|
The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002) [to Volume
II Index] [to Main
Index Page] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [I] [II] [III] [IV] Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing
Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and
Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The
Netherlands IV
[previous
Appendix]
Ontologist Sexologies and
the Manufacture of Sexual Trajectories -Developmentalist Course.
Impressions
from a Literature Inventory
Summary:
This concluding
Appendix argues for a reappraisal of hegemonic ontologist (especially ethnocentric developmentalist) theories
of sexual (gendered, erotic) trajectories. The paper further recommends a
critical reinterpretation of structural elements through which the
sexual-sexological is expressed, particularly in curricular perspective. Contents [up]
IV.0 Reviewing "Developmental Sexualities": A Short
Introduction IV.1 Developmentalist Ontological Sexologies IV.2 Contemporary Specifications / Modifications of
Script Theory IV.3 Ramification of Ethnohistorical Data within a
Performative Format IV.5 Prospects: Relocating the Agency and Performance
of "Development" Sexology IV.0 Reviewing "Developmental Sexualities": A Short
Introduction [up] [Contents]
Sexuality, sexology and sexual
socialisation are part of an intimate circle of reality, whether addressed
within behavioural, "transitional", or identity discourses[1].
As Herdt[2]
states: "The
creation of a sexual culture is an epistemology, a system of knowledge about
the world, and about things in the world. Sexual culture provides for a culture
its received theory of what human nature is. What is a man? What is a woman?
What is manliness? What is womanliness? What is a boy? What is a girl? What is
heterosexuality? What is homosexuality? What is sex for? What is good about
sex? What is bad about sex? Those questions are all being iterated as a set of
distinctions from the locally created theory of human sexual nature. This
theory is then being promoted and taught to children, becomes part of their
individual ontologies, and then feeds back into what we might call the
collective pool of the sexual culture and its public representations for the culture
as a whole". Hostetler and Herdt (1998)[3]
more recently have positioned the "ontological" within the sexologist
discipline, sexology including a "narrative of origins (an ontology)", next to
teleological and deontological agenda. Exemplifying matters, Herdt[4]
previously discussed the "Western heterosexist bias in seeing normative
development as a function of the individual biology or subjective desire,
rather than as a function of social regulations and control". Far from being
unique for the "Western" tradition[5],
biologist interpretations of the sexual "development" curriculum are legion in
non-Western local sexologies as well [e.g., §3.3]. One may
legitimately ask, however, whether "[…] childhood and sexual maturation [are]
the result of biological age, or […] ideas constantly emerging in the structure
of the family, an institution that is itself historically changeable and
culturally diverse"[6]. Contesting
developmental segmentation of society, we may further pursue to question the
idea of "sexual development": when does play become practice, and practice
performance? And how would this be "development"? The bipartite project Growing Up Sexually[7]
involves a comprehensive review and positioning of ethnographic and
historiographic materials pertaining to preadult sexualities. Originally
reviewing the proceedings and history of various sociological models and
agendas on the issue (e.g., the statistical "cross-cultural" method,
psychoanalysis, psychohistory, feminism, etc.), a late-stage attempt was
undertaken to formulate a performance based sexology of the early life span.
Using this format for the presentation of data, it was concluded that
ontologist interpretations inform social agendas for sexology which are thus
rationalised, normalised and operationalised. This decursus is compromised by
the paucity of qualitative, prospective and empirical research, particularly as
addressing childhood. Organised over four paragraphs, the
present article serves as a legitimisation and interpretation of the choices
made during the compilation of the volumes. The first section identifies the
major bias of sexology in the unilateral addressing of sexual trajectories from
an ethnocentric developmentalist perspective (1). It is
suggested that recent reformulations of traditional interactionist axiomata
have progressively argued for a relocation of agency onto the child, rendering
concepts of "sexual development", if not obsolete, negotiable and relative to
activist pursuits (2). Next, a broad, general
impression is provided of the current ongoing project which entails the
reappraisal of ethnohistorical material within a "postdevelopmentalist"
ramification, stressing the continuity of performative identities rather than
individuals' step-wise approximation of structural curricula (3).
An ensuing paragraph (4) provides an identification of the
subgenres that might live up to the task of visualising such a ramification. A
concluding paragraph (5) briefly addresses prospects. IV.1 Developmentalist Ontological Sexologies [up] [Contents]
It is appreciated that developmentalist
discourses represent a limiting force[8],
a restraint on trajectorial plurality and self-determination. Developmentalist
discourses aid normalising projects[9]
at the expense of tolerance (read: investigation) of plurality, polymorphy and
ambiguity. A most compelling statement posited by the author's literature
reviewing implies the conceptualisation of "childhood" and "adolescence" as
continua in the course of "turning adult" (e.g., "turning erotic") indeed is a
cross-culturally diverse issue. That is, both the process and the goals of this
functional perspective are entitled to their cultural relativism. This puts
contemporary quests for "normative" baselines (e.g., Frayser, 1994)[10]
into cultural perspective. The present material was collected partly in the
hope that it would contribute to avoidance of, as Walkerdine phrases the thing,
"fetishizating western rationality as the universal pinnacle of development"[11].
This is particularly true in projects addressing "phases" as "monolithic
cultural categories" [12]. The study
requires a challenge of "sexualities" as well as "sexologies", while by no
means pretending these are separable or to be separated in any substantial or
monopolist manner. The application
of the (numeric) cross-cultural method to sexual socialisation did not generate
a precise sociological description of situational sexual development. It did
hint at sociological models situated at larger structural levels, but data to
support such models are still fragmentary. Judging from Broude's
(1981)[13]
overview (which title is tale-telling), the main theoretical position taken by
cross-culturalists was an essentialist structuralist one, predominantly
motivated by or geared toward psychodynamic perspectives. A cursory schematic appraisal of
constructionist imaging of the "developmental process" of sexuality reveals at
least five essentialist traditions, arranged within four principally differing
"topographic" concepts of such processes[14]
(Table 1). Table 1 Theoretical Developmental Models of Sexual
Status Trajectories: Theoretical Topographic Appraisal
IV.2 Contemporary Specifications / Modifications of Script
Theory [= Chapter
1 section] [up] [Contents]
Contemporary authors argue that it is
essential to consider the ways in which individuals "construct a sense of
themselves as sexual beings"[15].
Gender, for instance, is not so much a construed, but a negotiated performance in which the child
represents an assertive and productive agent, however choosing from available
choices. Gender is a "social contract",
renegotiated and relocated through "a cycle of practice"[16].
Constructionists describe "how pubertal events (menarche, breast
development, shaving, voice change, weight gain) evoke cultural meanings about
gender and gendered bodies that adolescents then use to construct personal
meaning and sexual subjectivity"[17].
Research suggests that individual scripts are in fact personal modifications of
subcultural scripts. Exploring developmental Ghetto sexual identities, Hillman[18]
found that girls had to "negotiate the dominant [stereotypical black, "ghetto"]
sexual script and their own personal narrative to create personal and social
equilibrium". Using Edwards' theory on "script formulations", it could
be argued that "[d]iscourse does not simply reflect or express ready-made
cognitive schemas; rather, scripts are actively constructed in interactions
through which people 'work up' events as scripted (or as breaches of scripts),
and this 'script talk' is analysable in its own right" (Frith and Kitzinger,
2000:p216)[19]. Scripts,
thus, do not create (sexuality), they get created. This
concept of "performed sexualities"
reinvents essentialist and monolithic notions such as "sexual learning",
"informing", "thinking", "knowing", "perceiving" and "understanding"[20],
educating, "theorising" (Freud)[21],
and so on. Ergo, as Carpenter (1995)[22]
has verbalised, "[…] it is through the manipulation, rejection and
re-creation of their cultural world that young people simultaneously search for
and validate their voice and so situate themselves culturally". IV.3 Ramification of Ethnohistorical Data within a
Performative Format [up] [Contents]
The rationale for applying this
approach to the presentation of ethnographic accounts of early sexuality was
multiplicate: ¨ The
description of sexuality as performative aids in establishing and advocating a
sexologist's "child's perspective"[23]
in which activities, as structurally mediated "tasks", become central elements; ¨ It meets the paucity of psychometric
and psychosocial material in ethnographic materials using children and
adolescents as key informants, and the bias toward material and practical
social anthropology in older data covering many "traditional" non-western
societies; ¨ It provides for a positivist,
bottom-up theory building; as such, it counterweights hegemonic negativist
(e.g., "control", "abuse") entries and operationalisations, as well as
"referent" models based on inference and extrapolation. The method was first piloted in a
preliminary review article on gender/sexuality within the American school environment,
a field pioneered by many contemporary sociologists since the early 1980s[24]
[Appendix 3]. This line of work argued that
the "sexual-erotic" takes it place within a curricular, multi-layered set of
discourses which govern grand unifying principles such as (i) genderedness and
gender performances,
(ii) embodiment and body performances,
and (iii), less convincingly, eroticisation proper and the erotic performance. The social
construction and performance of the first two of these three pillars could be
most clearly demonstrated, the third one being much more perfused with diverse
idealist-moralist (rather than merely activist-pragmatic) agendas. It was further
suggested that some aspects of these principles could alternatively be
approached via a "clinical" entry, exceptional situations (biomedically or
socially) triggering "cultural" performances otherwise hidden from the public
space. A review of ethnographia
has provided ample material for the performance sexology of the pre-adult.
Exploring children's negotiations and explorations of the
coitocentric/coitarchic culture, prepubescent children were described as
"using" legitimising scripts (e.g., marriage) to facilitate the fulfilment of
thus hidden scripts (genital
behaviour). In this sense, children may modify
existing scenarios to fit specific agendas, and within such ad hoc
scenarios recruit (operationalise) potential partners. The children may erect entire
villages that accommodate sexual politics. Coital patterning scripts (curricular
scripts) are closely related to other patterning scripts, such as those
addressing intimacy and pairbonding. Thus, form
and timing of coitarche proper and coital patterning proper are shaped
according to curricularising tendencies that, cross-culturally, are variably
operationalised and organised. Genitality in nonprototypical (self-invented
scenarios, nondyadicism) or protovariant (non-quasi "marital") contexts were interpreted
allowing for the situational generating and modification of scripts, as opposed
to the adoption of complete and stereotypical "dominant" ones. IV.4 Doing
Children's Sexology: The Non-Performative, Activist, The Positivist, the
Folklorist, the Subversive, and the Per-Formative [up] [Contents]
As
Thorne (1987)[25] has argued, the (re-)issuing of children's
agency is a complex task. In a useful (and prize-winning) read, Mullaney[26]
observed what she terms "never identities,"
a subcategory of the "various identities based on not engaging in particular
acts (simply, "not doings")". Thus, passivity of innocence is replaced by "active purity". As evidenced in
nineteenth-century British novels, "[…] the central female character begins at what we would
consider the traditional zero point in terms of sexual behavior—i.e., she is a
technical virgin. In most cases, we are introduced to these women during their
childhood years well before they become sexually active. The introduction of
these women at such a time serves not only to expose the reader to their state
as technical virgins, but also to prepare the reader for the first rite of
passage which these girls will undergo. Not only are the girls virgins during
their childhood, they are innocent, lacking any awareness of the social
value of virginity. One of the first lessons the reader must learn, then, is
that the zero in childhood differs from the zero of later years, particularly
during adolescence or when awoman comes of age. While quantitatively these
"nevers" may be the same, they are qualitatively very different. In particular,
these novels suggest that there is a shift from innocence to purity that
accounts for these qualitatively different states of neverness, that it is
counterintuitive to refer to childhood innocence as purity, since purity
involves an awareness of a society's moral code and an active effort to uphold
it. With many of these women, the reader witnesses such a shift from innocence
to purity, manifested in various instances where the women realize their
behavior is under the scrutiny of others" (p11). Thus, elementary transitions within the sexual sphere take
place from not-doings not to other doings, but to other, more elaborate
not-doings. "Agency" debates need to incorporate
these concepts in the politics of doing associated with sexuality.
Concepts of children's agency have been pioneered in narrowly developmentalist
perspectives (e.g., Zigler and Seitz, 1978:p739-40)[27].
There are, however, options, as
"critical psychologists" and antidevelopmentalists[28] have pioneered. Agency is a major issue in
constructionist approaches of sexual abuse, but little has been written about
what could be considered "normative trajectories". The project will not be one
of empowerment; rather, a less ethnocentric view is within reach. Contemporary American
constructionist-interactionist-performative ideologies of sexuality are
definitely inspired by, operationalised by and directed to certain activist
agendas, all closely related to the concept of abuse within fraudulent,
naturalised hierarchies; these authors typically address "sexist" /
gynaecomysic, "homophobic", and otherwise victimising, abusive performances.
Apparently normalising less extremist, more "adult" (but nonetheless
"hegemonic") sexual discourse, the U.S. male adolescent trajectory is
characterised as a culpable, unjust, abject and erratic sexualist scene, to be
corrected by the apparently erroneous pedagogical context in which they arise.
This discourse is increasingly encroaching on the "pre-adolescent" phase. While
one may or may not identify with these of other reformative, protectionist and
accusatory agendas, the unilateralism tends to compromise an open understanding
of processes, as well as non-political hypothesis testing. Activist agendas embrace their own
developmentalist notions of sexual change, formulated within, as Carr (1999)[29]
has suggested, "essentialist", "anarchist" and "constructionist" ontologies.
Incidental works on children's subversive sexual subculturing pursue a
celebration of curricular anarchic sexual identities. However, it cannot be
downplayed that studying the folkloristic, the per-formative and the
interactionist in children's sexual subcultures and spaces provides a superior
entry to factual processes, rather than acclaimed developments. This is not to
say that one does not gain from structuralist, Marxist, psychoanalytic, activist,
or other models; however, it can be argued that these projects tend to be used
to naturalise developmental principles that thus become natural to the academic
elite, and not necessarily reflect on the object of study. The child needs to
be approached as a sexologist, and as a probable developmental sexologist. How is developmental reality in
sexualibus incorporated in processes of change and enculturation? That is,
how is development manufactured? Comparing traditional European and
African sexual education scenes, it was argued that in the latter case the
input and output are proscribed rather than prescribed, as are the dramatis personae. The re-construction
of the self within the performance of being educated (and educating),
therefore, is not to be mis-taken, a social truth, a pathway to be followed
rather to be ventured. It represents a case of assimilation rather than
individuation, a case of recruitment and inauguration rather than development per se and revolution (§10.2.5;
cf. Atlas, Africa,
Generalia). It can be argued that
these sexualities are structurally
diverse processes, warranting a localisation within teleological spheres. IV.5 Prospects: Relocating
the Agency and Performance of "Development" Sexology [up] [Contents]
Recapitulating,
and to some extent reviving Freud on the matter, the cultural child is, among
other disciplines, a sexologist, performer, folklorist, developmentalist, and
anthropologist. This entails a self-concept integrating such universal
structuring devices as identity-orientation and agency-objectivity. The sexual
performance, imagined or factual, takes place through the situational
employment of these structural elements, situating possibilities through
biographical positioning. By doing so, the child may or may not accept or
discard specific hegemonic developmentalisms. This inclusion of the child in
the sexological society requires analysis of the work and research done by
children within that society rather than the application of developmental
models inspired by some activist (or interventionalist, e.g., medical) agenda.
In other words, the doing of sexuality is in the process of the understanding
of it, a process that not necessarily expands, improves or fails to do so, but,
hypothetically, adapts, reorganises and gets revised in the interaction of
political (biographical and situational) economics. The
methodological limitations involved in this approach will not be considered
here, further than taking up the position that such limitations are hegemonic
(yet negotiable) sexological performances which shape and legitimise children's
spaced curricular subcultures on sex matters.
Published References [up] [Contents]
Bradley,
B. S. (1993) The future of developmental theory, Theory & Psychol 3,4:403-14 Brooks-Gunn, J. & Graber, J. A. (1999) What's sex
got to do with it? The development of sexual identities during adolescence, in
Contrada, R. J. & Ashmore, R. D. (Eds.) Self,
Social Identity, and Physical Health: Interdisciplinary Explorations. New
York: Oxford University Press, p155-82 Broude,
G. (1981) The cultural management of sexuality, in Munroe, R. L., Munroe, R.
& Whiting, B. (Eds.) Handbook of
Cross-Cultural Human Development. New York: Garland STPM, p633-73 Burman,
E. (1994) Deconstructing Developmental Psychology.
London: Routledge Burman,
E. (1995) "What is it?" Masculinity and femininity in cultural representations
of childhood, in Wilkinson, S. & Kitzinger, C. (Eds.) Feminism and Discourse: Psychological Perspectives. London: Sage,
p49-67 Buzwell,
S. & Rosenthal, D. (1996) Constructing a sexual self: Adolescents' sexual
self-perceptions and sexual risk-taking, J
Res Adolesc 6,4:489-513 Carpenter, C. H. (1995) In Our Own Image: The Child, Canadian Culture and Our Future. Paper
for the 9th Annual Robarts Lecture, March 29 Carr,
C. L. (1999) Cognitive scripting and sexual identification: essentialism,
anarchism, and constructionism, Symbolic
Interaction 22,1:1-24 Frayser,
S. G. (1994) Defining normal childhood sexuality: An anthropological approach, Ann Rev Sex Res 5:173217 Freud, S. (1905) Drei
Abhandlungen zur Sexualtheorie. Leipzig & Wien: Franz Deuticke Goldman,
J. (1990) The importance of an adequate sexual vocabulary for children, Austral J Marr & Fam 11,3:136-48 Goldman,
R. & Goldman, J. (1981) Sources of sex information for Australian, English,
North American and Swedish children, J
Psychol 109:97-108 Goldman,
R. & Goldman, J. (1981a) Children's
Sexual Thinking: A Comparative Study of Children Aged 5-15 Years in Australia,
the United States of America, England, and Sweden. London: Routledge &
Kegan Paul Goldman,
R. & Goldman, J. (1981b) Children's perceptions of clothes and nakedness, Genet Psychol Monogr 104:163-85 Goldman,
R. & Goldman, J. (1981c) Children's concepts of why people get married, Austr J Sex, Marr & Fam 2,3: 105-18 Goldman,
R. & Goldman, J. (1981d) What children want to know about sex, Austr Sci Teachers J 27:61-9 Herdt,
G. (1990) Cross-cultural issues in the development of bisexuality and
homosexuality, in Money, J. & Musaph, H. (Eds.) Handbook of Sexology, Vol. VII. Amsterdam [etc.]: Elsevier, p51-63 Herdt,
G. (1991) Commentary on status of sex research: Cross-cultural implications of
sexual development, J Psychol & Hum
Sex 4,1:5-12 Hillman,
Ph. L. (2000) Negotiating the Dominant Sexual Script: Middle-Class Black Girls
Tell Their Story, DAI-A 60, 7, Jan,2698-A Hostetler, A. J. & Herdt, G. H. (1998) Culture,
sexual lifeways, and developmental subjectivities: rethinking sexual
taxonomies, Soc Res 65,2:249-91 Howley, Ai., Spatig, L. & Howely, C.
(1999) Developmentalism deconstructed, in Kincheloe, J. L., Steinberg, Sh. R.
et al. (Eds.) Rethinking Intelligence:
Confronting Psychological Assumptions about Teaching and Learning. New
York: Routledge, p27- 49 Janssen,
D. F. (Sept., 2002a,b) Growing Up
Sexually. Interim report of an ongoing research project. Amsterdam, The
Netherlands. Volume I: Ethnohistorical
Atlas of Erotic Curricula and Curricularisation; Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and
Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Janssen,
D. F. (July, 2001) Paradoxia Sexualis:
The Bio-Othering and Psychopathia Sexualis of the Child. Unpublished
manuscript Jordan, E. & Cowan, A. (1995) Warrior Narratives in
the Kindergarten Classroom Renegotiating the Social Contract? Gender & Society 9,6:727-43 Martin,
K. A. (1995) Puberty, sexuality, and the self: Gender differences at
adolescence, DAI-A 55(9-A):3006 Mohammed,
P. (1997) The idea of childhood and age of sexual maturity among Indians in
Trinidad: A sociohistorical scrutiny, in Roopnarine, J. L. & Brown, J.
(Eds.) Caribbean Families: Diversity
Among Ethnic Groups. Advances in Applied Developmental Psychology, Vol. 14.
Greenwich: Ablex Publishing Corporation, p115-46 Morss,
J. R. (1990) The Biologising of Childhood: Developmental Psychology and the
Darwinian Myth. Hove UK/New Jersey: Erlbaum Morss,
J. R. (1996) Growing Critical:
Alternatives to Developmental Psychology. London: Routledge Rademakers,
J., Laan, M. & Straver, C. J. (2000) Studying children's sexuality from the
child's perspective, J Psychol & Hum
Sex 12,1-2:49-60 Rogers,
R. S. & Rogers, W. S. (1992) Stories
of Childhood: Shifting Agendas of Child Concern. Toronto: University of
Toronto Press / London: Harvester Wheatsheaf Schwartz,
D. (1999) The temptations of normality: Reappraising psychoanalytic theories of
sexual development, Psychoanal Psychol
16,4:554-64 Thorne, B. & Thai, H. (1999) Making Friends: Children's Agency and the Multiple Caring Projects of "Their
Adults". Paper for the Society for the Study of Social Problems Thorne, B. (1987) Re-Visioning Women and Social Change:
Where are the Children? Gender &
Society 1,1:85-109 Walkerdine,
V. (1993) Beyond developmentalism? Theory
& Psychol 3,4:451-69 Notes [up] [Contents]
[1] Brooks-Gunn,-J. & Graber, J. A.
(1999) What's sex got to do with it? The development of sexual identities
during adolescence, in Contrada, R. J. & Ashmore, R. D. (Eds.) Self, Social Identity, and Physical Health:
Interdisciplinary Explorations. New York: Oxford University Press, p155-82 [2] Semiannual
Newsletter of the Robert Penn Warren Center for the Humanities
6,2 (Spring, 1998). Taken from http://www.vanderbilt.edu/rpw_center/examine.htm [3]
Hostetler, A. J. & Herdt, G. H. (1998) Culture, sexual lifeways, and
developmental subjectivities: rethinking sexual taxonomies, Soc Res 65,2:249-91 [4] Herdt, G. (1991) Commentary on status
of sex research: Cross-cultural implications of sexual development, J Psychol & Hum Sex 4,1:5-12. Cf.
Herdt, G. (1990) Cross-cultural issues in the development of bisexuality and
homosexuality, in Money, J. & Musaph, H. (Eds.) Handbook of Sexology, Vol VII. Amsterdam [etc.]: Elsevier, p51-63 [5]
Cf. Janssen, D. F. (July, 2001) Paradoxia
Sexualis: The Bio-Othering and Psychopathia Sexualis of the Child. Unpublished manuscript [6]
Mohammed, P. (1997) The idea of childhood and age of sexual maturity among
Indians in Trinidad: A sociohistorical scrutiny, in Roopnarine, J. L. &
Brown, J. (Eds.) Caribbean Families:
Diversity Among Ethnic Groups. Advances in Applied Developmental
Psychology, Vol. 14. Greenwich: Ablex Publishing Corporation, p115-46 [7]
Janssen, D. F. (Aug., 2002a,b) Growing Up
Sexually. Interim report of an ongoing research project. Amsterdam, The
Netherlands. Volume I: Ethnohistorical
Atlas of Erotic Curricula and Curricularisation; Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and
Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. For a further historical account of
biologised developmental theories, see Morss, J. R. (1990) The Biologising of Childhood: Developmental Psychology and the
Darwinian Myth. Hove UK/New Jersey: Erlbaum. For an account of the
child as a biologised Other, see chapter "Rearing its ugly head: Children and
sexuality" in Rogers, R. S. & Rogers, W. S. (1992) Stories of Childhood: Shifting Agendas of Child Concern. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press / London: Harvester Wheatsheaf [8] Howley,
Ai., Spatig, L. & Howely, C. (1999) Developmentalism deconstructed, in
Kincheloe, J. L., Steinberg, Sh. R. et al. (Eds.) Rethinking Intelligence: Confronting Psychological Assumptions about
Teaching and Learning. New York: Routledge, p27- 49 [9]
Schwartz, D. (1999) The temptations of normality: Reappraising psychoanalytic
theories of sexual development, Psychoanal
Psychol 16,4:554-64 [10]
Frayser, S. G. (1994) Defining normal childhood sexuality: An anthropological
approach, Ann Rev Sex Res 5:173217 [11]
Walkerdine, V. (1993) Beyond developmentalism? Theory & Psychol 3,4:451-69. See further Bradley, B. S. (1993)
The future of developmental theory, Theory
& Psychol 3,4:403-14 [12] Burman, E. (1995) "What is it?" Masculinity
and femininity in cultural representations of childhood, in Wilkinson, S. &
Kitzinger, C. (Eds.) Feminism and
Discourse: Psychological Perspectives. London: Sage, p49-67 [13] Broude, G. (1981) The cultural
management of sexuality, in Munroe, R. L., Munroe, R. & Whiting, B. (Eds.) Handbook of Cross-Cultural Human Development.
New York: Garland STPM, p633-73 [14] These include (1) the transitional (in/out, precultural,
monocultural, accultural, inaugurational) model; (2) the expansive (multi-axial/multi-stage transitional, epigenetic,
divergent, concentric, accumulative) model; (3) the convergent (specialist, conformist) model; (4) the segmental-compartimental (up/down,
cohort, subcultural, hierarchical-polycultural, sequential) model; and (5) the
"post-structural" (pseudo-cultural,
appositional-oppositional, opportunist) models. Specified elsewhere[14],
the fifth model describes pre-adult (as adult) individuals occupying
individual, diverse and transitory cultural spaces, moving in and out of larger
or smaller insular spaces, conjoining and individualising within given
environments. The concept of culture as a monolithic entity is rejected.
Rather, there are (perhaps unstable, evolving, and temporary) discursive spaces
in which one may or may not come to position oneself, or the Other, individuals
"meeting" within these spaces. "Culture", if anything, is a convolute of
various exchangeable sexual discourses, which may be used by individuals to
construe curricular identities (positions). Development is best imagined as a
journey (going back and forth, lateral, not-going, etc.). "Culture" may be
age-structured through (more or less situational and temporary) identification
and complementation processes. Development is achieved through peer-mediated
relocation performances. [15]
Buzwell, S. & Rosenthal, D. (1996) Constructing a sexual self: Adolescents'
sexual self-perceptions and sexual risk-taking, J Res Adolesc 6,4:489-513 [16] Jordan, E. &
Cowan, A. (1995) Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom Renegotiating
the Social Contract? Gender & Society
9,6:727-43, at p740 [17]
Martin, K. A. (1995) Puberty, sexuality, and the self: Gender differences at
adolescence, DAI-A 55(9-A):3006 [18] Hillman, Ph. L. (2000) Negotiating the Dominant
Sexual Script: Middle-Class Black Girls Tell Their Story, DAI-A 60, 7,
Jan,2698-A [19]
Frith, H. & Kitzinger, C. (2001)
Reformulating Sexual Script Theory: Developing a Discursive Psychology of
Sexual Negotiation, Theory & Psychol
11,2:209–32 [20]
E.g., Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1981a) Children's
Sexual Thinking: A Comparative Study of Children Aged 5-15 Years in Australia,
the United States of America, England, and Sweden. London: Routledge: &
Kegan Paul; Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1981c) Children's concepts of why
people get married, Austr J Sex, Marr
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