The Sexual
Curriculum (Oct., 2002) [to
Volume
II Index] [to
Main
Index Page] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [I] [II] [III] [IV] Janssen,
D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual
Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities.
Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands III [next Appendix]
[previous
Appendix] Playground Sexualities. The
Performative-Interactionist Localisation of Schools
"I
see that you are exploring each other's penises. Penises are private parts of
the body and are usually shared on the playground. Is there a problem that I
can help with?"[1] "It's
flippin' Friday"[2] . Abstract: This
Appendix provides a rough "ethnographic" outline of contemporary preadult
sexualities within the American school setting. An argument is made for the curricularising
properties of schooling systems, determining the key issues of stratification,
mobility, and sexual identity/orientation. Taking a performative-interactionist
approach, feminist and gay activist agendas have in the past decade localised school
environments as the central arenas in which sexualities "have their go" in the
form of positioning and oppositioning, and through the agonism and antagonism
of talk and physical manoeuvring. Contents [up]
Playground Sexualities. The Performative-Interactionist Localisation of Schools III.1 Site and Sexuality:
Contemporary Formulations III.3 The Homoerotic Performance III.3.1 The Girlhood School Homoerotic
Performance III.3.2 The Boyhood School Homoerotic Performance III.4 The Homophobic Performance III.5.1 Semi-Public Trajectories and the Rough Edges
of Early Genderism III.6 The Hetero-Romantic
Performance III.7 The Obscenity Performance: Footnotes
to Western Folklore III.8 The "Crush" Performance: The
Vertical Compartment of Scholastic Erotics
III.0
Introduction [up] [Contents]
This
paper starts from the thesis that schools provide the embodiment of sexual and
erotic "subcultures"[3] where entry and
exit may not entail crucial elements, but residence certainly does. The
argument made is that school curricula dominate the shaping and
curricularisation of Western children's sexual and erotic trajectories, as they
take form in the semi-public contexts of the school environment. This line of
sociology has been elaborated upon since the early 1980s by many scholars
including Best, Epstein, Connolly, Kehily, Luria, Nayak, Lee, Mac an Ghaill,
Redman, Renold, Skelton, Thorne, Walkerdine, and Wolpe. On the basis of these
interpretations, the globalisation of sex can in part be reformulated in reform
measures relative to schooling systems. The ethnographic delineation of the
fundamental preconditions of human erotic affiliation[4], and of children's
initial tentative contributions to sexual discourses, is a valuable tool in
addressing and operationalising these issues within wider cultural contexts.
Taking over from the traditional family setting, schools define the key issues
that shape the possibilities and probabilities of sexual trajectories (mobility
and opportunity), and therefore are curricularising agencies (Camping, for
instance, provides a change of this environmental opportunity[5]). "Sexualized"
exchanges between peers, and between teachers and pupils[6], can be focused on
when exploring how sexuality is "employed" in schools, how it is curricularised
and how it is segmentalised. The
following paragraphs provide a general localisation (§III.1),
and specific localisations of behavioural (§III.2)
and predominantly verbal interactions (§III.3-8). The data for a large part
draw upon previous chapters. III.1
Site and Sexuality: Contemporary Formulations [up] [Contents]
School
environments provide the primary erotic and sexual playground for children in
industrialised societies[7]. Extrascholastic
environments[8], one may argue,
complement and expand on the central school discourses. Early literature (e.g.,
Carrera, 1980)[9] pointed to "the
total ecology of the school setting and its role in communicating sexual
learning to children- with special emphasis on the incidental, adventitious,
and informal learning about sexuality that occurs in elementary schools". The
insights at that time were classified "minimal" (cf. Wolpe, 1988:p97)[10]. Two decades later,
Wallis and Van Every (2000)[11] typified primary
schools as "institutions structured by gender and (hetero)sexuality […] which,
in their practices, construct heterosexualized masculinities and femininities"[12]. Renold (2000)[13] portrays primary
school as "a key cultural arena for the production and reproduction of
sexuality and sexual identities". "Breaking the myth that heterosexual
relations symbolise entry into "adolescence" ", Renold writes, authors "note
how 6 year-olds date, dump and two-time and how 4 and 5 year-olds practice
heterosexuality" [[14]]. Research, thus, is directed at "[…] pupils' active engagement, from a
very early age, in the production of sexual meanings, practices, power
relations and identities, and on schools as significant cultural sites in which
sexualities are produced, reproduced and contested" (Redman, 1996). Kehily
(2001)[15] suggested that
school processes produce sites for the enactment of heterosexual masculinities
that suggest the normative presence of heterosexuality and the fragility of
sex/gender categories. Sexualities are "shaped and lived through pupil cultures
that are often marginalized or overlooked by teachers and rarely find their way
into the official curriculum". Heterosexual identity is argued to be "a
socially constructed phenomenon" in which schools are "significant cultural
sites that not only reflect the sexual ideology of the patriarchal-heterosexist
state, but actively produce and reproduce a range of differentiated,
hierarchically ordered heterosexual masculinities and femininities through a
variety of mechanisms, eg, preparing students for the sexual division of labor
in domestic and employment sites and deploying resources that help shape sexual
subjects. Students negotiate their sexual identities in the school site and
peer group sexual subcultures" (Mac an Ghaill, 1996). Redman[16] argues that school
sexualities are "produced at a dynamic interface between historically available
discursive positions, wider social relations, the immediate social environment,
and unconscious processes". To study these patterns, it is advocated "to hold
onto the tension between materialist, deconstructionist, and psychoanalytic
accounts of the formation of sexual subjectivities, without attempting to
resolve the contradictions between them"[17]. III.2
Situational Erotics:
Behavioural Compartment [up] [Contents]
The
preschool setting, particularly, may actually provide a place for semi-public
intimacies[18]. Langfeldt
(1990:p191)[19] speaks of Norway
kindergarten "fucking rooms". At times the school would have seemed sexualised
epidemically and overtly[20]. At any rate,
nursery school teachers are probably not corrected by reality when arguing that
sexual development "constitutes an important aspect of children's personality"
(Kakavoulis)[21]. The opportunities
for overt sexuality decline after kindergarten to give way for a more verbally
oriented and role/narrative-based discourse. Best
(1983)[22] regards the sexual
curriculum (p109-25) as the third of three, the former two being designed for
academic and gender development. This curriculum is primarily "self-devised".
The author found "House" playing primarily occupied with kissing (p110), and
"fucking" by genitogenital rubbing (p121-3). III.3 The
Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]
III.3.1 The Girlhood School Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]
DeGiorgio[23] discusses a survey of teenage sexuality published in
1898[24], Le "Amicizie" di
Collegio: Ricerche sulle Prime Manifestazioni dell'Amore Sessuale, by
Giulio Obici and Giovanni Marchesini, a psychiatrist and an educator. The
authors discuss boarding school friendships between girls, in which they
discover "hitherto unsuspected sexual undertones", and recommend the formation
of a "vigorous conscience". Adolescent
"special" same-sex friendships[25] containing the
emotional intensity of "romantic" relationships, yet supposedly lacking sexual
activity, have been documented in numerous cultures and historical periods[26]. A pattern noted
for African and Euro-American schools, girls associate under the pretence of
pseudo-gender- or pseudo-age-stratified friendships (Blacking, 1959, 1978[27]; Gay, 1979, 1985/1993[28]; Thanadi, 2000[29]; Propper, 1982[30], cf. 1978, 1981[31]; Mueller and
Hopkins, 1979[32]; Omari, 1963:p152-3[33]; Selling, 1931[34]; Holycak, 1972[35]; Carter, 1973[36]; Baker, 1992[37]; Steet, 1998a,b[38]). The situational
nature of these homoerotic affiliations is not to be doubted, Omari argues: "If
this practice is not to be called homosexualism it is only because this is
essentially an adolescent subculture of the boarding school which is most often
done in fun. Affection for the girl "lover" is easily and readily transferred
to men when school is in recess and at the end of boarding school days" (cf.
Holycak). Lesbianism was a common associate of delinquent girls in reform
schools and institutions[39]. "Courting
relationships in reform school, like those on the outside, are highly charged
emotionally and commonly short-lived. The most prominent feature of going with
girls is the exchange of notes. Girls may get married one day and divorced
several days later, taking the name of the Butch. Girls use kin terminology to
describe close relationships with their peers, speaking of "sisters",
"mothers", and "daughters" (Carter). The "play mother" and "play child" declare
their love to each other, and the mother may help the child in her first
amorous approaches (Blacking). Thus,
"[m]ake-believe boyfriends, girlfriends and families provide, at least
temporarily, the romantic, sibling and parental relationships that these girls
crave". "In the secondary boarding school where hundreds of students live
together, a female student may share the same bed with a girl friend; this
female friend of a girl is called supi but the term does not have the sexual
connotations which lesbianism has in the West" (Warren)[40]. Selling: "Because of the fact that these girls have
for years addressed each other as "honey" when meeting or talking over the
telephone, the relationship is known as "honies". The usual behavior of the
girl consists in putting her arm around her "honey", occasional kissing, and
some fondling. […] obscene notes were passed, and girls sent each other
messages and presents". […] Most of these relationships, where they not forced
by convention, particularly where actual bodily contact was desired, could be
looked upon as pseudohomosexuality, according to Hirshfeld's terminology. […]
There are about ten girls out of five hundred who definitely find each other in
an overt homosexual existence. They are usually shrewd enough to conceal this
relationship from the authorities, but almost all the girls are aware of the
Lesbianism which is going on between them. These girls are considered pariahs
and very much looked down upon by others and even when two of them get together
for their relationship, they are not classed as "honies" and certainly do not
exist on the family plane". Cale[41] argues that
Victorian reformatory school managers' control on girls' sexuality was informed
not by a horror of lesbianism, but "from the belief that an introduction to
sexual feelings would inevitably lead to heterosexual activity, and eventually
to prostitution, the principal dread of the rescuers of females of all ages". III.3.2 The Boyhood School
Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]
Nonincident-based
homosexuality is often recorded for "depriving environments", such as
sex-segregated boarding school systems[42]. "Juvenal deplores the habit amongst schoolboys of
mutually rendering this service to one another"[43]. The British case is a notorious one in this respect
(e.g., Ellis, [1913, I:p240; 1936, I:p240-3][44]; Bullough and Bullough, 1978, 1979)[45]. The high levels of homosexuality in English boarding schools (Schofield,
1965a,b)[46] were also noted in their 20th century Indian counterparts[47] (see further Brongersma, 1987:p156-8 )[48]. In Zaire,
informants pointed to homosexuality, between older and younger students at
boarding schools,
which among the region of Bandundu carried varied names, such as kinsukadi (sukadi, sugar) (Erny, 1971:p107-8)[49]. Late 19th century South-African boarding schools experienced the problems with this
type of scholastic system as anywhere. "Initiation into the "under-life" of the
reformatory could be through homosexual rape, while younger boys were soon
drafted into service, sexual and otherwise, for older boys. Masturbation and
homosexuality were common, while fagging, a common boarding school phenomenon,
also appears to have been in practice […]" (Chisholm, 1986:p490)[50]. The Hamburg juvenile house of correction was also
troubled by the practice of mutual liberties[51]. Boys' clubs were an important factor in spreading
masturbation[52]. Boyhood homoerotic societies are known to be organised
by a number of stereotypical elements. The "work" consists of "initiations",
the formation and maintenance of age stratified exchange systems, labelling,
"booking", secrecy, etc. As
in girls' boarding schools (Hilhorst), "special" friendships (cf. Brongersma, 1987:p160-3) in Dutch boarding schools were
discouraged, as were dyadic congregations (Perry): "On est à deux, le diable
est au milieu". Diverse terms were used to describe the sexual element in the
friendship: "klemen" (Germanism of claiming, vague erotic references), "kazen"
("a kind of beginning sexual offence"), and "kluppen" (club, clubbing,
exclusive hanging out). In age stratified patterns (with older comrades,
teachers) the younger parties were given their own title ("poepie", F., poupée,
doll; "hum", which could be pronounced as a semi-cough). Homosexual
"initiations" are noted cross-culturally. Rajani
and Kudrati (1994, 1996)[53] found that at that among Tanzania male street adolescents anal sex, kunyenga,
was often practised as an "initiation rite". For negro adolescents, it was
known that homosexuality was "often used in a ceremony of initiation by groups
of boys"[54]. Pipal (1932)[55] describes that novices in German boy gangs were initiated by being urinated upon. The
boarding school examples parallel ethnographic examples of unisex dormitories,
and cases of sexual segregation in general[56]. III.4 The
Homophobic Performance [up] [Contents]
Homophobic terms have a rich developmental history and
play a central role in U.S. adolescent male peer-group dynamics. Starting from the
fourth grade, a very powerful use of homophobic terms occurs prior to puberty,
which would, Plummer argues, rarely carry "sexual connotations" [sic][57]. The "homosexual
tease"
is noted in American third graders (e.g., Voss, 1997:p245)[58]. Sexism,
homophobia, and harassment were said to make American schools "a highly
sexualised site" (Epstein, 1997)[59]. Francis and
Skelton (2001)[60] suggest that male
teachers' construction of masculinity involves "drawing on misogynist and
homophobic discourses", which raises further questions to the question of the
schooling of gender[61]. Swain[62] suggests that the "cultural imperative of heterosexuality" in
schools leads to the feminisation and subjectification to various types of
homophobic commentary of boys not participating in masculine activities. III.5 The
Sexist Performance [up] [Contents]
III.5.1 Semi-Public Trajectories
and the Rough Edges of Early Genderism [up] [Contents]
Epstein et al. (2001)[63]
argue that children will use the means available to them to construct gender in
their playgrounds and that this will frequently involve the reproduction of
"hegemonic cultural identities and relations of power". Children's public life
contains a variety of "heterosexually charged rituals" (Thorne and Luria, 1986)[64],
such as bra-snapping (cf. Best, p112-3). On the playground, the
threat of kissing is a "ritualised form of provocation" (Th&L; cf. Best,
p113-5), and some kinds of playground chasing were forbidden because of their
"inappropriate" touch. Paikoff (1995)[65]
found that of situations providing "sexual" possibilities, the most popular was
that of participating in running or chasing games with the opposite sex. From
elementary school on, children's alleged romantic inclinations are the focus of
gossip and teasing, marking social hierarchies. The loading is heterosexual,
and predominantly male homophobic. Epstein (1996)[66]
suggested that "heterosexuality is a part of the stuff of every day life on
playgrounds and in classrooms" and is represented in: (1) imagined futures; (2)
traditional games and rhymes; (3) versions of games involving running and
catching; (4) sexist/sexual harassment; (5) assays into the world of "going
out"; and (6) gossip networks. The element of humour should also be taken into
consideration[67]. Boys would
use (1) symbolic sexual performances, (2) public sexual innuendoes, (3) sexual
storytelling, and (4) sexual objectification of girls and women to identify
with a heterosexual image (Renold). Little boys adopt a definition of
masculinity as avoiding whatever is done by girls[68].
Humour can be an unofficial resource through which boys learn about the culture
of manhood and test out these values among one another[69]. Janikas (1993)[70]
found that, comparing contemporary hand-clapping games among girls on a
southern California elementary school playground with those played by previous
generations in this area, the most obvious change was a change in sexual norms.
In this light playground behaviour represents a barometer for sexual
development without the problematised need for more intimate details. III.5.2
The Quasi- and Pseudo-Aggressive Performance: Transitional and Curricular
"Sexual" Play-Aggression
along the Gender Axis [up] [Contents]
Teasing, it could be argued, is a
"gendered identity project"[71].
Fine (1986:p64)[72]
classifies "aggressive pranks", or "playful terrorism" among "dirty play".
Indeed it is noted that genital themes readily enter boys' play fighting,
including a variety of techniques[73],
such as pantsing,
hitting and sqeezing genitalia, as well as a veritable competition in verbal
expertise lasting at least a school term. Pseudoaggressive tendencies carry
over to the "ethologisms" of adolescent courtship, at times in an apparent
continuous relationship with preadolescent amorous, and play-aggressive,
rehearsals. This "transitional" courtship takes verbal and physical forms,
including "pushing and poking" courtship
behaviours (Maccoby, 1998:p70[74]; cf. Pellegrini, 2001:p121)[75]. Pellegrini concluded that bullying becomes sexual
bullying, especially in the transition of primary to secondary school,
coinciding with the redirection of homosocial to heterosocial interests. Study[76]
suggests that cross-gender harassment,
distinct from same-gender harassment, increased in frequency from Grade 6 to
Grade 8, and was linked to pubertal maturation and participation in
mixed-gender peer groups. Other research[77]
indicates that the majority of 3- to 5-graders experience peer "harassment" and
that the boys and girls had experienced about equal amounts. Alternative
definitions bring about lower statistics[78].
Nevertheless, students report that "sexual harassment" (both words and actions)
happened frequently in school, occurred under the noses of teachers, and began
in elementary school[79].
Girl actors were more likely to think their victim would be frightened and boys
more likely to think that the victim would be flattered by the attention. The issue of teasing has become under a
strain lately, the conduct of certain six- and seven- year-olds being measured
by adult sexual "harassment" standards[80].
The interpretation of behaviours may strongly be influenced by situational
factors. An Ontario junior high counsellor described boys complaining about
other boys who rubbed against them or grabbed them in informal settings,
enjoying such contact when it occurred in the formal setting of a sanctioned
football game[81]. On the
other hand: in a study by Land (2001)[82]
adolescent students' descriptions of "sexual harassment" were much more uniform
than those of teasing and bullying. In their qualitative descriptions and
quantitative reports of experience, students primarily equated being "sexually
harassed" with being sexually touched. The issue would press for the selective
re-institution of single-sex classes [83]. Eder (1993)[84]
argued that teasing based on "romantic" and sexual themes provides girls with
ways of reinforcing bonds among themselves, experimenting with and reversing
traditional gender roles, and managing newly experienced feelings of jealousy.
Mathis (1970)[85] marked that
sexual teasing, "motivated by psychosexual immaturity", can be seen as a method
of controlling anxiety. When this mechanism fails, a loss of self-esteem,
coupled with depression, occurs. III.6 The Hetero-Romantic Performance[86] [up] [Contents]
Redman (2001)[87]
argues that romance provides boys with "a cultural repertoire --that is, a
narrative resource or set of discursive practices-- through which they
negotiated and made imaginative sense of the "little cultural world" of their
college". In particular, Redman's article suggests that romance "served to
police and discipline relations of class, gender ethnicity, and sexuality in
the pupils' culture while providing for the boys a mode of subjective
orientation to key disciplinary practices of schooling". As such, romance may
be seen as "a resource through which the boys "worked themselves into" the
dispositions of a middle-class or professional habitus. Thus, "[…]
romance provided the boys in the study with a means of locating themselves (and
thereby constructing a heterosexual masculine identity) in relation to a cast
of hierarchically arranged social others. More particularly, I argue that this
process had a disciplinary function. Romance […] was one way in which the
boundaries of gender, class, ethnicity, and sexuality were policed within the pupils'
culture. It served to assert and validate a particular and socially powerful
kind of masculinity—white, heteronormative, and professional or middle
class—that simultaneously contested (and in some cases, punished) those forms
of masculinity and femininity that failed to compliment it" (R., 2001:p189). Romanticism follows pseudo-, quasi- and
semi-institutional patterns, including the use of "love games" (§s 2.4
and 15.2.1),
including "love tokens"[88],
love letters, etc. III.7 The Obscenity Performance:
Footnotes to Western[89] Folklore [up] [Contents]
Attempts to study obscene subcultures
retrospectively most probably turn out to be "wholly abortive because adults
unconsciously censor such verses and reproduce them in mutilated form"
(Borneman, 1990:p204), and compromise the chronology of events. As Borneman
did, Fine (1981)[90] argues that
children's (obscene) talk must be examined "in situ". Goldman (1990)[91]
recognises four types of "sexual languages" in children and early adolescents
(clinical, common usage, family traditional, and erotic), a compartimentalised organisation suggestive of a
preparedness to face variable situational demands. Whether explicit songs are
used or consumed by children with an erotogenetic intent is not clear, though
it seems reasonable to speculate on its universality at least northern of the
equator[92]. An early German-language collection was offered by
Godelück (1906)[93].
Later, Ernest Borneman would write extensively on children's forbidden song
(1973, 1974, 1976a,b; 1978a,b; 1985:p167-210, 216-36)[94], drawing
material from an intriguing mode of fieldwork in Germany, Austria, Switzerland,
and other regions (Borneman, 1985:p174). A Russian collection of poems,
sayings, hints, riddles, songs and jokes illustrating the evolution of the
erotic perception of children ages 4 to 14 years old is done by Armalinkij
(1995)[95].
The Russian Draznilkas (Weiss,
1999)[96] or
taunting rhymes, are typical of childhood. A Bulgarian sample was collected by
Badalanova (1993, 1995, 1996)[97]. A
Samoa parallel is called ula (to tease; sexual, aggressive, humor) (Mageo,
1992)[98].
Observations on Nordic school children are reported by Heitmann (1988)[99].
Two French works (Gaignebet, 1974[100];
Bournard, 1979[101])
add to this list. More ethnographic examples include that provided by Lipponen [102], Bregenhøj[103] and others[104].
Sherman and Weisskopf's (1995)[105] Greasy Grimy Gopher Guts, a collection of traditional children's rhymes from Canada and the
United States, caused outrage among Ontario parents who wanted the book removed
from the public library. Stating they are racist, homophobic and sexually
explicit: "We don't feel that it's suitable for general reading in the
children's section. My feeling is that the children are reading this book and
just skipping over the commentary which is quite adult [!] in nature. And they
may think the verses are OK to repeat". To these people, the selection by
Goldings (1974)[106]
would prove a more placid digest. (Goldings observes "easy regression to
pregenital themes and issues", while only some rhymes "give "practice" to the
girl's fantasy of her future fortune and heterosexuality (as older folklorists
would have predicted".) Interpretations of curricular and
age-segmental obscenity have been offered within psychodynamic perspectives. ¨ III.8 The "Crush" Performance: The Vertical Compartment of Scholastic
Erotics [up] [Contents]
Some authors[107]
argue for a "right" for "eroticism" in classrooms. The realities of such an
image, however, are for a large part limited to the age-dismatched "crush
phase" theme that has traditionally dominated (at least Western) folklore of
schooled female peripubescence. In this tradition, it is the adolescent who has
the "teacher crush"[108],
but folklore allows a wide age range for the phenomenon. Teachers were warned
about these crushes[109],
though on the whole, the issue seems a rarely addressed area of the school
experience[110]. Some authors[111]
drew the conclusion that the modern urban environment and education tend to
direct the adolescent toward heterosexual fixations rather than toward "the
old-fashioned teacher or counsellor crush". Haups (1938)[112]
argued that crushes may be utilised for educational purposes by transforming
them into a pedagogically desirable relationship through creating confidence,
giving the child attention which shows "genuine interest", and attempting a
constructive understanding. Woodard (1933:p388-9)[113]
was less optimistic: "At
its worst, the "crush", if intense and towards a teacher of the same sex, may
be the preliminary of a homosexual trend later to develop. At best, this
prolonged dependence may produce the person who has never learned really to stand
on his [sic] own feet, in his
behavior so thoroughly molded and conformed as not to be able to shift
attitudes and values and to analyze out his subjectivated mores even when
changed conditions urgently demand readjustment […]". Broderick
conceptualised the crush as a "super-safe" rehearsal, in contrast to the
classroom sweetheart, a theory to some extent supported by research (Karniol,
2001)[114] (cf. §8.2.2.1).
This suggests the peripubescent defines, invests in and finally discards
social/sexual "orientations": horizontal, vertical and back again. In
this format, school-inspired crushes may be used as an auto-erotic substrate,
or provide an entry in erotic role-play. Yates (1978:p218)[115]: "Edith and Candy have been good friends since the
fifth grade. At least one night out of each weekend is spent together. They
giggle and whisper until two A.M. Candy has a crush on her math teacher and
Edith is in love with Stevie Wonder. Edith is well aware that her parents won't
let her date until she's sixteen; Candy knows that her math teacher is married.
As they spin fantasies about a beloved, each is intensely aroused. Soon Edith
is playacting; she's Candy's math teacher and this is their wedding night". III.9 Concluding Arguments [up] [Contents]
Hallinan and Smith (1987)[116]
argued that "structural and organizational features of a classroom constrain
the interaction patterns of [preadolescent] students in such a way as to affect
the probability of dyadic friendship relationships and the network of social
ties that evolve within a classroom". Even when taken a more reserved approach,
it may have become clear that schools are among the prime arenas for sexual
development. This study field lends itself for "ethnographic observation". The
reciprocal relationship between fieldworker and preadolescents in the process
of field entry and data collection are of imminent importance for
the quality and nature of its outcome[117].
Controlled studies might address the hypothesis that children's semi-public
sexual cultures can be studied only by soundly defined persona as it pertains
to the social involvement with the boys or girls. This may put forward a basis
for dismissing parents, and perhaps teachers, as observers for phase-identified
sexualities. These issues are to produce a reliable monitoring of school-based
sexual organisations and environments as they are of importance in areas such
as harassment, identity / orientation matters, racism, etc. III.x Additional Reading [up] [Contents]
-- Baugh (1977) A principal's observations, in
Oremland, E. K. & Oremland, J. D. (Eds.) The Sexual Gender and Young Children: The Role of the Educator.
Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, p103-7 -- Dixon,
C. (1997) Pete's Tool: identity and sex-play in the design and technology
classroom, Gender & Educ l9,1:89-104 -- Epstein, D.
(1995) "Girls don' t do bricks": Gender and sexuality in the primary classroom,
in Siraj-Blatchford, J. & Siraj-Blatchford, I. (Eds.) Educating the Whole Child: Cross-Curricular Skills, Themes and
Dimensions. Buckingham, Open University Press -- Epstein,
D. (1999) Sex Play: romantic significations, sexism and silences in the
schoolyard, in Epstein, D. & Sears, J. (Eds.) A Dangerous Knowing: Sexuality, Pedagogy and Popular Culture.
London: Cassell -- Epstein, D., O'Flynn, S. & Telford, D.
(2002) Silenced Sexualities in Schools
and Universities. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books -- Fine, M. (1988) Sexuality, schooling, and
adolescent females: the missing discourse of desire, Harvard Educ Rev 58,1:29-53 -- Gussenhoven (1986)
Erotiek op de basisschool [3 parts], Schoolblad
[Dutch] 14[21/8]:18-20; 15[4/9]:14-8;17[2/10]:26-8 -- Halstead, J. M. & Waite, S. (2001)
"Living in different worlds": Gender differences in the developing sexual
values and attitudes of primary school children, Sex Educ 1,1:59-76 --
Hey, V., Creese, A.,Daniels, H., Fielding, Sh. & Leonard, D. (2001) "Sad.
bad or sexy boys": Girls' talk in and out of the classroom, in Martino, W.
& Meyenn, B. (Eds.) What About the
Boys?: Issues of Masculinity in Schools. Buckingham, England: Open
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