Growing Up Sexually

The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002)

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Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands

III [next Appendix] [previous Appendix]

Playground Sexualities. The Performative-Interactionist Localisation of Schools


"I see that you are exploring each other's penises. Penises are private parts of the body and are usually shared on the playground. Is there a problem that I can help with?"[1]


"It's flippin' Friday"[2]




Abstract: This Appendix provides a rough "ethnographic" outline of contemporary preadult sexualities within the American school setting. An argument is made for the curricularising properties of schooling systems, determining the key issues of stratification, mobility, and sexual identity/orientation. Taking a performative-interactionist approach, feminist and gay activist agendas have in the past decade localised school environments as the central arenas in which sexualities "have their go" in the form of positioning and oppositioning, and through the agonism and antagonism of talk and physical manoeuvring.




Contents [up]


Playground Sexualities. The Performative-Interactionist Localisation of Schools. 1


III.0 Introduction 2

III.1 Site and Sexuality: Contemporary Formulations 2

III.2 Situational Erotics 2

III.3 The Homoerotic Performance 3

III.3.1 The Girlhood School Homoerotic Performance 3

III.3.2 The Boyhood School Homoerotic Performance 3

III.4 The Homophobic Performance 4

III.5 The Sexist Performance 4

III.5.1 Semi-Public Trajectories and the Rough Edges of Early Genderism 4

III.5.2 The Quasi- and Pseudo-Aggressive Performance: Transitional and Curricular "Sexual" Play-Aggression along the Gender Axis 5

III.6 The Hetero-Romantic Performance 5

III.7 The Obscenity Performance: Footnotes to Western Folklore 5

III.8 The "Crush" Performance: The Vertical Compartment of Scholastic Erotics 6

III.9 Concluding Arguments 6

III.x Additional Reading 8

Notes 8




III.0 Introduction [up] [Contents]


This paper starts from the thesis that schools provide the embodiment of sexual and erotic "subcultures"[3] where entry and exit may not entail crucial elements, but residence certainly does. The argument made is that school curricula dominate the shaping and curricularisation of Western children's sexual and erotic trajectories, as they take form in the semi-public contexts of the school environment. This line of sociology has been elaborated upon since the early 1980s by many scholars including Best, Epstein, Connolly, Kehily, Luria, Nayak, Lee, Mac an Ghaill, Redman, Renold, Skelton, Thorne, Walkerdine, and Wolpe. On the basis of these interpretations, the globalisation of sex can in part be reformulated in reform measures relative to schooling systems. The ethnographic delineation of the fundamental preconditions of human erotic affiliation[4], and of children's initial tentative contributions to sexual discourses, is a valuable tool in addressing and operationalising these issues within wider cultural contexts. Taking over from the traditional family setting, schools define the key issues that shape the possibilities and probabilities of sexual trajectories (mobility and opportunity), and therefore are curricularising agencies (Camping, for instance, provides a change of this environmental opportunity[5]). "Sexualized" exchanges between peers, and between teachers and pupils[6], can be focused on when exploring how sexuality is "employed" in schools, how it is curricularised and how it is segmentalised.


The following paragraphs provide a general localisation (§III.1), and specific localisations of behavioural (§III.2) and predominantly verbal interactions (§III.3-8). The data for a large part draw upon previous chapters.



III.1 Site and Sexuality: Contemporary Formulations [up] [Contents]


School environments provide the primary erotic and sexual playground for children in industrialised societies[7]. Extrascholastic environments[8], one may argue, complement and expand on the central school discourses. Early literature (e.g., Carrera, 1980)[9] pointed to "the total ecology of the school setting and its role in communicating sexual learning to children- with special emphasis on the incidental, adventitious, and informal learning about sexuality that occurs in elementary schools". The insights at that time were classified "minimal" (cf. Wolpe, 1988:p97)[10]. Two decades later, Wallis and Van Every (2000)[11] typified primary schools as "institutions structured by gender and (hetero)sexuality […] which, in their practices, construct heterosexualized masculinities and femininities"[12]. Renold (2000)[13] portrays primary school as "a key cultural arena for the production and reproduction of sexuality and sexual identities". "Breaking the myth that heterosexual relations symbolise entry into "adolescence" ", Renold writes, authors "note how 6 year-olds date, dump and two-time and how 4 and 5 year-olds practice heterosexuality" [[14]]. Research, thus, is directed at


"[…] pupils' active engagement, from a very early age, in the production of sexual meanings, practices, power relations and identities, and on schools as significant cultural sites in which sexualities are produced, reproduced and contested" (Redman, 1996).


Kehily (2001)[15] suggested that school processes produce sites for the enactment of heterosexual masculinities that suggest the normative presence of heterosexuality and the fragility of sex/gender categories. Sexualities are "shaped and lived through pupil cultures that are often marginalized or overlooked by teachers and rarely find their way into the official curriculum". Heterosexual identity is argued to be "a socially constructed phenomenon" in which schools are "significant cultural sites that not only reflect the sexual ideology of the patriarchal-heterosexist state, but actively produce and reproduce a range of differentiated, hierarchically ordered heterosexual masculinities and femininities through a variety of mechanisms, eg, preparing students for the sexual division of labor in domestic and employment sites and deploying resources that help shape sexual subjects. Students negotiate their sexual identities in the school site and peer group sexual subcultures" (Mac an Ghaill, 1996). Redman[16] argues that school sexualities are "produced at a dynamic interface between historically available discursive positions, wider social relations, the immediate social environment, and unconscious processes". To study these patterns, it is advocated "to hold onto the tension between materialist, deconstructionist, and psychoanalytic accounts of the formation of sexual subjectivities, without attempting to resolve the contradictions between them"[17].



III.2 Situational Erotics: Behavioural Compartment [up] [Contents]


The preschool setting, particularly, may actually provide a place for semi-public intimacies[18]. Langfeldt (1990:p191)[19] speaks of Norway kindergarten "fucking rooms". At times the school would have seemed sexualised epidemically and overtly[20]. At any rate, nursery school teachers are probably not corrected by reality when arguing that sexual development "constitutes an important aspect of children's personality" (Kakavoulis)[21]. The opportunities for overt sexuality decline after kindergarten to give way for a more verbally oriented and role/narrative-based discourse.

Best (1983)[22] regards the sexual curriculum (p109-25) as the third of three, the former two being designed for academic and gender development. This curriculum is primarily "self-devised". The author found "House" playing primarily occupied with kissing (p110), and "fucking" by genitogenital rubbing (p121-3).



III.3 The Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]


III.3.1 The Girlhood School Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]


DeGiorgio[23] discusses a survey of teenage sexuality published in 1898[24], Le "Amicizie" di Collegio: Ricerche sulle Prime Manifestazioni dell'Amore Sessuale, by Giulio Obici and Giovanni Marchesini, a psychiatrist and an educator. The authors discuss boarding school friendships between girls, in which they discover "hitherto unsuspected sexual undertones", and recommend the formation of a "vigorous conscience".


Adolescent "special" same-sex friendships[25] containing the emotional intensity of "romantic" relationships, yet supposedly lacking sexual activity, have been documented in numerous cultures and historical periods[26]. A pattern noted for African and Euro-American schools, girls associate under the pretence of pseudo-gender- or pseudo-age-stratified friendships (Blacking, 1959, 1978[27]; Gay, 1979, 1985/1993[28]; Thanadi, 2000[29]; Propper, 1982[30], cf. 1978, 1981[31]; Mueller and Hopkins, 1979[32]; Omari, 1963:p152-3[33]; Selling, 1931[34]; Holycak, 1972[35]; Carter, 1973[36]; Baker, 1992[37]; Steet, 1998a,b[38]). The situational nature of these homoerotic affiliations is not to be doubted, Omari argues: "If this practice is not to be called homosexualism it is only because this is essentially an adolescent subculture of the boarding school which is most often done in fun. Affection for the girl "lover" is easily and readily transferred to men when school is in recess and at the end of boarding school days" (cf. Holycak). Lesbianism was a common associate of delinquent girls in reform schools and institutions[39]. "Courting relationships in reform school, like those on the outside, are highly charged emotionally and commonly short-lived. The most prominent feature of going with girls is the exchange of notes. Girls may get married one day and divorced several days later, taking the name of the Butch. Girls use kin terminology to describe close relationships with their peers, speaking of "sisters", "mothers", and "daughters" (Carter). The "play mother" and "play child" declare their love to each other, and the mother may help the child in her first amorous approaches (Blacking). Thus, "[m]ake-believe boyfriends, girlfriends and families provide, at least temporarily, the romantic, sibling and parental relationships that these girls crave". "In the secondary boarding school where hundreds of students live together, a female student may share the same bed with a girl friend; this female friend of a girl is called supi but the term does not have the sexual connotations which lesbianism has in the West" (Warren)[40]. Selling:


"Because of the fact that these girls have for years addressed each other as "honey" when meeting or talking over the telephone, the relationship is known as "honies". The usual behavior of the girl consists in putting her arm around her "honey", occasional kissing, and some fondling. […] obscene notes were passed, and girls sent each other messages and presents". […] Most of these relationships, where they not forced by convention, particularly where actual bodily contact was desired, could be looked upon as pseudohomosexuality, according to Hirshfeld's terminology. […] There are about ten girls out of five hundred who definitely find each other in an overt homosexual existence. They are usually shrewd enough to conceal this relationship from the authorities, but almost all the girls are aware of the Lesbianism which is going on between them. These girls are considered pariahs and very much looked down upon by others and even when two of them get together for their relationship, they are not classed as "honies" and certainly do not exist on the family plane".


Cale[41] argues that Victorian reformatory school managers' control on girls' sexuality was informed not by a horror of lesbianism, but "from the belief that an introduction to sexual feelings would inevitably lead to heterosexual activity, and eventually to prostitution, the principal dread of the rescuers of females of all ages".


III.3.2 The Boyhood School Homoerotic Performance [up] [Contents]


Nonincident-based homosexuality is often recorded for "depriving environments", such as sex-segregated boarding school systems[42]. "Juvenal deplores the habit amongst schoolboys of mutually rendering this service to one another"[43]. The British case is a notorious one in this respect (e.g., Ellis, [1913, I:p240; 1936, I:p240-3][44]; Bullough and Bullough, 1978, 1979)[45]. The high levels of homosexuality in English boarding schools (Schofield, 1965a,b)[46] were also noted in their 20th century Indian counterparts[47] (see further Brongersma, 1987:p156-8 )[48]. In Zaire, informants pointed to homosexuality, between older and younger students at boarding schools, which among the region of Bandundu carried varied names, such as kinsukadi (sukadi, sugar) (Erny, 1971:p107-8)[49]. Late 19th century South-African boarding schools experienced the problems with this type of scholastic system as anywhere. "Initiation into the "under-life" of the reformatory could be through homosexual rape, while younger boys were soon drafted into service, sexual and otherwise, for older boys. Masturbation and homosexuality were common, while fagging, a common boarding school phenomenon, also appears to have been in practice […]" (Chisholm, 1986:p490)[50]. The Hamburg juvenile house of correction was also troubled by the practice of mutual liberties[51]. Boys' clubs were an important factor in spreading masturbation[52].


Boyhood homoerotic societies are known to be organised by a number of stereotypical elements. The "work" consists of "initiations", the formation and maintenance of age stratified exchange systems, labelling, "booking", secrecy, etc.


As in girls' boarding schools (Hilhorst), "special" friendships (cf. Brongersma, 1987:p160-3) in Dutch boarding schools were discouraged, as were dyadic congregations (Perry): "On est à deux, le diable est au milieu". Diverse terms were used to describe the sexual element in the friendship: "klemen" (Germanism of claiming, vague erotic references), "kazen" ("a kind of beginning sexual offence"), and "kluppen" (club, clubbing, exclusive hanging out). In age stratified patterns (with older comrades, teachers) the younger parties were given their own title ("poepie", F., poupée, doll; "hum", which could be pronounced as a semi-cough).


Homosexual "initiations" are noted cross-culturally.


Rajani and Kudrati (1994, 1996)[53] found that at that among Tanzania male street adolescents anal sex, kunyenga, was often practised as an "initiation rite". For negro adolescents, it was known that homosexuality was "often used in a ceremony of initiation by groups of boys"[54]. Pipal (1932)[55] describes that novices in German boy gangs were initiated by being urinated upon.


The boarding school examples parallel ethnographic examples of unisex dormitories, and cases of sexual segregation in general[56].



III.4 The Homophobic Performance [up] [Contents]


Homophobic terms have a rich developmental history and play a central role in U.S. adolescent male peer-group dynamics. Starting from the fourth grade, a very powerful use of homophobic terms occurs prior to puberty, which would, Plummer argues, rarely carry "sexual connotations" [sic][57]. The "homosexual tease" is noted in American third graders (e.g., Voss, 1997:p245)[58]. Sexism, homophobia, and harassment were said to make American schools "a highly sexualised site" (Epstein, 1997)[59]. Francis and Skelton (2001)[60] suggest that male teachers' construction of masculinity involves "drawing on misogynist and homophobic discourses", which raises further questions to the question of the schooling of gender[61]. Swain[62] suggests that the "cultural imperative of heterosexuality" in schools leads to the feminisation and subjectification to various types of homophobic commentary of boys not participating in masculine activities.



III.5 The Sexist Performance [up] [Contents]



III.5.1 Semi-Public Trajectories and the Rough Edges of Early Genderism [up] [Contents]


Epstein et al. (2001)[63] argue that children will use the means available to them to construct gender in their playgrounds and that this will frequently involve the reproduction of "hegemonic cultural identities and relations of power". Children's public life contains a variety of "heterosexually charged rituals" (Thorne and Luria, 1986)[64], such as bra-snapping (cf. Best, p112-3). On the playground, the threat of kissing is a "ritualised form of provocation" (Th&L; cf. Best, p113-5), and some kinds of playground chasing were forbidden because of their "inappropriate" touch. Paikoff (1995)[65] found that of situations providing "sexual" possibilities, the most popular was that of participating in running or chasing games with the opposite sex. From elementary school on, children's alleged romantic inclinations are the focus of gossip and teasing, marking social hierarchies. The loading is heterosexual, and predominantly male homophobic.


Epstein (1996)[66] suggested that "heterosexuality is a part of the stuff of every day life on playgrounds and in classrooms" and is represented in: (1) imagined futures; (2) traditional games and rhymes; (3) versions of games involving running and catching; (4) sexist/sexual harassment; (5) assays into the world of "going out"; and (6) gossip networks. The element of humour should also be taken into consideration[67]. Boys would use (1) symbolic sexual performances, (2) public sexual innuendoes, (3) sexual storytelling, and (4) sexual objectification of girls and women to identify with a heterosexual image (Renold). Little boys adopt a definition of masculinity as avoiding whatever is done by girls[68]. Humour can be an unofficial resource through which boys learn about the culture of manhood and test out these values among one another[69].


Janikas (1993)[70] found that, comparing contemporary hand-clapping games among girls on a southern California elementary school playground with those played by previous generations in this area, the most obvious change was a change in sexual norms. In this light playground behaviour represents a barometer for sexual development without the problematised need for more intimate details.



III.5.2 The Quasi- and Pseudo-Aggressive Performance: Transitional and Curricular "Sexual" Play-Aggression along the Gender Axis [up] [Contents]


Teasing, it could be argued, is a "gendered identity project"[71]. Fine (1986:p64)[72] classifies "aggressive pranks", or "playful terrorism" among "dirty play". Indeed it is noted that genital themes readily enter boys' play fighting, including a variety of techniques[73], such as pantsing, hitting and sqeezing genitalia, as well as a veritable competition in verbal expertise lasting at least a school term. Pseudoaggressive tendencies carry over to the "ethologisms" of adolescent courtship, at times in an apparent continuous relationship with preadolescent amorous, and play-aggressive, rehearsals. This "transitional" courtship takes verbal and physical forms, including "pushing and poking" courtship behaviours (Maccoby, 1998:p70[74]; cf. Pellegrini, 2001:p121)[75]. Pellegrini concluded that bullying becomes sexual bullying, especially in the transition of primary to secondary school, coinciding with the redirection of homosocial to heterosocial interests. Study[76] suggests that cross-gender harassment, distinct from same-gender harassment, increased in frequency from Grade 6 to Grade 8, and was linked to pubertal maturation and participation in mixed-gender peer groups. Other research[77] indicates that the majority of 3- to 5-graders experience peer "harassment" and that the boys and girls had experienced about equal amounts. Alternative definitions bring about lower statistics[78]. Nevertheless, students report that "sexual harassment" (both words and actions) happened frequently in school, occurred under the noses of teachers, and began in elementary school[79]. Girl actors were more likely to think their victim would be frightened and boys more likely to think that the victim would be flattered by the attention.


[74]; cf. Pellegrini, 2001:p121)[75]. Pellegrini concluded that bullying becomes sexual bullying, especially in the transition of primary to secondary school, coinciding with the redirection of homosocial to heterosocial interests. Study[76] suggests that cross-gender harassment, distinct from same-gender harassment, increased in frequency from Grade 6 to Grade 8, and was linked to pubertal maturation and participation in mixed-gender peer groups. Other research[77] indicates that the majority of 3- to 5-graders experience peer "harassment" and that the boys and girls had experienced about equal amounts. Alternative definitions bring about lower statistics[78]. Nevertheless, students report that "sexual harassment" (both words and actions) happened frequently in school, occurred under the noses of teachers, and began in elementary school[79]. Girl actors were more likely to think their victim would be frightened and boys more likely to think that the victim would be flattered by the attention.


The issue of teasing has become under a strain lately, the conduct of certain six- and seven- year-olds being measured by adult sexual "harassment" standards[80]. The interpretation of behaviours may strongly be influenced by situational factors. An Ontario junior high counsellor described boys complaining about other boys who rubbed against them or grabbed them in informal settings, enjoying such contact when it occurred in the formal setting of a sanctioned football game[81]. On the other hand: in a study by Land (2001)[82] adolescent students' descriptions of "sexual harassment" were much more uniform than those of teasing and bullying. In their qualitative descriptions and quantitative reports of experience, students primarily equated being "sexually harassed" with being sexually touched. The issue would press for the selective re-institution of single-sex classes [83].


Eder (1993)[84] argued that teasing based on "romantic" and sexual themes provides girls with ways of reinforcing bonds among themselves, experimenting with and reversing traditional gender roles, and managing newly experienced feelings of jealousy. Mathis (1970)[85] marked that sexual teasing, "motivated by psychosexual immaturity", can be seen as a method of controlling anxiety. When this mechanism fails, a loss of self-esteem, coupled with depression, occurs.




III.6 The Hetero-Romantic Performance[86] [up] [Contents]


Redman (2001)[87] argues that romance provides boys with "a cultural repertoire --that is, a narrative resource or set of discursive practices-- through which they negotiated and made imaginative sense of the "little cultural world" of their college". In particular, Redman's article suggests that romance "served to police and discipline relations of class, gender ethnicity, and sexuality in the pupils' culture while providing for the boys a mode of subjective orientation to key disciplinary practices of schooling". As such, romance may be seen as "a resource through which the boys "worked themselves into" the dispositions of a middle-class or professional habitus.




"[…] romance provided the boys in the study with a means of locating themselves (and thereby constructing a heterosexual masculine identity) in relation to a cast of hierarchically arranged social others. More particularly, I argue that this process had a disciplinary function. Romance […] was one way in which the boundaries of gender, class, ethnicity, and sexuality were policed within the pupils' culture. It served to assert and validate a particular and socially powerful kind of masculinity—white, heteronormative, and professional or middle class—that simultaneously contested (and in some cases, punished) those forms of masculinity and femininity that failed to compliment it" (R., 2001:p189).


Romanticism follows pseudo-, quasi- and semi-institutional patterns, including the use of "love games" (§s 2.4 and 15.2.1), including "love tokens"[88], love letters, etc.



III.7 The Obscenity Performance: Footnotes to Western[89] Folklore [up] [Contents]


Attempts to study obscene subcultures retrospectively most probably turn out to be "wholly abortive because adults unconsciously censor such verses and reproduce them in mutilated form" (Borneman, 1990:p204), and compromise the chronology of events. As Borneman did, Fine (1981)[90] argues that children's (obscene) talk must be examined "in situ". Goldman (1990)[91] recognises four types of "sexual languages" in children and early adolescents (clinical, common usage, family traditional, and erotic), a compartimentalised organisation suggestive of a preparedness to face variable situational demands. Whether explicit songs are used or consumed by children with an erotogenetic intent is not clear, though it seems reasonable to speculate on its universality at least northern of the equator[92].


An early German-language collection was offered by Godelück (1906)[93]. Later, Ernest Borneman would write extensively on children's forbidden song (1973, 1974, 1976a,b; 1978a,b; 1985:p167-210, 216-36)[94], drawing material from an intriguing mode of fieldwork in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and other regions (Borneman, 1985:p174). A Russian collection of poems, sayings, hints, riddles, songs and jokes illustrating the evolution of the erotic perception of children ages 4 to 14 years old is done by Armalinkij (1995)[95]. The Russian Draznilkas (Weiss, 1999)[96] or taunting rhymes, are typical of childhood. A Bulgarian sample was collected by Badalanova (1993, 1995, 1996)[97]. A Samoa parallel is called ula (to tease; sexual, aggressive, humor) (Mageo, 1992)[98]. Observations on Nordic school children are reported by Heitmann (1988)[99]. Two French works (Gaignebet, 1974[100]; Bournard, 1979[101]) add to this list. More ethnographic examples include that provided by Lipponen [102], Bregenhøj[103] and others[104]. Sherman and Weisskopf's (1995)[105] Greasy Grimy Gopher Guts, a collection of traditional children's rhymes from Canada and the United States, caused outrage among Ontario parents who wanted the book removed from the public library. Stating they are racist, homophobic and sexually explicit: "We don't feel that it's suitable for general reading in the children's section. My feeling is that the children are reading this book and just skipping over the commentary which is quite adult [!] in nature. And they may think the verses are OK to repeat". To these people, the selection by Goldings (1974)[106] would prove a more placid digest. (Goldings observes "easy regression to pregenital themes and issues", while only some rhymes "give "practice" to the girl's fantasy of her future fortune and heterosexuality (as older folklorists would have predicted".)


Interpretations of curricular and age-segmental obscenity have been offered within psychodynamic perspectives. ¨



III.8 The "Crush" Performance: The Vertical Compartment of Scholastic Erotics [up] [Contents]


Some authors[107] argue for a "right" for "eroticism" in classrooms. The realities of such an image, however, are for a large part limited to the age-dismatched "crush phase" theme that has traditionally dominated (at least Western) folklore of schooled female peripubescence. In this tradition, it is the adolescent who has the "teacher crush"[108], but folklore allows a wide age range for the phenomenon. Teachers were warned about these crushes[109], though on the whole, the issue seems a rarely addressed area of the school experience[110].

Some authors[111] drew the conclusion that the modern urban environment and education tend to direct the adolescent toward heterosexual fixations rather than toward "the old-fashioned teacher or counsellor crush". Haups (1938)[112] argued that crushes may be utilised for educational purposes by transforming them into a pedagogically desirable relationship through creating confidence, giving the child attention which shows "genuine interest", and attempting a constructive understanding. Woodard (1933:p388-9)[113] was less optimistic:


"At its worst, the "crush", if intense and towards a teacher of the same sex, may be the preliminary of a homosexual trend later to develop. At best, this prolonged dependence may produce the person who has never learned really to stand on his [sic] own feet, in his behavior so thoroughly molded and conformed as not to be able to shift attitudes and values and to analyze out his subjectivated mores even when changed conditions urgently demand readjustment […]".


Broderick conceptualised the crush as a "super-safe" rehearsal, in contrast to the classroom sweetheart, a theory to some extent supported by research (Karniol, 2001)[114] (cf. § This suggests the peripubescent defines, invests in and finally discards social/sexual "orientations": horizontal, vertical and back again. In this format, school-inspired crushes may be used as an auto-erotic substrate, or provide an entry in erotic role-play. Yates (1978:p218)[115]:


"Edith and Candy have been good friends since the fifth grade. At least one night out of each weekend is spent together. They giggle and whisper until two A.M. Candy has a crush on her math teacher and Edith is in love with Stevie Wonder. Edith is well aware that her parents won't let her date until she's sixteen; Candy knows that her math teacher is married. As they spin fantasies about a beloved, each is intensely aroused. Soon Edith is playacting; she's Candy's math teacher and this is their wedding night".



III.9 Concluding Arguments [up] [Contents]


Hallinan and Smith (1987)[116] argued that "structural and organizational features of a classroom constrain the interaction patterns of [preadolescent] students in such a way as to affect the probability of dyadic friendship relationships and the network of social ties that evolve within a classroom". Even when taken a more reserved approach, it may have become clear that schools are among the prime arenas for sexual development. This study field lends itself for "ethnographic observation". The reciprocal relationship between fieldworker and preadolescents in the process of field entry and data collection are of imminent importance for the quality and nature of its outcome[117]. Controlled studies might address the hypothesis that children's semi-public sexual cultures can be studied only by soundly defined persona as it pertains to the social involvement with the boys or girls. This may put forward a basis for dismissing parents, and perhaps teachers, as observers for phase-identified sexualities. These issues are to produce a reliable monitoring of school-based sexual organisations and environments as they are of importance in areas such as harassment, identity / orientation matters, racism, etc.




III.x Additional Reading [up] [Contents]



-- Baugh (1977) A principal's observations, in Oremland, E. K. & Oremland, J. D. (Eds.) The Sexual Gender and Young Children: The Role of the Educator. Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, p103-7

-- Dixon, C. (1997) Pete's Tool: identity and sex-play in the design and technology classroom, Gender & Educ l9,1:89-104

-- Epstein, D. (1995) "Girls don' t do bricks": Gender and sexuality in the primary classroom, in Siraj-Blatchford, J. & Siraj-Blatchford, I. (Eds.) Educating the Whole Child: Cross-Curricular Skills, Themes and Dimensions. Buckingham, Open University Press

-- Epstein, D. (1999) Sex Play: romantic significations, sexism and silences in the schoolyard, in Epstein, D. & Sears, J. (Eds.) A Dangerous Knowing: Sexuality, Pedagogy and Popular Culture. London: Cassell

-- Epstein, D., O'Flynn, S. & Telford, D. (2002) Silenced Sexualities in Schools and Universities. Stoke on Trent: Trentham Books

--  Fine, M. (1988) Sexuality, schooling, and adolescent females: the missing discourse of desire, Harvard Educ Rev 58,1:29-53

--  Gussenhoven (1986) Erotiek op de basisschool [3 parts], Schoolblad [Dutch] 14[21/8]:18-20; 15[4/9]:14-8;17[2/10]:26-8

-- Halstead, J. M. & Waite, S. (2001) "Living in different worlds": Gender differences in the developing sexual values and attitudes of primary school children, Sex Educ 1,1:59-76

--  Hey, V., Creese, A.,Daniels, H., Fielding, Sh. & Leonard, D. (2001) "Sad. bad or sexy boys": Girls' talk in and out of the classroom, in Martino, W. & Meyenn, B. (Eds.) What About the Boys?: Issues of Masculinity in Schools. Buckingham, England: Open University Press, p124-39

-- Gilbert, R. & Gilbert, P. (1998) Masculinity Goes to School. London: Routledge

--  Kleinfeld, J.S . & Yerian, S. (Eds, 1995) Gender Tales: Tensions in the Schools. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc.

--  Kolodji, A. M. (2000) Female preschool teachers' perspectives on formal and informal sexuality education in the preschool classroom, DAI-A 61(6-A):2178

--  Mac an Ghaill, M. (2000) Rethinking (male) gendered sexualities: What about the British heteros? J Men's Stud 8,2:195-212

-- Martino, W. (Dec, 1997) Boys in Schools: Addressing the Politics of Hegemonic Masculinities. Paper presented at the AARE Annual Conference, Brisbane, Nov 30- Dec 4, 1997

--  Martino, W. (2000) Mucking around in class, giving crap, and acting cool: Adolescent boys enacting masculinities at school, Canadian J Educ 25,2:102-12

-- Moita Lopes, L. P. da (2002) Identidades Fragmentadas. A Construção Discursiva da Raça, Sexualidade e Gênero na Escola. Campinas: Mercado de Letras

--  Thompson, B. W. (2001) Childhood Lessons: Culture, Race, Class, and Sexuality, in Satow, R. (Ed.) Gender and Social Life. Boston: Allyn & Bacon

-- Wason-Ellam, L. (1997) If only I was like Barbie, Language Arts 74,6:430-7





Notes [up] [Contents]

[last updated]



[1] Jacqueline Kikutchi (1995) When the offender is a child, in Hunter, M. (Ed.) Child Surviors and Perpetrators of Sexual Abuse. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, p108-24, at p121

[2] Hendrika Cantwell (1995) Sexually aggressive children and societal response, in Hunter, M. (Ed.) Child Surviors and Perpetrators of Sexual Abuse. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, p79-107, at p99

[3] E.g., Berg, D. H. (1975) Sexual subcultures and contemporary heterosexual interaction patterns among adolescents, Adolescence 10(40):543-8; Redman, P. (1996) Curtis Loves Ranjit: Heterosexual Masculinities, Schooling, and Pupils' Sexual Cultures, Educ Rev 48:175-82; Epstein, D. (1997) Cultures of schooling / cultures of sexuality, Int J Inclusive Educ 1:37-53; cf. Epstein, D. & Johnson, R. (1998) Schooling Sexualities. Buckingham: Open University Press; Clarricoates, K. (1987) Child culture at school: a clash between gendered worlds, in Pollard, A. (Ed.) Children and their Primary Schools: A New Perspective. London: Falmer Press; Tirkkonen, J., Hukkila, K. & Kontula, O. (1989) Tyttöjen ja Poikien Seksuaalikulttuurit. Teenage Girls' and Boys' Sexual Cultures. Lääkintahallituksen Julkaisuja. Sarja Tutkimukset 15. (Publication of the National Board of Health, Finland. Series Original Reports 15) Helsinki

[4] E.g., Deegan, J. G. (1991) An Ethnography of Children's Friendships in a Fifth-Grade Culturally Diverse Class. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association. Chicago, IL, April 5

[5] Ponton, L. E. (2000) Teenagers and Sexuality at Camp: Understanding Teen Sexuality and Tips for Talking with Them, Camping Mag 73,5:20-4

[6] Consider Kehily, M. J. & Nayak, A. (1996) "The Christmas Kiss": Sexuality, Story-Telling and Schooling, Curriculum Stud 4, 2:211-27

[7] For an annotated paper discussing the role of sexuality in classroom environments, see Middleton, S. (1996) Canes, Berets and Gangsta Rap: Disciplining Sexuality in School, 1920-1995. Paper presented at Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York, April 8-12. Cf. Middleton, S. (1998) Disciplining Sexuality: Foucault, Life Histories, and Education. New York: Teachers College Press

[8] E.g., Fine, G. A.(1987) With the Boys: Little League Baseball and Preadolescent Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

[9] Carrera, M. (1980) Sexual learning in the elementary school, in Roberts, E. J. (Ed.) Childhood Sexual Learning: The Unwritten Curriculum. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger, p139-59

[10] Wolpe, A. (1988) Within School Walls: The role of Discipline, Sexuality and the Curriculum. London & New York: Routledge. See particularly p95-175

[11] Wallis, A. & Van Every, J. (2000) Sexuality in the Primary School, Sexualities 3,4:409-23

[12] Cf. . Skelton, Ch. (1996) Learning to be tough: the fostering of maleness in one primary school, Gender & Educ 8:185-97; Skelton, Ch. (1997) Primary Boys and Hegemonic Masculinities, Br J Sociol Educ 18,3:349-69; Skelton, Ch. (2001) Schooling the Boys: Masculinities and Primary Education. Educating Boys, Learning Gender. Florence, KY: Taylor & Francis Inc./Open University Press, chapter "Heterosexuality in the Primary Classroom"; Mac an Ghaill, M. (1994) The Making of Men: Masculinities, Sexualities and Schooling. Buckingham: Open University Press; Mac an Ghaill, M. (1996) Deconstructing heterosexualities within school arenas, Curriculum Stud 4:191-207

[13] Renold, E. (2000) "Coming Out": Gender, (Hetero)Sexuality and the Primary School, Gender & Educ 12,3:309-26. Cf. Renold, E. (1999) Presumed Innocence: An Ethnographic Exploration into the Construction of Sexual and Gender Identities in the Primary School. Unpubl. Diss. University of Wales, Cardiff.; Renold, E. (2001) 'Tales of the unexpected': researching sexuality in the primary school, in Pugsley, L. & Welland, T. (Eds.) Ethics and Qualitative Research. Aldershot: Avebury

[14] Walkerdine, V. (1996) Popular culture and the erotization of little girls, in Curran, J., Morely, D. & Wolpe, A. M. (Eds.) Cultural Studies and Communications. London: St. Martin's Press; Walkerdine, V. (1990) Schoolgirl Fictions. London: Verso. See also Walkerdine, V. (1999) Childhood Sexuality and the Subjectivity of the Researcher, in Maiers, W., Bayer, B. et al. (Eds.) Challenges to Theoretical Psychology. Toronto: Captus Press; Walkerdine, V. (2001) Safety and danger: Childhood, sexuality, and space at the end of the millennium, in Hultqvist, K. & Dahlberg, G. (Eds.) Governing the Child in the New Millennium. London: RoutledgeFalmer, p15-34; Connolly, P. (1995) Boys will be boys? Racism, sexuality and the construction of masculine identities amongst infant boys, in Holland, J. & Blair, M. (Eds.) Debates and Issues in Feminist Research and Pedagogy. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters in association with the Open University, p169-95. Reprinted in Cosin, B. & Hales, M. (Eds.) Families, Education, and Social Differences. London: Routledge, p164-89

[15] Kehily, M. (2001) Bodies in school: Young men, embodiment, and heterosexual masculinities, Men & Masculinities 4,2:173-85

[16] Redman, P. (1996) Curtis Loves Ranjit: Heterosexual Masculinities, Schooling, and Pupils' Sexual Cultures, Educ Rev 48:175-82

[17] Haywood, Ch. & Mac an Ghaill, M. (1995) The Sexual Politics of the Curriculum: Contesting Values, Int Stud Sociol Educ 5,2:221-36

[18] Isaacs, S. (1933) Social Development in Young Children. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1945 ed., p113-71, 280-365. Cf. Isaacs, S., Social Development in Young Children. Students' Abriged ed., p224-9; Burlingham, D. & Freud, A. (1944) Infants Without Families: Reports on the Hampstead Nurseries. London: Allen & Unwin. Cf. Writings (1973); Freud, A. & Dann, S. (1949) [An experiment in group upbringing] Psychoanal Study Child 6:127-68. Also in Writings 4. Partially repr. in Stendler,C. B. (Ed.) Readings in Child Behavior and Development. 2nd.ed. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World; Wolffheim, N. (1958) Wie Kinder wirklich sind, Prax Kinderpsychol & Kinderpsychia 7:16-23; Cf. Wolffheim, N. (1966) Psychoanalyse im Kindergarten. München [etc.]: E. Reinhardt Verlag, p124-33. Also in Kentler, H. (Ed.) Texte zur Sozio-Sexualität. Opladen: UTB Leske Verlag, p80-6; Johnson, T. C. (1991) Behaviors Related to Sex and Sexuality in Kindergarten Through 4th Grade Children. Unpublished; Gundersen, B. & Skår, J. (1977) Der seksuelle utvikling fra f dsel til 3 års alderen belyst gjennom intervju med foreldre og dagheimspersonell. Research Report, Dept. of Somatic Personality Psychology, University of Bergen. See Gundersen, B., Melås, S. & Skår, J. (1981) Sexual behavior in preschool children: teachers' observations, in Constantine, L. L. & Martinson, F. .M. (Eds.) Children and Sex: New Findings, New Perspectives. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., p45-61; Lindblad, F., Gustafsson, P., Larsson, I., Lundin, B. (1995) Preschooler's sexual behaviour at daycare centers: an epidemiological study, Child Abuse & Negl 19,5:569-77. See also Spiro, M. E. (1958) Children of the Kibbutz. 1975 rev. ed. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, p219-28, 275-82. See also Hattwick, L. A. (1937) Sex differences in behavior of nursery school children, Child Developm 8:343-55; Dillon, M. S. (1934) Attitudes of children toward their own bodies and those of other children, Child Developm 5:165-76; Blaylock, J. (1976) Students' Expressions of Sexuality and the Primary Teacher, Educ Horizons 1:22-4, F 76; Kaeser, F., DiSalvo, C. & Moglia, R. (2000) Sexual behaviors of young children that occur in schools, J Sex Educ & Ther 25,4:277-85; Long, N. J. (1986) Incidents of sexuality in an urban elementary school according to grade during a two-month observation period, Pointer 30,3:26-7; Klein, M. (1993) Masturbation im Kindesalter, in Bach, K., Stumpe, H. & Weller, K. (Eds.) Kindheit und Sexualität. Braunschweig: GJ Holtzmeyer, p46-9; Larsson, I. & Svedin, C. G. (2002) Teachers' and parents' reports on 3- to 6-year-old children's sexual behavior- a comparison, Child Abuse & Neglect 26,3:247-66; López, F., Campo, A. del & Guijo, V. (nd/1997?) Sexualidad Prepuberal. Prepuberal Sexuality. Report, Madrid

[19] Langfeldt, Th. (1990) Early childhood and juvenile sexuality, development and problems, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology, Vol.7. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p179-200

[20] Stirt, S. S. (1940) Overt mass masturbation in the classroom, Am J Orthopsychia 10:801-4; Schade, G. H. (1958) Masturbation in children, Pediatr Clin N Am 5,3,:767-74

[21] Kakavoulis, A. (1998) Early Childhood Sexual Development and Sex Education: A Survey of Attitudes of Nursery School Teachers, Eur Early Ch'h Educ Res J 6,2:55-70

[22] Best, R. (1983) We've All Got Scars. Bloomington: Indiana University Press

[23] DeGiorgio, M. (1981) Primi Sintomi di un Carattere Appassionato: Dal Collegio [The first signs of a passionate character: from school days], Memoria: Rivista di Storia delle Donne [Italy] 1:94-102

[24] Obici, G. & Marchesini, G. (1898) Le "Amicizie" di Collegio: Ricerche sulle Prime Manifestazioni dell'Amore Sessuale. Roma

[25] More on girls' "friendships" in Hilhorst, M. (1989) Bij de Zusters op Kostschool. Utrecht [Holland]: Bruna, esp. p127-46. Girls' "special friendships" (D., "bijzondere" or "particuliere vriendschappen") were discouraged for fear of homosexual intimacies. An alike situation was noted for boys' boarding schools by Perry. Cf. Hilhorst, M. (1986) Pas à Deux Mes Enfants! Vriendschappen en Dagelijks Leven op Katholieke Meisjeskostscholen in Nederland : 1920-1965. Research project, Nijmegen [Holland]: Nijmegen University; Vicinus, M. (1989) Distance and desire: English boarding school friendships, 1870-1920, in Duberman, M. B., Vicinus, M. & Chauncey, G. (Eds.) Hidden from History : Reclaiming the Gay and Lesbian Past. New York, NY: New American Library, p212ff. Orig. in Sign, 9 (1984) 4; Kersten, A. (1987) Het Ìs Gewoon Zo : Homoseksuele Identiteitsontwikkeling, Leefwereld en Ervaringen van Adolescente Meisjes. Utrecht [Holland]: RUU

[26] Diamond, L. M. (2000) Passionate friendships among adolescent sexual-minority women, J Res Adol 10,2:191-209

[27] Blacking, J. (1959) Fictitious Kinship Amongst Girls of the Venda of the Northern Transvaal, Man 59:155-8; Blacking, J. (1978) Uses of the kinship idiom in friendships at some Venda and Zulu schools, in Argyle, J. & E. Preston-Whyte (Eds.) Social System and Tradition in Southern Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, p101-17

[28] Gay, J. (1979) Mummies and Babies' and Friends and Lovers in Lesotho, Cambridge Anthropol 5,3:32-61; Gay, J. (1985) Mummies and Babies' and Friends and Lovers in Lesotho, J Homosex 11,3/4:97-116/ in Blackwood, E. (Ed.) The Many Faces of Homosexuality: Anthropological Approaches to Homosexual Behavior. Harrington Park Press, New York. Reprinted in, David N Suggs, D. N. & Miracle, A. W. (Eds., 1993) Culture and Human Sexuality. Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., p341-55. Murray and Roscoe (1998:p183). See also Kendall (1998) "When a woman loves a woman" in Lesotho: love, sex, and the (Western) construction of homophobia, in Murray, S. O. & Roscoe, W. (Eds.) Boy-Wives and Female Husbands. Studies on African Homosexualities. New York: St. Martin's Press, p223-41, at p231

[29] Cf. Thanadi, G. (2000) Indiginous cultures, in Zimmerman, B. (Ed.) Lesbian Histories and Cultures: An Encyclopedia. New York & London: Garland, p392-7, at p394. Also p395-6

[30] Propper, A. M. (1982) Make-believe families and homosexuality among imprisoned girls, Criminol: Int J 20,1: 127-38

[31] Propper, A. M. (1978) Lesbianism in female and coed correctional institutions, J Homosex 3,3:265-74. See also Propper, A. M. (1981) Prison Homosexuality: Myth and Reality. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books

[32] Mueller, M. & Hopkins, L. (1979) Momma-baby relationships: female bonding in Lesotho, Women's Studies Int Quart 2:439-47

[33] Omari, T. P. (1963) Role Expectation in the Courtship Situation in Ghana, Social Forces 42,2:147-56

[34] Selling, L. S. (1931) The pseudo-family, Am J Sociol 37:247-53

[35] Holycak, W. H. (1972) Playing Out Family Conflicts in A Female Homosexual "Family" Group (Chick-Vot) among Institutional Juveniles: A Case Presentation, Adolescence 7,26:153-68

[36] Carter, B. (1973) Race, Sex, and Gangs: Reform School Families, Trans-Action 11,1:36-43

[37] Baker, K. H. (1992) Delinquent desire: race, sex, and ritual in reform schools for girls, Discourse 15,1:49-68

[38] Steet, L. (1998a) Girl Stuff: Same-Sex Relations in Girls' Public Reform Schools and the Institutional Response, Educ Studies 29,4:341-58. See also Steet, L. (1998b) Traditional stories of female students in an alternative school, in Books, S. (Ed.) Invisible Children in the Society and its Schools. Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., Publishers, p111-20

[39] E.g., Otis, M. (1913) A perversion not commonly noted, J Abnorm Psychol 8:113-6; Stockwell, S. L. (1953) Sexual experience of adolescent delinquent girls, Int J Sexol 7:25-7; Halleck, S. L. & Hersko, M. (1962) Homosexual behavior in a correctional institution for adolescent girls, Am J Orthopsychia 32,5:911-7. The same was true for boys: Nestele, A. (1938) Geschlechtliche Verwahrlosung bei schulentlassenen Fürsorglingen, Ztschr Päd Psychol & Exp Päd 39:284-95; Mora-Anto, A. et al. (1987) Estudio descriptivo sobre las experiencias sexuales de los adolescentes delincuentes y predelincuentes internos en un centro de reeducacion de la ciudad de Cali, Rev Latinoam Sexol 2,2:173-200

[40] Warren, D. M. (1975) The Techiman-Bobo of Ghana: An Ethnography of an Akan Society. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Pub. Co., p31

[41] Cale, M. (1993) Girls and the Perception of Sexual Danger in the Victorian Reformatory System, History [Great Britain] 78(253):201-17

[42] E.g., Perry, J. (1991) Jongens op Kostschool. Utrecht [Holland]: A. W. Bruna, p131-44. Cf. Hilhorst (1989)

[43] Burton, in The Priapeia. Translated by L.C. Smithers, notes by Sir Richard Burton [1890]. See under "Masturbation"

[44] Ellis, H. ([1936]) Studies in the Psychology of Sex. 2 vols. New York: Random House

[45] Bullough, V. & Bullough, B. (Sept, 1978) Nineteenth Century English Homosexual Teachers: The Up Front and Back Stage Performance. Paper presented at Seventy-Third Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association (San Francisco, California, September 4-8, 1978); Bullough, V. & Bullough, B. (1979) Homosexuality in Nineteenth Century English Public Schools, Int Rev Modern Sociol 9,2:261-9

[46] Schofield, M. (1965a) Sociological Aspects of Homosexuality. 1970 Dutch transl., Utrecht/Antwerpen; Het Spectrum, p43-4, 80, 109-10, 124, 146; Schofield, M. (1965b) The Sexual Behavior of Young People. 1968 Penguin ed., p61-2

[47] Lingānanda (1990) India, in Dynes, W. R. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. New York & London: Garland Publ. Inc. Vol. I, p586-93, at p588

[48] Brongersma, E. (1987) Jongensliefde, Deel 1. Amsterdam: SUA

[49] Erny, P. (1971) Vie et éducation sexuelles chez l'enfant et l'adolescent Zairois, Probl Soc Cong 94/5:89-118

[50] Chisholm, L. (1986) The Pedagogy of Porter: The Origins of the Reformatory in the Cape Colony, 1882-1910, J Afr Hist 27,3:481-95

[51] Fetscher, R. (1929) Einweihungsriten, Zeitschr f Sexualwiss & Sexualpol 16:346-7

[52] Strüder, J. (1937) Beitrag zur Homosexuellenfrage, Kriminal Monatsh 11:248-51

[53] Rajani, R. & Kudrati, M. (1996) The varieties of sexual experience of the street children of Mwanza, Tanzania, in Zeidenstein, S. & Moore, K. (Eds.) Learning about Sexuality: A Practical Beginning. New York: International Women's Health Coalition, p301-23. Based on the authors' (1994) The Variety of Sexual Experience of Street Children in Mwanza and their Implications on Sex Education/HIV Prevention Programs, Mwanza: Kuleana Center for Children's Rights

[54] Walker, D. R. (1945) The Need of Sex Education in Negro Schools, J Negro Educ 14,2:174-81, at p178

[55] Pipal, K. (1932), Ztschr f Psychoanal Päd 6:261ff. Cited by Christoffel, H. (1934) Zur Biologie der Enuresis II, Zeitschr f Kinderpsychia 1:76-86, at p81-2

[56] Preparatory material. Positive statements on more than incidental curricular preadult homosexuality was gathered for the Iraqese, Moroccans, Tschama, Mbum and Lakka, Marquesans, Marind Anim, Tanzania, Samburu, Ruanda and Burundi, Dogon, Tutsi, Wawihé, Kaffa, Hottentots, !Kung, Pangwe, Bafia, Maasai, Nyakyusa, Yolngu, Kurds, Tikopia, Ho, Wogeo, Dahomey, Kaska, Apache, Lebanon, "Antler", Lau Fiji, "East Bay", Mbuti, Samoa (little), Cayapá, Tukano, Yanomamö, Yaruros, Kogi, Cubeo, Kgatla, Peruan Indian tribes (esp. Tessmann, 1930), Batak, Shavante, Ngonde, Mexico, Brazil (e.g., Bahia), Ifugao (?),Puerto Rico, Selk'nam, Norwegians. Cf. §8.2.1

[57] Plummer, D. C. (2001) The quest for modern manhood: masculine stereotypes, peer culture and the social significance of homophobia, J Adolesc 24,1:15-23. Cf. Kehily, M. J. & Nayak, A. (1996) Playing it straight: masculinities, homophobias and schooling, J Gender Stud 5:211-29

[58] Voss, L. S. (1997) Teasing, Disputing, and Playing: Cross-Gender Interactions and Space Utilization among First and Third Graders, Gender & Society 11,2:238-56

[59] Epstein, D. (1997) Boyz' own stories: masculinities and sexualities in schools, Gender & Educ 9,1:105-15. Reprinted in Martino, W. & Meyenn, B. (Eds.) What About the Boys?: Issues of Masculinity in Schools. Buckingham, England: Open University Press, p 96-109

[60] Francis, B. & Skelton, Ch. (2001) Men teachers and the construction of heterosexual masculinity in the classroom, Sex Educ 1,1:9-21

[61] Letts, W. (2001) When Science Is Strangely Alluring: Interrogating the Masculinist and Heteronormative Nature of Primary School Science, Gender & Educ 13,3:261-74

[62] Swain, J. (2000) "The Money's Good, The Fame's Good, The Girls Are Good": The Role of Playground Football in the Construction of Young Boys' Masculinity in a Junior School, Br J Sociol Educ 21,1:95-109, at p105

[63] Epstein, D. et al. (2001) Boys and girls come out to play: Making masculinities and femininities in school playgrounds, Men & Masculinities 4,2:158-72

[64] Thorne, B. & Luria, Z. (1986) Sexuality and gender in children's every daily worlds, Social Problems 33,3:176-90. Reprinted in Henslin, J. M.. (Ed., 2001) Down to Earth Sociology: Introductory Readings. 11th ed. New York: Free Press, p156-67; and in Heeren, J. W. et al. (Eds., 1999) Sociology Windows on Society: An Anthology. 5th ed. Los Angeles, CA: Roxbury

Cf. Thorne, B. (1993) Gender Play: Girls and Boys in School. New Brunswick, NJ.: Rutgers University Press

[65] Paikoff, R. L. (1995) Early heterosexual debut: Situations of sexual possibility during the transition to adolescence, Am J Orthopsychia 65,3:389-401

[66] Epstein, D. (1996) Cultures of Schooling, Cultures of Sexuality. Paper presented at the 77th Annual Conference of the American Educational Research Association. New York, April 8-12

[67] Kehily, M. J. & Nayak, A. (1997) Lads and laughter: humour and the production of heterosexual hierarches, Gender & Educ 9,1:69-87. Cf. Kehily, M. J. (1993) Tales We Heard in School: Sexuality and Symbolic Boundaries. Unpublished M. Soc. Sci. Thesis, Dept. Of Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham

[68] Jordan, E. (1995) Fighting Boys and Fantasy Play: The Construction of Masculinity in the Early Years of School, Gender & Educ 7,1:69-86

[69] Nayak, A. & Kehily, M. J. (2001) "Learning to laugh": A study of schoolboy humour in the English secondary school, in Martino, W. & Meyenn, B. (Eds.) What About the Boys?: Issues of Masculinity in Schools. Buckingham, England: Open University Press, p110-23

[70] Janikas, K. (1993) Hand Clapping Games: Rhythmic Recordings of Girlhood Socialization, Quart Newsl Lab Comparat Hum Cogn 15,3:97-102

[71] Korobov, N. (2001) "Alex is a NICE kid": The Socialization Functions of Teasing for Adolescent Males, Texas Linguistic Forum 44,2:313-27

[72] Fine, G. A. (1986) The dirty play of little boys, Society, Nov/Dec:63-7

[73] E.g., Stein, N. (1993) Secrets in Full View: Sexual Harassment in Our K-12 Schools. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Psychological Association (101st, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, August 20-24

[74] Maccoby, E. E. (1998) The Two Sexes: Growing Up Apart, Coming Together. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press

[75] Pellegrini, A. D. (2001) A longitudinal study of heterosexual relationships, aggression, and sexual harassment during the transition from primary school through middle school, J Applied Developm Psychol 22,2:119-33

[76] McMaster, L. E., Connolly, J., Pepler, D. & Craig, W. M. (2002) Peer to peer sexual harassment in early adolescence: A developmental perspective, Developm & Psychopathol 14,1:91-105

[77] Murnen, S. K. & Smolak, L. (2000) The experience of sexual harassment among grade-school students: Early socialization of female subordination? Sex Roles 43,1-2:1-17

[78] Roscoe, B. et al. (1994) Sexual Harassment: Early Adolescents' Self-Reports of Experiences and Acceptance, Adolescence 29,115:515-23

[79] Hostile Hallways: Bullying, Teasing, and Sexual Harassment in School, Am J Health Educ 32(2001)5:307-9

[80] Routh, J. L. (1999) The $100,000 Kiss: What Constitutes Peer Sexual Harassment for Schoolchildren under the "Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education" Holding? J Law & Educ 28,4:619-36; Abdel, G., Jehan, A. (1997) Kiddie sex harassment: how Title IX could level the playing field without levelling the playground, Arizona Law Rev 39:727-68. Cf. Edwards, T. M. & Harrison, L. (1999) Playground Predators? Time, 01/25/99,153,3:35

[81] Lewis, M. & Karin, B. (1994) Queer Stories/Straight Talk: Tales from the School Playground, Theory into Practice 33,3:199-205

[82] Land, D. J. (2001) Teasing, bullying, and sexual harassment among adolescents, DAI-B 61(9-B):5029

[83] Hudson, K. & Stiles, J. (1998) Single-Sex Classes: A Plus for Pre-Adoelscent Girls, Principal 78,2:57-8

[84] Eder, D. (1993) "Go get ya a French!": Romantic and sexual teasing among adolescent girls, in Tannen, D. (Ed.) Gender and Conversational Interaction. Oxford Studies in Sociolinguistics. New York: Oxford University Press, p17-31

[85] Mathis, J. L. (1970) The Sexual Tease, Med Asp Hum Sex 4,12:21-5

[87] Redman, P. (2001) The discipline of love: Negotiation and regulation in boy's performance of a romance-based heterosexual masculinity, Men & Masculinities 4,2:186-200

[88] Opie, I. & Opie, P. (1959 [1967]) The Lore & Language of Schoolchildren. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press. 1967 paperback, p328-9

[89] A number of non-european examples were collected in preparatory drafts, but most cases were not extensively researched.

[90] Fine, G. A. (1981) Rude Words: Insults and Narration in Preadolescent Obscene Talk, Maledicta 5,1-2:51-68

[91] Goldman, J. (1990) The importance of an adequate sexual vocabulary for children, Austral J Marr & Fam 11,3:136-48

[92] For comments on the phenomenon, see Berges E. T. et al. (1983) Children & Sex: The Parents Speak. N.Y.: Facts on File, p161-91; Harrison (1968) When children use obscene language, Med Asp Hum Sex 2,12:6-11; Lieberman, J. (1967) On obscenity in childhood and youth, Sexology 34,3:156-7 / Obscenity in childhood and youth, in Rubin, I. & Kirkendall, L. A. (Eds., 1970) Sex in the Childhood Years. New York: Association Press, p107-8; Jay, T. (1992) Cursing in America: A Psycholinguistic Study of Dirty Language in the Courts, in the Movies, in the Schoolyards and on the Streets. Philadelphia, PA: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Cf. Jay, T. (1985) The role of obscene speech in psychology, Interfaces 12,3:75-91

[93] Godelück, W. (1906) Erotische und skatologische Kinder- und Jugendreime, Anthropophyteia 3:218-43. Cf. Anthropophyteia 9(1912):473-4

[94] Borneman, E. (1973) Unsere Kinder im Spiegel ihrer Lieder, Reime, Verse und Rätsel. Studien zur Befreiung des Kindes, Vol. 1. Olten: Walter; Borneman, E. (1974) Die Umwelt des Kindes im Spiegel seiner "Verbotenen" Lieder, Reime, Verse und Rätsel. Studien zur Befreiung des Kindes, Vol. 2. Olten: Walter; Borneman, E. (1976a) Die Welt der Erwachsenen in den "Verbotenen" Reimen Deutschsprachiger Stadtkinder. Studien zur Befreiung des Kindes, Vol. 3. Olten: Walter; Borneman, E. (1976b) "Verbotene" Kinderreime und das Geschlechtsleben des Kindes, in Kindersexualität, Betrifft Erziehung 6:20-4. Also in B. (1985); Borneman, E. (1978a) Kindersprüche, in Bauer, K. W & Hengst, H. (Eds.) Kritische Stichwörter zur Kinderkultur. Munich, p199-205; Borneman, E. (1978b) Oben und Unten im Kinder- und Jugendreim, Jahrb f Volksliedforsch 23: 151-64. Also in Borneman, E. (1985) Das Geschlechtsleben des Kindes: Beiträge zur Kinderanalyse und Sexualpädologie. München-Wien-Baltimore: Urban & Schwarzenberg

[95] Armalinkij, M. (Comp., 1995) Detskii Eroticeskii Fol'klor. Minneanapolis: M.I.P. Co. Reviewed in Literaturnaya Gazeta,1996, issue 17, April 24, and in Strani Jezici (1998), 27,1:52-4, by Irena Luksic

[96] Weiss, H. (1999) Draznilkas: Russian Children's Taunts (1), SEEFA Journal 4,2: 35-46

[97] Badalanova, F. K. (1993) Folklore Erotikon, Edited by Impressario & Publishing House "ROD", Sofia. Vol. 1., Ch. 2.3; Vol.2 (1995), Ch. 4; Vol. 3 (1996), Ch. 21

[98] Mageo, J. M. (1992) Male transvestism and cultural change in Samoa, Am Ethnol 19,3:443-59

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