults and children constitutes a
break which has to be publicly stigmatized and controlled by institutional
means" (ital.add.). In this statement, Mohr verbalises what may be the
essential social function of the contemporary "paedophilia" concept:
curricularisation. The paedophile represents a threat to sexual behaviour
trajectories via his introducing the child to operationalising knowledge. The
rejection of this (direct) influence is a function of curricularising
tendencies that apparently fluctuate over time. The experience is thus by
cultural definition extracurricular,
or, contemporarily, discurricular.
Rather than providing a communicative "Catch-22" (Money), it represents the co-existence of
incompatible operationalisation efforts (that is, assigned agendas,
recruitment policies). Both parties then attract nosological interpretations
and medical discourses, a tendency also manifestly variable over time.
Curricular operationalisations are identified by their subjectification
/objectification strategies and ideologies. In contemporary Western discourse,
opposing a wealth of ethnohistorical examples, it has become politically
impossible either to promote unbalanced objectification principles or
legitimise objectification through pseudo-subjectification principles. However
Western ideals of erotic subjects (rather than objects) shape sexual
discourses, contemporary practices do not so much as directly facilitate either
principle, but roughly provide an age-segmented environment where such
principles are laterally to be "picked up along the way". Whereas (sub)culture-wide objectification
theoretically facilitates a rapid and unambiguous assimilation into exchange
systems, identification is accomplished only after a protracted and complex
curriculum, given (a) the absence (and counteraction) of objectifying
principles, and (b) interference by and the need to resist nevertheless
pervasive objectification principles, and (c) identification being counteracted
by an avoidance of (early) cross-segmental transmission of sexual attitudes and
techniques. This complexity arises in the main institutions that provide
subjective or objective sexual behaviour identities: the family and the marital
bond. In the early years, the child will not be subjectified, partially for
fear of its being objectified (="abused") in the process; finally ending up
having "subjectified themselves", they might fail to be partners on the basis
of this unilateral individualism, or may prolong the definition of "adult
sexuality" on this very basis. [1] Friedjung, J. (1923) Die Kindliche Sexualität und ihre Bedeutung
für Erziehung und Ärztliche Praxis. Berlin: Julius Springer [2] Goodwin, R. & Cramer, D. (2002)
Inappropriate relationships in a time of social change...some reflections on
culture, history, and relational dimensions, in Goodwin, R. et al. (Eds.) Inappropriate Relationships: The
Unconventional, the Disapproved, and the Forbidden. LEA's Series on
Personal Relationships. Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates,
Publishers, p247-63 [3] Gilgun, J. F. (1994) Avengers, Conquerors, Playmates and Lovers: Roles Played by Child Sexual Abuse Perpetrators, Families in Society 75,8:467-79 [4] Howitt, D. (2002) Social exclusion--Pedophile style, in Goodwin, R. et al. (Eds.) Inappropriate Relationships: The Unconventional, the Disapproved, and the Forbidden. LEA's Series on Personal Relationships. Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, p221-43 [5] The author will refrain from
distracting moral classifications. [6] E.g., Kelly, R. J. & Scott, M.
M. (1986) Sociocultural considerations in child sexual abuse, in MacFarlane, K.
et al. (Eds.) Sexual Abuse of Young
Children: Evaluation and Treatment. New York & London: The Guilford
Press, p151-63 [7] Schwarz, H. ([1830]) Geschiedenis
der Opvoeding […]. 2nd ed. Utrecht: S. Alter. Vol. I, p355 [8] Louis MacNeice, "Autumn Journal",
section ix, as cited by Arkins, B. (1994) Sexuality in Fifth-Century Athens, Classics
Ireland [http://www.ucd.ie/~classics/94/Arkins94.html] [9] The former term, initially proposed
by Rogers and Weiss (1953), appealed to child initiative or contextual
willingness as a part of the "interactive" "victimising" sequence. It was
issued by a number of authors including Mohr and Turner (1964:p34-5), Potrykus
and Wöbcke (1974 [1976:p65-9]) citing research by Schönfelder (1965, 1968), Silverman
(1974), Virkkunen (1975, 1981), Ingram (1979/1981), MacVicar (1979), Sandfort
(1981:p45-8) and Bryant (1982:p313-4). Some authors equally suggested that
children and adolescents may "seduce" those considerably older than themselves
(e.g., Brongersma, 1987:p197-203). It is likely that the occurrence of
"victim-precipitation", or "non-opposition" has eroded under the stress of
educational measures promoting "awareness and assertiveness" in these
situations. This has possibly changed the initial appraisal of the experience
over the last decades. At least the child can now be considered an active
factor in the cultural determination of the nonoccurrence of these incidents. [10] Myers, J. E. B., Diedrich, S., Lee,
D., Fincher, K. McC. & Stern, R. (1999) Professional writing on child
sexual abuse from 1900 to 1975: Dominant themes and impact on prosecution, Child
Maltreatm 4,3:201-16 [11] Lafon, M. R., Trivas, J. &
Pouget, R. (1958) Aspects psychologiques des attentats sexuels sur les enfants
et les adolescents, Ann Medico-Psychol 2:865-96 [12] "Mentor" systems: Korea (Wha rang), Azande, South African /
Mozambique gold mines (bukhontxana), premodern Japan (shudo), Australian Aborigines (Chookadoo , Mullawongah),
New Guinea, New Hebrides (Malekula Big Nambas, South and North Raga), East Bay,
premodern Greece (eromenos). [13] Indonesia (anak djawi, sedatis, gandrungs, gemblakan, basirs), Afghanistan (Bačabozlik), premodern China, and selected
African cases (Swahili, Herero, Hottentot, Ovambos, Mossi, Nkundo, Bangala,
Zulu) [14] E.g., Xokleng, Kaingángs, Kagaba [15] These are rated for some of the
SCCS societies under the heading of Household
Division of Work. [16] The clinical "normalcy"
"epheboteleiophilia" is suggested by PPG testing in normal males (using
adolescents, 12-16; Freund, K. & Costell, R. (1970) The structure of erotic
preference in the nondeviant male, Behav
Res & Ther 8,1:15-20). However, see Cimbolic, P., Wise, R.A., Rossetti,
S. & Safer, M. (1999) Development of a combined objective ephebophile
scale, Sexual Addict & Compuls
6,3:253-66. Bernard (1979/1985:p57, 58) reported two studies (1973, 1977) that
illustrated a continuous variety of age range of sexual interest. Money
(1991:p5) is "of the strong impression, although I've never proven this, that
we ought to have a Greek word for twentyophiles, thirtyophiles, fortyophiles". [17] American Psychiatric Association
(1980, 1987, 1994) Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, III, IIIr, IVth. Washington, DC:
American Psychiatric Association [18] Erhardt, V. (1993) A Phenomenological Study of the Father's Experience of Erotic Response to the Daughter. PhD Dissertation, Georgia State University [DAI-B 54/10, p5424, April 1994] [19] E.g., Shultz, L. G. (1982) Child
sexual abuse in historical perspective, J
Soc Work & Hum Sex 1:21-35; Wasserman, S. & Rosenfeld, A. (1992) An
overview of the history of child sexual abuse and Sigmund Freud's
contributions, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Abuse of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Hillsdale,
New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, p49-72; Haas, E. Th. (2000)
Kinderschändung: Dramatisieren der Krise. Zeitgemässe Betrachtungen zu einem
alten Thema, Zeitschr Psychoanal Theor
& Prax 15,1:37-60; Rush, F. (1980) The
Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall; Olafson, E.,
Corwin, D. L. & Summit, R. C. (1993) Modern History of Sexual Abuse Awareness: Cycles of Discovery
and Suppression, Child Abuse & Negl
17:7-24; Coldrey, B. M. (1996) The sexual abuse of children: the
historical perspectives, Studies
85:370-80; Masters, R. E. L.
(1962) Forbidden Sexual Behavior and Morality: An Objective Re-Examination
of Perverse Sex Practices in Different Cultures. New York: Julian Press, p363-411; Lloyd, R. (1977) Playland: A Study of Human Exploitation.
London: Blond & Briggs. See Ch. 6: The
History of Boy Prostitution; Kahr, B. (1991) The Sexual Molestation of
Children: Historical Perspectives, J
Psychohist 19,2:191-214; Bullough, V. L. (1990) History in adult human
sexual behaviour with children and adolescents in western societies, in
Feierman, J. (Ed.) Pedophilia, Biosocial Dimensions. Springer-Verlag, New York, p69-90; Breiner,
S. J. (1985) Child abuse patterns: Comparison of ancient Western civilization
and traditional China, Analytic
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Perspektive sexueller Kontakte zwischen Erwachsenen und Kindern bzw.
Jugendlichen und die soziale Akzeptanz dieses Phänomens von der Zeit der Römer
und Griechen bis heute, in Amann, G. & Wipplinger, R. (Eds.) Sexueller Mißbrauch: Überblick zu Forschung,
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I. H. ([1992] 2000) Cultural and historical aspects of male sexual assault, in
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the Study of Social Problems; Howitt, D. (1995) Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children. Chichester
[etc.]: J. Wiley & Sons, p231-7; Smart,
C. (2000) Reconsidering the Recent History of Child Sexual Abuse, 1910-1960, J Soc Policy 29,1:55-71; and many works of DeMause. [20] La Fontaine, J. S. (1988) Child sexual abuse and the incest taboo: practical problems and theoretical issues, Man 23:1-18. See also Nelson, J. A. & Meller, J. R. (1994) Incest taboo and sexual abuse, in Krivacska, J. J. & Money, J. (Eds.) The Handbook of Forensic Sexology: Biomedical & Criminological Perspectives. New York: Prometheus Books, p80-97 [21] Mason, T. (nd) Incest: Frontiers and Syncretism. Online paper, at http://perso.club-internet.fr/tmason/WebPages/Publications/Incest_Frontiers.htm#B26 [22] Fox (1962) argued that siblings would stimulate each other sexually through their regular interactions and because these feelings could not be satiated by orgasm (in prepuberty), a sexual frustration would result causing Westermarck's aversion. [23] Spain, D. H.
(1987) The Westermarck-Freud Incest-Theory Debate:
S. J. (1985) Child abuse patterns: Comparison of ancient Western civilization
and traditional China, Analytic
Psychother & Psychopathol 2,1:27-50; Killias, M. (1990) The historic origins of penal statutes concerning sexual
activities involving children and adolescents, J Homosex 20,1/2:41-6; Trube-Becker, E. (1997) Historische
Perspektive sexueller Kontakte zwischen Erwachsenen und Kindern bzw.
Jugendlichen und die soziale Akzeptanz dieses Phänomens von der Zeit der Römer
und Griechen bis heute, in Amann, G. & Wipplinger, R. (Eds.) Sexueller Mißbrauch: Überblick zu Forschung,
Beratung und Therapie. Ein Handbuch, Tübingen: Dgvt-Verlag, p39-51; Bolen, R. M. (2001) Child Sexual Abuse: Its Scope and Our
Failure. New York, NY, US: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers; Jones,
I. H. ([1992] 2000) Cultural and historical aspects of male sexual assault, in
Mezey, G. C. & King, M. B. (Eds.) Male
Victims of Sexual Assault. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p113-24; Mullis, J. S. & Baunach, D. M.
(2000) Surveilling Pedophilia: Sexual
Deviance and the Quandaries of Social Control. Paper for the Society for
the Study of Social Problems; Howitt, D. (1995) Paedophiles and Sexual Offences Against Children. Chichester
[etc.]: J. Wiley & Sons, p231-7; Smart,
C. (2000) Reconsidering the Recent History of Child Sexual Abuse, 1910-1960, J Soc Policy 29,1:55-71; and many works of DeMause. [20] La Fontaine, J. S. (1988) Child sexual abuse and the incest taboo: practical problems and theoretical issues, Man 23:1-18. See also Nelson, J. A. & Meller, J. R. (1994) Incest taboo and sexual abuse, in Krivacska, J. J. & Money, J. (Eds.) The Handbook of Forensic Sexology: Biomedical & Criminological Perspectives. New York: Prometheus Books, p80-97 [21] Mason, T. (nd) Incest: Frontiers and Syncretism. Online paper, at http://perso.club-internet.fr/tmason/WebPages/Publications/Incest_Frontiers.htm#B26 [22] Fox (1962) argued that siblings would stimulate each other sexually through their regular interactions and because these feelings could not be satiated by orgasm (in prepuberty), a sexual frustration would result causing Westermarck's aversion. [23] Spain, D. H. (1987) The Westermarck-Freud Incest-Theory Debate: An Evaluation and Reformulation, Current Anthropol 28,5:623-45 [24] E.g., Willner, D. (1983) Definition and Violation: Incest and the Incest Taboos, Man, New Series 18,1:134-59 [25] This dissociation is also described in Parker, S. (1987) The Waning of the Incest Taboo, Legal Studies Forum 11,2:205-21 [26] Hendrix, L. & Schneider, M. A. (1999) Assumptions on Sex and Society in the Biosocial Theory of Incest, Cross-Cultural Res 33,2:193-218 [27] Immerman, R. S. & Mackey, W. C. (1997) An additional facet of the incest taboo: A protection of the mating-strategy template, J Genetic Psychol 158,2:151-64 [28] Bell, V. (1995) Bio-Politics and the Spectre of Incest: Sexuality and/in the Family, in, in Robertson, R., Featherstone, M. & Lash, S. (Eds.) Global Modernities. London: Sage Publications Ltd, p227-43 [29] Cowburn, M. & Dominelli, L. (2001) Masking hegemonic masculinity: reconstructing the paedophile as the dangerous stranger, Br J Social Work 31,3:399-415 [30] Foucault, M. (Ewald, F. et al., eds., 1999) Les Anormaux; Cours au Collège de France (1974-1975). [Paris]: Gallimard / Seuil, p234, as read by Elden, S. (2001a) The History of Sexuality and the Constitution of the State. Paper prepared for delivery at the 2001 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco, August 30-September 2 [http://pro.harvard.edu/papers/002/002037EldenStuar.pdf], at p5; and Elden, S. (2001b) The constitution of the normal: monsters and masturbation at the Collège de France, boundary 2, 28,1:91-105 [http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/boundary/v028/28.1elden.pdf], at p101 [31] Murdock, G. P. (1949) Social Structure. New York: Macnillan, p318-9. Also cited by Bryant, C. D. (1977) Sexual Deviancy and Social Proscription. New York: Human Sciences Press, p304-5 [32] Op.cit. [33] Gabb, J. (2001) Querying the discourses of love: An analysis of contemporary patterns of love and the stratification of intimacy within lesbian families, Eur J Women's Studies 8,3:313-28 [34] Money, J. (1980) Love and Love Sickness. Baltimore [etc.]: Johns Hopkins University Press [35] Tsang D. (Ed., 1981) The Age Taboo. Boston: Alyson Publications [36] Consider Johnson, W. (1977) Childhood sexuality: the last of the great taboos? SIECUS Report 5,4:1,2,15; Sonenschein, D. (1984) Breaking the taboo of sex and adolescence: children, sex, and the media, in Browne, R. (Ed.) Forbidden Fruits: Taboos and Tabooism in Culture. Bowling Green: Popular Press, p111-32; Mönkemeyer, K. (1993) Kindliche Sexualität Heute: Tabus, Konflikte, Lösungen. Weinheim, Basel: Beltz Quadriga [37] The Coolidge Effect (Wilson et al, 1963), which is studied in rats, golden hamsters, mice, Poeciliidae fish and prairie voles, can be defined as the restoration of mating behavior in males that have reached sexual satiation with 1 female and show a restoration of mating behavior when the original female is replaced with a novel female. Westermarck Theory (Westermarck, 1889) maintains that incest avoidance between siblings develops as a function of the inhibiting effect of continued proximity during the early years of childhood on later sexual interest. [38] Fine, A. (1993) Laieos pedophile et infanticide, Rev Franc Psychanal 57,2:515-26 [39] Pauncz, A. (1933) Der Learkomplex, die Kehrseite des Oedipuskomplexes. Beitrag zur Sexualtheorie, Ztschr Ges Neurol & Psychia 143:294-332; Pauncz, A. (1951) The concept of adult libido and the Lear complex, Am J Psychother 5:187-95; Pauncz, A. (1952) Psychopathology of Shakespeare's King Lear: exemplification of the Lear Complex (a new interpretation), Am Imago 9:57-78; Pauncz, A. (1954) The Lear complex in world literature, Am Imago 11:51-83; Patricolo, F. (1994) The Lear complex: Shakespeare's King Lear family in therapy, DAI 54(10-B):5373. In Pauncz's 1951 article, the Chief Medical Director, Department of Medicine and Surgery, Veterans Administration, Washington, having provided permission for its publication, explicitly assumed "no responsibility for the opinions [!] expressed or conclusions drawn by the author". [40] For literary studies, see Pauncz (1954) and Jaarsma (1972). [41] Ross, J. M. (1982) Oedipus revisited. Laius and the "Laius complex", Psychoanal Study Child 37:169-200. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in Psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p285-316; Ross, J. M. (1985-6) The darker side of fatherhood: clinical and developmental ramifications of the "Laius motif", Int J Psychoanal Psychother 11:117-54. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in Psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p389-417; Ross, J. M. & Herzog, J. M. (1985). The sins of the father: Notes on fathers, aggression, and pathogenesis, in Anthony, E. J. & Pollock, G. (Eds.) Parental Influences. Boston: Little, Brown, p477-510 [42]
Also note the reations to the 1985/6 paper by Kwawer and Esman. For a panel on
Laius' paedophilia, see Rev Franc
Psychanal 57(1993),2 with contributions of Rocha, Fine, Barande, Chabert, Chauvel,
Hurry, Arfouilloux and Nicolaiedis & Nicolaiedis. See also Knausen (1972); Vernon, Th. (1972) The Laius Complex, Humanist, November/December, p27-8; Le
Guen, C. (1974) The formation of the transference: or the Laius complex in the
armchair, Int J Psychoanal
55,4:505-18 [43] Using JSTOR, on articles only:
Annual Review of Anthropology (1972-1996);
Anthropology Today (1985-1996);
Current Anthropology (1959-1999);
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (1995-1996); Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland (1907-1965);
Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
(1965-1973) [44] British Journal of Middle Eastern
Studies (1991-1998); International
Journal of Middle East Studies (1970-1996);
Journal of Palestine Studies (1971-1997);
Middle East Report (1988-1996);
Pakistan Forum (1970-1973) [45] Asian Survey (1961-1997); China Journal (1995-1996);
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1936-1996);
Journal of Asian Studies (1956-1998);
Journal of Japanese Studies (1974-1996);
Modern China (1975-1998); Monumenta
Nipponica (1938-1996); Pacific
Affairs (1928-1997) [46] International Journal of African
Historical Studies (1972-1998);
Journal of Modern African Studies (1963-1996);
Journal of Southern African Studies (1974-1998) [47] African American Review (1992-1998); Callaloo (1976-1994); Journal of Black Studies (1970-1998); Journal of Blacks in Higher
Education (1993-1999) Journal of
Negro Education (1932-1996); Journal
of Negro History (1916-1998); Transition
(1961-1999) [48] Bourgois, Ph. I. (1995) In Search of Respect: Selling Crack in El Barrio. Cambridge / New York: Cambridge University Press. 1996 printing, p68, 264 [49] E.g., Beckett, K. (1996) Culture and the politics of
signification: the case of child sexual abuse, Social Problems
43,1:57-76; Levett, A. (1994) Problems of cultural imperialism in the study of
child sexual abuse, in Dawes, A. & Donald, D. (Eds.) Childhood &
Adversity: Psychological Perspectives from South African Research.
Claremont, South Africa: David Philip Publishers (Pty) Ltd., p240-60; Levett,
A. (1995) Discourses of child sexual abuse: Regimes of truth? In Lubek, I.,
Hezewijk, R. van, et al. (Eds.) Trends and Issues in Theoretical Psychology.
New York, NY: Springer Publishing Co., p294-300 / Levett, A. (1996) Discursos
sobre el abuso sexual del menor. Regimenes de poder? In Lopez, A. &
Iglesias, L. (Eds.) Psicologia, Discurso y Poder: Metodologias Cualitativas,
Perspectivas Criticas. Madrid: Visor, p235-46; Thompson, Sh. J. (1988) Child sexual abuse redefined:
Impact of modern culture on the sexual mores of the Yuit Eskimo, in Sgroi, S.
M. (Ed.) Vulnerable Populations, Vol. 1: Evaluation and Treatment of
Sexually Abused Children and Adult Survivors. Lexington, MA, England:
Lexington Books/D. C. Heath & Com., p299-310; Angelides,
S. (2002) Feminism, Child Sexual Abuse, and the Erasure of Child Sexuality.
Paper presented at the Cultural Studies Association of Australia Conference,
University of Melbourne, December 5-7; Angelides, S. (in press) Historicizing
Affect, Psychoanalyzing History: Pedophilia and The Discourse of Child
Sexuality. Forthcoming in the Journal of Homosexuality; Coburn-Engquist, J. L. (1998) The
Politics of Protection: The (Re)Production of Child Sexual Abuse and the
Governance of Citizenship. PhD Dissertation, University of Denver [DAI-A
59/11, p4010, May 1999]; O'Dell, L. J. (1998) Damaged Goods and Victims?
Challenging the Assumptions within the Academic Research into the Effects of
Child Sexual Abuse. PhD Dissertation, Aston University (UK) [DAI-C 60/01,
p194, Spring 1999]; Schultz,
P. D. (2000) A Critical Analysis of the Rhetoric of Child Sexual Abuse.
Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press. One
might also want to check Reid, Th. A. (2001) An Ethical Analysis of Discourse
on Child Sexual Abuse. PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago [DAI-A 2001
Aug; 62,2:576] [50] Hekma, G. (nd) Queering Anthropology. Online paper [http://www.pscw.uva.nl/gl/queerant.html] [51] Dundes, A. (1976) A Psychoanalytic
Study of the Bullroarer, Man, New
Series 11,2:220-38 [52] E.g., Walen, D A. (1995)
"Lust-Exciting Apparel" and the Homosexual Appeal of the Boy Actor: The Early
Modern Stage Polemic, Theatre Hist Stud
15: 87-103; Vicinus, M. (1994) The Adolescent Boy: Fin de Siecle Femme Fatale? J Hist Sex 5,1:90-114; Merrick, J.
(1997) Sodomitical Inclination in Early Eighteenth-Century Paris,
Eighteenth-Cent Stud 30,3:289-95; Starr, Ch. (1999) Shifting Boundaries: Gender
in Pinhua Baojian, Nan Nü: Men, Women and
Gender in Early and Imperial China [Netherlands] 1,2:268-302; Szonyi, M.
(1998) The Cult of Hu Tianbao and the Eighteenth-Century Discourse of
Homosexuality, Late Imperial China
19,1:1-25; Volpp, S. A. (1995) The Male Queen: Boy Actors and Literati
Libertines. PhD Dissertation, Harvard University [DAI-A 1996 56(12):4779] [53] Werner,
D. (1998) Sobre a evolução e variação cultural na homossexualidade masculina,
in Pedro, J. M. & Grossi, M. P. (Eds.) Masculino,
Feminino Plural. Florianópolis: ed. Mulheres, p99-129. Cf. Werner, D.
(2000) Homosexuality and Hierarchy.
Poster for the International Behavioral Development Symposium [54] Murray (2000) recognises three
patterns of "homosexuality": age-structured, gender-stratified, and
egalitarian. These three types have existed throughout the world throughout
history. [55] See for instance its Dutch use by
Sandfort, Brongersma, and Van Naerssen in the Journal of Homosexuality's
special edition on "Male Intergenerational Intimacy" (Volume 20, 1/2, 1990). [56] Greenberg (1988:p26-40) recognises
four patterns of "homosexuality": transgenerational, trans-genderal,
class-structured, and egalitarian. See Greenberg, D. F. (1988) The Construction of Homosexuality.
Chicago & London: Chicago University Press. See further p106-16, covering
"sodomy in male initiation rites". [57] The literary historical use of
"paedophilia" represents a major problem. Freeman (1998) even suggests a
"rather incestuous literary kinship web" of 19th to 20th century writers
contributing to the genre of American "pedophilic picaresques". See Freeman, E.
(1998) Honeymoon with a Stranger: Pedophiliac Picaresques from Poe to Nabokov, Am Lit 70, 4:863-97 [58] See, however, Arveiller, J. (1998)
Pédophilie et psychiatrie. Repères historiques, Evolution Psychiatrique 63,1-2:11-34. For a sociological view,
consider Kees, P. E. (1981) Sociogenese
van de Afkeer van Pedoseksualiteit. Research paper, Tilburg, The
Netherlands: Katholieke Hogeschool [59] Leahy, T. (1994) Taking up a
Position: Discourses of Femininity and Adolescence in the Context of Man/Girl
Relationships, Gender & Society
8,1:48-72 [60] Thomson, D. F. (1933) The Hero
Cult, Initiation and Totemism on Cape York, J
Royal Anthropol Instit Great Britain & Ireland 63:453-537 [61] Examples inlcude Akan, Vagla,
Amhara (lower class), Wolof (though premenarchal intercourse mentioned by
Faladé), Marutze, Chewa, [Abessinier], Valenge, Nso', Koalib, Lozi, Luo, Nandi,
Nubia, Fanti, Mambwe, Bari, Ibibio, Kanda, Nkundo Mongo, Bela, Lalia-Ngolu; Pakistan,
Brahmin, Punjabi, Taiwan Hokkien (Sim pua), Chuuk (formerly), Islamic countries
(Iran), Kurtachi, New Britain, Saramaca (for betrothed girls), Zorcas, Warao;
Aranda, Malekula (Mewun, Big Nambas), Shipibo [62] Tuareg, Luvale, Pokomo, Kunandaburi
(Australia), India: Veda (debated; legally issued in 1846, 1891, and 1925);
Adjeh (debated); Wolof (debated); Hausa (debated) [63] Both the Apinayé and the Kaska
apply negative biomedical associations to masturbation but poetic qualities to
coitus; Kaska coitarche, however, was a negative experience, the belief being
used both as a preventative warning and to pressure girls into "confessing" the
presumed antecedents of menarche after its occurrence. The belief therefore
provides the correct impression of curricular control. [64] In Tanzania, young girls not
infrequently report having older men or Mshefas (those who provide) as sexual partners (Fuglesang, M. (1997)
Lessons for Life - Past and Present Modes of Sexuality Education in Tanzanian
Society, Soc Sci & Med
44,8:1245-54). [65] The literature is unclear about the
existence of "sugar mommies". [66] Haren,
J. van (1999) Mapenzi na Pesa: Girls in
Search for Love, Sex and Money. A Study on Adolescent Sexuality in an Urban Tanzanian
Neighbourhood. Occasional paper. Nijmegen [Holland]: Katholieke
Universiteit Nijmegen [67] Sellix, T. (1996) An Investigation into the Relationship
between Older Males and Adolescents Females in Africa: Deconstructing the
"Sugar Daddy". Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for
Master of Arts in International Development. Washington, DC: American
University [68] Bledsoe,
Caroline H. 1990 School fees and the marriage process for Mende girls in Sierra
Leone, in Sanday, P. R. & Goodenough, R. G. (Eds.) New Directions in the Anthropology of Gender. Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, p283–309 [69] Meekers,
D. & Calvès, A. (1997) 'Main' girlfriends, girlfriends, marriage, and
money: The social context of HIV risk behaviour in sub-Saharan Africa, Health Transition Rev 7, Suppl.:361–75 [70] Bohmer, L. & Kirumira, E. K.
(2000) Socio-economic context and the sexual behavior of Ugandan out of school
youth, Culture, Health & Sex
2,3:269-85 [71] Leshabari,
M. T. & Kaaya, S. F. (1997) Bridging the information gap: sexual maturity
and reproductive health problems among youth in Tanzania, Health Transition Rev, Suppl. 3 to 7:29-44: " 'Sugar
daddies' have often been blamed for observed coital relationships between single
girls and older men, where financial or material gain for the girls is implied
(Lema and Kabeberi-Macharia 1992; Lwihula, Nyamuryekung'e and Hamelmann 1996).
However, the `sugar daddy' phenomenon may be too simplistic an explanation for
the dynamics of sexual relations in Africa, particularly with respect to the
youth population. In a study conducted in Dar es Salaam for example, a large
proportion of 200 teenagers with abortion complications, the majority of whom
were single, reported their partners to be men above the age of 45 years
(Mpangile, Leshabari and Kihwele 1993). Almost 40 per cent of these partners
lived in the same poor neighbourhoods as the girls and were not perceived to be
better-off financially. Thus financial and material benefit for the girls may
not have been the only reason for their relationships with the older men. Often
when the 'sugar daddy' phenomenon is discussed, a shift from established
cultural rules which governed sexual morality and sexual partnership in the
African context is implied". [72] Silberschmidt, M. & Rasch, V.
(2001) Adolescent girls, illegal abortions and "sugar-daddies" in Dar es
Salaam: vulnerable victims and active social agents, Soc Sci Med 52,12:1815-26 [73] Davidson,
J. O. (2001) The Sex Exploiter. Theme
paper for the Second World Congress Against Commercial Sexual Exploitation of
Children [74] Pedersen, W. & Hegna, K. (2000)
Barn og unge som selger sex [Children and adolescents selling sex], Tidsskr
Nor Laegeforen 20;120,2:215-20; Pedersen,
W. & Hegna, K. ([2002]) Children and adolescents who sell sex: a community
study, Soc Sci & Med [uncorrected
proof] [75] Ba, Y. (1981) Some elements for a
debate on juvenile "prostitution" and its suppression, African Environm 114-15-16, ENDA Dakar, Senegal [76] Stavrou, S. E. &
Kaufman, C. E. (2000) "Bus
Fare Please": The Economics of Sex, Gifts and Violence among Adolescents in
Urban South Africa. To be presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Population Association of America, March 23-25, Los Angeles, California, United
States [www.dra.co.za/downloads/sexgifts.doc] [77] An elaborate annotated bibliography
was part of the preparatory work. [78] DeMause, L. (1989) The role of
adaptation and selection in psychohistorical evolution, J Psychohist 16,4:355-71 [79] Crapo, R. H. (1995) Factors in the
Cross-Cultural Patterning of Male Homosexuality: A Reappraisal of the
Literature, Cross-Cultural Res 29,2:178-202.
Also cited by Martz, E. E. (Spring, 2000) Transgenerational
Intimacy– Developmental Friend or Foe? Research article, Cornell
University. Munroe et al. (1969) earlier found nine such mentor systems. See
Munroe, R. L., Whiting, J. & Hally, D. (1969) Institutionalized male
transvestitism and sex distinction, Am
Anthropol 7:87-91 [80] The list reads: (1) growing boys,
(2) masculinising their bodies in preparation for warrior life , (3) for the
provision of sexual play or pleasure for the older youths, and (4) for the
transmission of semen and soul substance to subsequent generations. Herdt, G.
(1997) Male birth-giving in the cultural imagination of the Sambia, Psychoanal Rev 84,2:217-26 [81] Cited in Pierce, L. P. (1997)
Seniority, sexuality, and social order: the vocabulary of gender in early
modern Ottoman society, in Zilfi, M. C. (Ed.) Women in the Ottoman Empire. Leiden [etc.] [Holland]: Brill,
p169-96 [82] Tessmann, G. (1904) Die Pangwe. Berlin: E. Wasmuth. Vol. I;
Murray and Roscoe (1998:p142) [83] Guyon, who repeatedly refers to
"numerous" personal experiences in the sexual lives of girls in various places,
leaves no doubt to the effects of age disparate "initiations": "The early loss
of virginity- and particularly, in many cases, before the onset of
menstruation- reveals itself as a factor of good development and of asserted
physiological balance- exactly the opposite of the neurotic girls who are found
in western families and in convent schools. Girls thus initiated, even if they
are very ordinary in appearance, grow beautiful. Their traits become regular,
their face refines, their eyes widen and shine, their appearance become
definite, their person grows healthy, their proportions harmonise. They grow
taller, they attract attention [sic].
Sexual culture appears for these young plants an indispensable element highly
beneficial to their development. They show none of the anæmia and lack of
vitality which characterise girls who are shut up, and coddled, the victims of
repression and of censure. They reach a state of equilibrium- physical,
psychological and moral- which no other experience can assure". Sexual
intercourse even "assists the maturation of her throat and bosom". See Guyon.
R. (1950) The child and sexual activity; part II, Int J Sexol 3,4:237-47, at p243-4. A dissident Los Angeles-based
front characterised by the title René Guyon Society roughly carries a
pro-incest lobby. [84] "Boy-love" is a "retro-cult" in
contemporary Japanese subcultures that seeks to promote and celebrate (i.e.,
legitimise) this history-derived image via pornographic cartoons and
novelettes. Mainstream, pornographic and nonpornographic Japanese cartoons,
however, endemically exhibit the
eroticisation and idealisation of paedomorphic qualities, suggestive of a
culture-wide problem of shedding the concept of "young" (factually,
prepubertal, or "cute", kawaii) from
that of "erotic" and "sexual". [85] Giovannini, M. J. (1981) Woman: A
Dominant Symbol Within the Cultural System of a Sicilian Town, Man, N. S. 16,3:408-26, at p411 [86] "The innate vulnerability of women-
defined in terms of their ability to be physically penetrated- is commonly
cited to explain and justify their strict surveillance, which begins at
puberty. On the one hand, puberty indicates the potential to create life, a
potential that should come to fruition following marriage, But Garrese [Garre,
Sicilian town] also believe that puberty marks the beginning of a woman's
sexuality- her own sexual urges as well as her sexual appeal to men. Therfore
from that point on a woman must be carefully guarded if her virtue is to remain
intact". [87] Osborne, R. (1995) A Critical Analysis of Research on Pre-Adult
Sexual Socialization. Diss., Northeastern University (DAI-B 57/06, 1996,
p4059) [88] Rind, B. (1998) Biased Use of
Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives on Male Homosexuality in Human
Sexuality Textbooks, J Sex Res
35,4:397-407 [89] Referring, of course, to a
methodological and not an attitudinal orientation. [90] Sandfort examined 25 boys aged
10-16 and 20 men within selected contemporary dyadic affiliations. Leahy
examined 19 selected (male and female) individuals who contemporarily claimed
to have had a "positive" sexual "relationship" with an adult. Brongersma draws
from an indefinite number of (male) correspondents, most of whom claimed to
have or have had sexual contacts with minors or with boys younger than
themselves; this was augmented by a limited account of boys. The accounts are
fragmentary and unstructured. Wilson draws from a diary held by a single individual describing his sexual interactions
with boys who were underage at that time, added to interview material involving
a selected number of this individual's sexual associates (adults by then), who
would without exception speak positively of their interactions. Rind, citing Savin-Williams,
presents 26 selected male cases who were
identified as having had sexual relations as adolescents between 12 and 17
years of age with adult males, most of whom voicing a predominantly positive
attitude. A number of other accounts are less detailed. [91] Reiss, A. J. Jr. (1961) The social
integration of queers and peers, Social
Problems 9:102-20. Reprinted in In Gagnon, J. H. & Simon, W. (Eds.,
1967) Sexual Deviance. New York,
N.Y.: Harper & Row, p197-228; and in Rubington, E. & Weinburg, M. S.
(Eds., 1968) Deviance: The Interactionist
Perspective. London: Macmillan, and in Rushing, W. A. (Ed., 1975) Deviant Behavior and Social Process.
Chicago: Rand MacNally College, p254-67, and in Dynes, W. R. & Donaldson,
S. (Eds., 1992) Sociology of
Homosexuality. New York, NY [etc.]: Garland, p296-314 [92] Amado, G. (1951) Ethique et
psychologie d'un groupe d'adolescents inadaptés, Évolution Psychia 1:3-30 [93] Leahy does not analyse the Dutch
work of Sandfort and Brongersma. Also note two earlier activist papers
circulated under Leahy's name entitled "Pedophilia and the construction of
childhood" and "Child - adult sex: is it ever ok?" [avail. Homodok, Amsterdam,
both ca. 1983], where he ventures to identify "voluntary" participation in
(male homosexual) paedosexual relationships within the context of
patriarchal/capitalist society. Cf. nondated papers received from the author. [94] Saul,
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