Growing
Up Sexually
The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002) [to
Volume
II Index] [to
Main
Index Page] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [I] [II] [III] [IV] Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually.
Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of
Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands 10 [previous chapter]
[next
chapter] "Primal Knowledge". Physiology and Traumatology "In the
Morning in front of the elders, the parrot Starts mimicking the sounds Of last night's love-play. Embarrassed, she claps her hands, "Dance! Dance!" she orders the children The chatter of the parrot is lost in the jingle of her
bangles"[1] Abstract: This chapter explores the generational stratification of sexological
technology. This is demonstrated for (parental) coitus as a narrative and as an
image. Within the concept of performed sexualites, the prevention of knowledge
acquisition thought to operationalise
(make practicable, render operational) by proxy given, or any, sexual behaviour
categories is identified as a fundamental principle. This information gradient
establishes the age stratification it is thought to be necessitated by, in
terms of motivational development. Apart from a poststructuralist approach
(sex-knowledge is the currency of Western sexual discourses, and its
transmission takes place within power domains) a number of alternative
theoretical ramifications are briefly listed. Contents [up]
10.1
Primality in Euro-American Child Sexology: A Curricularisation Issue 10.2
Anthropological Perspectives 10.2.1 Watching Parents: Intercourse 10.2.2 The Primal Bed, Room, Home, Village:
Compartimentalisation and Curricularisation of Sex 10.2.3 Watching Parents and Being Watched:
Curricularisation of the "Visual Experience" Order 10.2.5 Watching TV: Managing Changing Screens 10.2.6 And Where Does the Stork Come From: The
Primal Talk 10.3
Discussion: The Currricular Stratification of Information and Technology 10.0
Introduction [up]
[Contents]
Some
education departments have issued that sexual education is needed to enable
children "to reclaim the
innocence of their childhood" since "Early
sexual activity interferes with the normal growth and healthy development of
children. In addition, it leads to psychological problems, which could include
the loss of interest in a life. Moreover, early sexual activity is generally
non-consensual sex or, even when there is purported consent on the part of the
child, he or she is too young to give informed consent and to come to terms
with her/his sexuality"
[2]. Modernist constructions of childhood stem from the
opposition of innocence and corruption, a corruption that is synonymous with
knowledge[3]
or not far from it. This lack of knowledge is subjectified, and used to
mobilise a protection-centred (Scott, Jackson et al.)[4],
reactionist (rather than agonistic) paedagogism, engineering age stratifying knowledge
wars[5];
this, in spite of disappointingly few insights to the subjective
autobiographical decursus of innocence[6].
Over the course of two decades, the whole matter has taken on a rather
problematic character: the increasing need for truths and their institutional
production and management, against the background of the bankruptcy of its very
essences. Neuman (1975)[7]
states that middle-class attitudes and anxieties about childhood masturbation
in the United States and Europe from 1700 to 1914 arose out of the concept of
the child as "innocent and weak though easily corrupted". According to
Foucaultian perspectives, the distribution of knowledge-power originates in the
Greek-Western confession of a true (yet obscure and base) "truth" of sex, a scientia, "unfolding within a power
relationship", and opposing the transmission of pleasure-as-truth as dictated
by an ars erotica. Innocence would be
a distinctly "Western" concept (Schérer)[8],
but this is an obsolete idea. Rather than immobilising children by concepts of
erotic (erotological) amorphy, cultures most universally dramatise sexual transitions organised around knowledge / identity
themes (cf. chapter
5): "Adolescents
are marginal in the Parkian sense as they straddle childhood and adulthood, and
sexuality accentuates this marginality. Western European traditions have shaped
mainstream US social perceptions with the result that children have become
simultaneously "innocent" and, as teenagers, sexually "uncontrollable"[9]. Van Manen
observes how "knowledge of and access to the cultural secrets of adult
life--such as mature erotic knowledge and sexual practices [etc.] become main criteria by which
childhood is defined"[10].
Authors[11] have argued that "innocence" is "manufactured", which,
as Reynolds notes, may be part of a disempowering objectification agenda (which
hints at the dire implications of "cuteness" curricula[12]). As will be argued in this chapter,
the hierarchical distribution of sex-as-science is represented through the
compartimentalisation and curricularisation of sex, processes, as
Foucault observes, readily infused by nosological ramifications. As will be
implied below, Freud localised natural categories and normal
structures of the family/society in what would be man's psychic structure,
an inevitable functional structure guiding clinical truths (truths as
clinical), or academic categorialism (categories as academic). The application
of this reappraisal can hardly avoid such things as inevitable trauma,
inevitable knowledge and inevitable "sexuality", so intimately joined in
psychodynamic legacy. Today we see feverish categorialist effort regarding all these
truths, still intimately joined; and there's an economic truth in it. The
triplet is institutionally interbred, the result increasingly measured in terms
of naturalised chronologies, and nurtured to be self-sustaining, surviving
partial "backlashes" of most kinds. A thorough localisation of the Western
sexology/psychiatry institute, as selective legitimisation rather than
neutralisation, is not intended here; instead, this limited collage of
references does no more than arguing than the triad in question (knowledge,
trauma and eroticism) is represented in historically essentialised thought
projects ("the primal scene", "the birds and bees"), a cultural datum which may
continue to halt deconstructive efforts. We see here the fruits of some three
centuries of secular distribution of moral problems: the sexual behaviour
trajectory, universally problematised, is arbitrarily contained by academically
legitimised classifications, and appropriated for ethnicist and class (e.g., §1.1.3.4) signification. 10.1 "Primality" in Euro-American Child Sexology: A
Curricularisation Issue [up]
[Contents]
Sigmund Freud was dedicated to the traumatology of the
Uhrzene from the very beginning of his psychoanalytic
thought (Esman, 1978:p50-3)[13].
The matter was taken up by psychoanalysts as well as a large number of parental
advisories covering sexual issues, and was merged within discussions of
domestic nudity, parent-child and sibling co-sleeping and co-bathing, where it
became as a classic theme in sex education for parents throughout the century.
Significantly, these issues in practice hardly ever raise legal questions. It is known that a first retrospective prevalence
study was conducted as late as 1976 (Hoyt)[14],
and longitudinal data were first available as late as 1998 (Okami et al.)[15]. The lag of academic falsification is
stunning, and reveals much of the absolute reign of case material in
psychoanalytical thought. Further, it should be noted that the idea itself is a
concept of traumatology specific and typical of the culture that seems to
appreciate an institutionalised sexology, and then omits the obvious patterns
of investigation suiting its hypotheses. It had to be taken up by "outsiders"
to disprove its somehow seducing claims. The studies never demonstrated much harm. Primal scene
avoidance operates on a discursive level of innate cultural traumatology, and
effects an age/phase (rather than kin) stratifying and stratified avoidance
regarding matters construed sexual. What has ethnology to offer? 10.2 Anthropological Perspectives [up]
[Contents]
It
appears that cultures may have their typical primal scenes. Stekel[16]
argued that "[e]ine außerordentliche Rolle im Sexualleben des Kindes spielt das
Klosett. Für das Kind ist das Klosett keine Bedürfnisanhalt, sondern eine
Quelle der erotischen Anregung". The curricular compartimentalisation of human
excretion has probably contributed to Freud's identification of the "anal
phase" as such[17]. Children's
attraction to toilets is probably an exponent of the exotification (Bem) /
proto-eroticisation[18]
of nudity, with a carry-over effect to the places were a display of the "scene"
is expected. To limit the discussion to coitus, Devereux (1951)[19]
extensively discussed the Mohave primal scene, stressing its educational qualities,
and its contribution to "a rapid and continuous behavioural, characterological
and social maturation, rather than a stunting and premature frustration of the
instincts, and of Mohave character structure". The Euro-American primal scene,
many "experiences" alike, is destined to be incidental, the child walking in on
the parents who are caught in flagrante. The extent of ethnographic
communications of what might be called the category of "imitated sexuality"
points to the assumption that the primal (but perhaps not solely parental)
scene would be a universal experience; however, the trauma, outside the
boundaries of speculation, is explored cross-culturally only sporadically. For
some reason, witnessing parental coitus is a routine item in American anthropological
coverage of the "life cycle", some authors feeling compelled to discuss
possibilities and probabilities even in the negative. 10.2.1 Watching Parents:
Intercourse [up]
[Contents]
According to ethnographers' explicit issuing of the
matter[20],
parental intercourse is observed all over the world[21],
the timing of discontinuation being variable and unfortunately rarely
addressed. Stephens (1971:p406; 1972:p2-3)[22]
found that 35 of 91 primitive cultures are known to practice parent-"child"
co-sleeping, of which 16 were known to "allow" cross-generational coital
observation[23] (in three[24]
of these, this claim was compromised by informants' denial). In six, possibly
eight, children's observation of "sex orgies and occasions of quasi-public
intercourse" could be documented. In sixteen, adults are known to discuss and
joke about sex openly before children; in 8, this was denied by informants. In
a final six, children would be exposed to ritualised or culturally approved
parental "obscenity". 10.2.2 The Primal Bed, Room, Home, Village:
Compartimentalisation and Curricularisation of Scenes [up] [Contents]
Primal
scene experiencing was not coded for the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample. SCCS
codes are available on the person(s)
infants and children sleep with, where adolescents sleep, sex segregation in
sleeping areas of children, and sex segregation in sleeping areas of
adolescents and teens[25] (variables 23, 751, 933, 1710-1713). Whiting
et al. ([1958])[26] found that
in a sample of 56 societies, 24 practised biparental-"infant"[27]
co-sleeping (the same bed); in only five the infant slept away from the
co-sleeping parents' bed. However, an indefinite number of these might adhere
to the post-partum taboo. We see that for infant-parental co-sleeping patterns
in 186 societies (Barry III & Paxson, 1971, column 1)[28]
it was not once observed that both parents do not sleep with the infant in the same room. PSEs in infancy are
technically a possibility in societies with rating 5 (both parents sleep in the
same room as the infant, #=59) and 9 (both parents sleep in the same bed as the
infant, #=23), and provisionally for ratings 4 and 7. A further SCCS measure
was provided by Broude and Greene (1983, column 13)[29]. We
might consider the discontinuation of co-sleeping, either for bed or room, as an
exponent of curriculurisation. The discontinuation of sibling cross-sex
co-sleeping is a recognised transition in some societies[30].
Rosenfeld studied (incidental) cross-generational co-sleeping (1982)[31]
and cross-generational co-bathing (1987)[32]
in the U.S.A., studies being informed by an "abuse" paradigm. Parent-child
co-sleeping discontinuation is marked explicitly in a number of African
cultures[33] as well as
outside[34],
and in a majority of these cases the child actually moves out of the home,
typically to grandparents. The timing of co-sleeping discontinuation varies,
but is invariably prepubertal[35].
Stephens (1962:p79; 1972:p3) found that the boy's moving out was noted in more
than half of the sample (in 36 they did, in 27 they did not), but was careless
for the age at which this occurred ("the 7 to 15 age range"). In some cases
this transition is rationalised. "The Nyakyusa believe that the sexual fluids
are extremely dangerous to children, hence (they say) the restrictions on the
parents of a young child sleeping together [sic]"
(Wilson). The Bemba considered sexually mature people "hot" and as such
dangerous for infants and young children altogether. According to professionals, the age at which
behaviours related to nudity and co-sleeping were said to become inappropriate
was lower for different-gender parents than for same-gender parents[36].
The opposite was found for kissing. Co-sleeping together with co-bathing until
adolescence in Japan and China could be regarded as "incestuous" (DeMause)
because of its duration; this accounts for an accusatory, hybrid use of the
standard lexicon of psychodynamic theories, and sentiments against the
chronocentric department of "abuse". There have been no specific studies
disentangling kinship from age avoidance narratives. 10.2.3 Watching Parents and Being Watched: Curricularisation of the "Visual Experience" Order [up]
[Contents]
There is little ethnographic consideration for
noncoitally explicit "scences" enacted by the parental dyad or the parental
generation (e.g., nudity, breastfeeding) experienced by children. It is
suggested that in most societies visual shielding occurs over a gradient of
activities, including hugging, modest kissing and embraces on the one end, and
coitus or other genital practices on the other. This may also be noted for the
entire arsenal of censorship devices to shield children from exposure to images
portraying sexual techniques, including television warnings operable in many
countries announcing "explicit" scenes: it might affect their "sexual IQs"[37]. Whether young children shield their obscenity, nudity,
and sexual activity from the still younger ones has received no attention. A
cursory inventory (§6.2.7)
suggests that children actively shape the compartimentalised coital/intimacy
order, and shield their own coitus from parental (and peer) interests. Of
course, the child at some time comes to include himself in the
curricularisation hierarchy, assuming the restrictions (s)he observes applied
to his/her own person and to those in the same and other age groups. This
perspective would most likely contradict the classical ethnographic (and
psychodynamic) image that this hierarchy is invariably and merely composed of a
two-layer (or generational) organisation. 10.2.4 Watching Animals [up]
[Contents]
Among
the Serbs, Pavlovic found that
"[s]ome peasants do not know what sights female children should not witness. I
once saw a peasant holding a mare and forcing his daughter-in-law and his
daughter to drive the stallion to service it". Watching animals is seen as an
important means of the acquisition of coital technology in rural areas[38].
Particularly in Africa, the cattle is the prime mate of the child, and the boy
spends the whole day with the flog. Parents have generally been noted to regard
the knowledge of animal matings as operationalised knowledge, and as such a
theme for socalisation. The Cuna (Panama) actually forbid animal scenes to be
watched (Nordenskiöld, Marshall). In some societies, it appears as if the
domestic animal is sex-trained too. On Inis Beag, Ireland, "[e]ven the dog caught licking its genitals inside
the home is whipped and banished from the house" (cited by Yates). A meaningful lateralium, compartimentalised and
curricularised children are to reconstruct the human case from the animal case. 10.2.5 Watching TV: Managing Changing Screens [up]
[Contents]
Specific technological proceedings have
possibly revolutionised the experience of growing up sexually. Vieira[39]
has sought "to
address the ways in which three distinct domains – the Internet, childhood
and sexuality – are located in a discursive nexus that is
irreconcilable with normative notions of what it means to be a child". Television and internet have immensely enhanced the distribution of
adolescent cultures, values and issues that shape the needs and demands of the
young consumer[40]. Internet,
particularly, increases the degree of "mobility", communication, and anonymity
that children seek to enhance sexological expertise. The curriculum that
follows this line of development is one controlled only by a technological
superiority that ensures the selective restriction, limitation or delay of
children's access to the online world. A number of issues have entered the
realm of digital parenthood, posing threats to the "unsuspecting" juvenile
consumer: pornography[41]
and paraphilic attentions[42],
mainly. Some legal efforts aim to
"protect" children from explicit communications via electronic ways[43]. One hypothesis suggests that curricularisation
of exposure is related to curricular need or demand. Abelman (1980)[44],
discussing sex in soap operas: "Many of the sex acts were not explicitly
portrayed; they were discussed, alluded to, or implied. Given the theory that
children will come to value and model the behaviors seen on television, the
findings suggest that those acts most explicitly portrayed, specifically
petting, would be modeled more frequently than other intimate acts". Technological
proceedings pose immediate problems and require innovative solutions to the
curricularisation and curricular distribution of sexual knowledge. These
solutions in part are provided by technology. Both television and internet access opportunities are protected selectively by parental option
for channel, site or day schedule. Television programs are introduced by icons
warning the child or parent for oncoming explicitness, and provide age
recommendations. Programs are scheduled when children are in school or late
night. These strategies elaborate upon age requirements for the purchase of
explicit material, and access limitation to "explicit" environments. 10.2.6 And Where Does the Stork Come From: The Primal Talk [up]
[Contents]
Another
classical Freudian theme is that of "infantile" sexual theories.
Where primal scenes are reasonably effectively blocked from view, narrative
becomes the central "primal" factor, allowing a degree of freedom, a buffer,
for curricular control and stability. The facts of life are diverse, and good
parents, if they know these facts themselves, choose elements of this "whole
truth" to speak "nothing but the truth". Purposeful
misleading arguments on the ontogenetic question are noted in many societies.
Taking the work of the Newsons (1968:p375-84) and the "cross-cultural" work by
the Goldmans (1982:p216-37) as a baseline, it appears that providing the truth
has been an enormous problem, paralleled by a wide diversity of ideations
within moral, religious and physiological paradigms[45].
Newson and Newson found that up to 66% of lowest-class "wives-of" provided
spurious explanations to their four-year-olds: the stork[46],
Santa Claus, Woolworth's, under the goosegog bush, the back garden, the cabbage
patch, the hospital (cf. Ribal, 1973:p22-3)[47].
Some parents screened their television for "farming programmes and that".
Naiveté was preserved through a program ranging from neutralisation
(professional-class) to suppression (unskilled-manual class). An
intriguing use of the knowledge of reproduction occurs in some North-American
tribes that frighten children out of sex with the argument that they are
fertile prepubertally[48].
In most societies, however, intelligence on at least human reproduction is
subject to rigorous curricular control, and deliberate mythmaking is a polycultural
phenomenon[49]. Native
rationales for this universal policy are rarely explored, and if so, tend to be
discussed in matter-of-fact terms. The issue was not coded for the SCCS. Kirkman et al. (2001)[50]
suggest that fathers experience difficulties in communicating about sexuality
with their children as they were positioned in mutually incompatible discourses
of both traditional masculinity and involved fatherhood. This can be juxtaposed
versus many African cases where instruction is strictly gender segregated.
Whereas in the American intrafamilial phenomenon sex discussions take on different
styles[51] (an
ethnographic aspect poorly understood), African education appears to have been
either as colloquial (e.g., Wanguru)
or more dogmatic, yet gendered and formalised through the use of specific
(secluded) locations, elaborate (at times "secret") phrase curricula, and
nonparental ceremonial masters. The input and output are proscribed rather than
prescribed, as are the dramatis personae.
The re-construction of the self within the performance of being educated (and
educating), therefore, is not to be mistaken, a social truth, a pathway to be
followed rather to be ventured. It represents a case of assimilation rather
than individuation, a case of recruitment and inauguration rather than
development and revolution. It is also interesting to see that Afro-American
mothers "used stories from their own experiences to accomplish socialization /
enculturation and to discourage their daughters from making the same mistakes
that they reportedly made (such as becoming pregnant during the teenage years)" [52].
These stories "served as cultural artefacts that describe the cultural
pathways" of those involved. 10.3
Discussion: The Curricular Stratification of Information and Technology [up] [Contents]
"In western industrialized countries children grow up
amidst strong cultural investment in sexualized narratives. From advertising to films and videos, from
multiple TV offerings of soaps, chat-shows, cable options of 24 hour romance,
violence or erotica, internet information and dialogue... to popular magazines
and daily newspapers: everywhere sex
sells and buys, titillates well-trodden paths of curious voyeurism and
projections, moulded and selectively extracted bodies, edited scripts and
conventions of the palaver of intimacy. The stories and images percolate into
individuals' sense of themselves, sense of others, dreams, hopes and fantasies.
This wider cultural proliferation of images and suggestions about "sex" and
desire goes alongside many years in school and in home / family contexts, where
other conventions prevail. Here the sexualized body is more often suspect and
censored, contained within traditions of embarrassment or humour or rules"[53]. A number of models have been or can be applied to
coital stratification according to life phase. Their implications for
cross-cultural diversity are discussed below. The most frequently offered
interpretations for cross-cultural difference is the element of economic compromise: coitus would have
been shielded (more effectively) had it not been for one-room accommodations.
In these cases, where having sex weighs heavily against shielding sex, PS
avoidance would be a function of SES rather than cultural attitudes. A number
of theoretical entries need to be addressed. -- Ethology.
Schiefenhövel[54] assumes
that coital privacy, regardless of the identity of spectators, is universal in
man, and nonexistent in animals. Coital privacy lessens the threat posed by
dominant males to the pairbonding stability of the copulating dyad (cf. Money
& Ehrhardt, 1973/1996:p201). The avoidance of coital exposure need would
develop early, in "latency"; in fact, it
had better replace the concept of latency
(ibid.). This model is less
clear in its explaining the intrafamilial-intergenerational setting. The
inexistence of zoological equivalents of "privacy" in either setting has not
been demonstrated, but seems unlikely at least in the latter case. -- Structural-Functionism.
The shielding away of coitus within the familial setting might appeal to a
spectrum of psychodynamic explanations[55],
providing relief of Oedipal tensions. This, however, remains untested. The
model requires that PSEs jeopardise tensional equilibria that define the
Oedipal triangle (and the whole of psychosexual status), thus compromising the
delicate process of its resolution. It requires that PSEs appeal to an innate
biological mechanism inevitably transforming the experience into a
psychological conflict. -- Conflict Theory. In
most societies the child is confined to the level, cohort or stratum of information it is assigned
to, and in most cases can be conceptualised as a "technology", a knowledge of
doing things. The sexual curriculum is defined by the age width, kinship
requirements, and gender rigidity associated with the "information cohort" over
time. Cultures are typified by the passive and active delay legitimising,
identifying or capacitating ("operationalising") knowledge (coital technology
to coitus, masturbatory technology to orgasm) as well as the "operationalising
experiences" that might result from them (masturbation to allosexuality,
allosexual incidents to allosexual patterns, orgasm to masturbatory
patterning), etc. In this view the merest concept
of sex is the first prerequisite in a motivational sequence that eventually
leads up to its initial practice. It may be suggested that the delay of this
first step is a most radical though near universal choice operationalising sex
as an age-graded and –grading privilege. Or rather, children's sexology roots
in the currisularised failure of this age-based power segmentation of society,
situational relaxation of its implementation, or in the promotion that is
granted with age. This model requires the conceptualising of coital technology
as an economic value unevenly distributed over the age gradient, such
distribution effected by the exercise of power, and such exercise benefiting
the powerful in controlling power gradients. In its strictest form, this model
requires the (at least potential) equivalence of coitus to both parties in
terms of meaning (e.g., pleasure) and, ethically, entitlement. It is this
requirement that is generally met with opposition. -- Symbolic Interactionism, Social Constructionism. Parents
choose to delay the transmission of coitus as a concept by modifying exposure
to the concept. The gradient is preserved by such techniques as active and
passive nonlabelling and mislabelling (Gagnon)[56],
and from "neutralisation" to "suppression" (Newson & Newson). Coital
development (chapter
6) is thus left to a curriculum in which (1) coitus does not take place
because of its lack of meaning, or its nonrepresentation in operational
scripts; and (2) coitus takes place within a gradual shift of meaning, its
representation in scripts being updated on the basis of some curricular agenda.
Cross-cultural differences would have to be explained, if not from economic
perspectives, from curricular agendas to provide or withhold (operationalised)
meanings to behavioural categories, or to curricularise diverse potential
meanings. Notes [up] [Contents]
[last updated] [1] The Parrot,
dedicated to Amaru, celebrated erotic poet, date unknown. Cited by Lal, P.
(1967) Sanskrit Love Lyrics, Transition 32:32-3,
p33. [2] Asmal, K. (Aug., 2001) Protecting the Right to Innocence: The Importance of Sexuality Education. Report of the Protecting the
Right to Innocence: Conference on Sexuality Education, 19-21. Department of Education, Pretoria, p4, 15 [http://education.pwv.gov.za/Policies_and_Reports/2001_Report/SEXUALIT.PDF] [3] Thormann, J. (1996) The unconscious and the
construction of the child, Lit &
Psychol 42,4:16-36 [4] Scott, S., Jackson, S. & Backett-Milburn, K.
(1998) Swings and Roundabouts: Risk Anxiety and the Everyday Worlds of Children,
Sociology 32,4:689-705. Cf. Scott, S., Jackson, S.,
Backett-Milburn, K. & Harden, J. (1998) Risk
Anxiety and the Social Construction of Childhood. Paper for the
International Sociological Association;
Jackson, S. & Scott, S. (1999) Risk anxiety and the social construction of
childhood, in Lupton, D. (Ed.) Risk and
Sociocultural Theory: New Directions and Perspectives. Cambridge University
Press: Cambridge, p86-107 [5] See for instance Heins, M. (2001) Not in Front of
the Children: Indecency, Cencorship, and the Innocence of Youth. Hill &
Wang [6]
See for instance Devrome, M. A. (1997) Sexuality in Adolescence: Recounting
Lived Experience. PhD Dissertation, University of Calgary. [DAI (1997)
57(10-A):4257] [7] Neuman, R. P. (1975) Masturbation, madness, and the
modern concepts of childhood and adolescence, J Soc Hist 8,3:1-27 [8] Schérer, R.
(1974) Émile Perverti. Paris:
Laffont; Hocquenghem, G. & Schérer, R. (1976) Co-ire; Album Systématique de l'Enfance. Paris: Recherches; Schérer,
R. (1978) Une Érotique Puérile.
Paris: Éditions Galilée; Scherer, R. (1995) Un nouvel ordre sexuel mondial, Quel Corps?, p47-9, 261-74 [9] Melese-d'Hospital, I. (1994) "Innocent Child" or "Horny Teenager?": Adolescents' Sexuality,
Marginality, and HIV Policy. Paper for the American Sociological
Association [10]
1994 research outline, http://www.ualberta.ca/~vanmanen/hssecr.htm.
Cf. Manen, M. van & Levering, B. (1996) Childhood's Secrets: Intimacy, Privacy,
and the Self Reconsidered. New York, NY: Teachers College Press [11] Corteen, K. &
Scraton, P. (1997) 'Prolonging 'Childhood'': Manufacturing 'Innocence' and
Regulating Sexuality' in Scraton, P. (Ed.) Childhood
in Crisis. London: UCL Press [12]
Harris, D. (1993) The cute and the anti-cute, Harper's Mag 287:26.
Further: Holt, J. C. (1974) Escape from Childhood. New York: E. P.
Dutton, ch. 12 [13] Esman, A. (1978) The primal scene: a review and a
reconstruction, Psychoanal Study Child
28:49-81 [14] Hoyt, M. F. (1976)
The Primal Scene: A Study of Fantasy and Perception Regarding Parental
Sexuality. Unpubl. Doct. Diss. [15] Okami, P., Olmstead, R., Abramson, P. & Pendleton,
L. (1998) Early childhood exposure to parental nudity and scenes of parental
sexuality ("primal scenes"): an 18-year longitudinal study of outcome, Arch Sex Behav 27,4:361-84 [16] Psychosexueller
Infantilismus, p45 [17] See also Schuhrke, B. (1998) Die offene Toilettentür.
Sexualität, Scham und Neugier in der Familie, Pro Familia Mag
26,3/4:18-20 [18] Preparatory article, Proto-Erotiek: Agogische Exotiek tussen Leererotische en Psychodynamische Realiteit. [19] Devereux, G. (1951a) The Primal Scene and Juvenile
Heterosexuality in Mohave Society, in Wilbur, G. & Muensterberger, W.
(Eds.) Psychoanalysis and Culture.
New York: International Universities Press, p90-107 [20] The mere coverage of the issue may be biased by a
psychodynamic orientation, interest, or expertise. Rarely the matter is
addressed in full, and even more sporadically, it seems, it is numerically
studied as for American society. [21] For explicit statements (and completed with Stephens'
data) see for Africa: Tanala, Sudan, Senegal, Ghana, Nuer, Amhara, Umbundu,
Xhosa, Gusii, !Kung; Asia: Central Thai, Burma, Taiwan, Burakumin (Japan),
Garos (debated: Goswami vs Sinha), Santal, Akha, Alorese, Samoa, Ulithi,
Ilocos; Trobriands; Puerto Rico, Copper Eskimo, Mohave, Ojibwa, Hopi, Kamano,
Apache, Navajo, Yanoama, Mapuche, Cashinahua, Tenetehara, Hare, Mangaia,
Marquesans; Aranda and other Australian aborigines; Truk, Ulithi, Valle Caña,
Deoli, Baiga, Easter Islanders [22] Stephens, W. N. (1971) A cross-cultural study of
modesty and obscenity, in Technical
Report of the Commission on Obscenity and Pornography. Washington, US :
Government Printing Office. Vol. 9, p405-51; Stephens, W. N. (1972) A
cross-cultural study of modesty, Behav
Sci Notes 7,1:1-28 [23] Alorese, Baiga, Copper Eskimo, Deoli, East Bay,
Goulbourn Island (Australia), Hopi, Kamano, Marquesas, Mohave, Ojibwa, Samoa,
Trobriands, Truk, Ulithi, Valle Caña [24] Manus, Modjokuto, Tepoztlan [25] Divale, W.,
Abrams, N., Barzola, J., Harris, E. & Henry, F. (1998) Sleeping
Arrangements of Children and Adolescents: SCCS Sample Codes, World Cultures 9,2:3-12 [26] Whiting, J. W. M., Kluckhohn, R. & Anthony, A.
(1958) The function of male initiation ceremonies at puberty, in Maccoby, E.
E., Newcomb, T. M. & Hartley, E. L. (Eds.) Readings in Social Psychology. Rev. ed. New York: H. Holt, p359-70 [27] No exact delineation of the concept was offered. [28] Barry, H. III & Paxson, L. M. (1971) Infancy and
early childhood: cross-cultural codes 2, Ethnology
10:466-508 [29] Broude, G. J. & Greene, S. J. (1983)
Cross-Cultural Codes on Husband-Wife Relationships, Ethnology
22,3:263-80 [30] E.g., Qemant. Among the Yakut, it happens at age
10-12 (Sieroszewski, p887) [31] Rosenfeld, A. (1982) Sleeping patterns in upper-middle-class
families when the child awakens ill or frightened, Arch Gen Psychia 39:943-7 [32] Rosenfeld, A. et al. (1987) Family bathing patterns:
implications for cases of alleged molestation and for pediatric practice, Pediatrics 79,2:224-9 [33] Maragoli, Nuer, Majangir, Bemba, Shona, Thonga, Meru,
Azande, Baushi, Karugu, Bena, Gusii [34] Thai [35] "Above the age of weaning" (Bemba), five
(Bangladesh), eight or nine (Shona), seven (Gusii), seven or eight (Thonga),
five to seven (Meru), nine or ten (Zande, Bena, Kaguru), before "late
childhood" (Batak), ten or twelve (rural Thai), "even before initiation"
(Kaguru) or "à partir du moment où il osera se tenir éveillé au moment où Vénus
couvre ses parent de son étreinte" (Baushi); only in some cases it is "soon after
puberty" (Ovimbundu). [36] Disimone-Weiss, R. (2000) Defining sexual boundaries
between children and adults: A potential new approach to child sexual abuse
prevention, DAI-B 60(8-B):4216. Professionals who were younger, did not have a
psychodynamic orientation, or were from the western states generally responded
that the investigated behaviours become inappropriate at later ages than those
who do not have these characteristics. In addition, although psychologists and
psychiatrists were not found to significantly differ in their responses,
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Davidson, J. K. & Moore, N. B. (Eds.) Speaking of Sexuality:
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explicitly documented: Amhara, Toucouleur (Senegal), Xhosa, Tebu, Gusii,
Tanala, Shona, Tibet, rural Japan, Taiwan Hokkien, Akha, rural France, Highland
Scots, Inis Beag [Ireland], Denmark, Bonerate, Zuni, Western Apache, Hopi,
Siuai, Easter Island, Aitutaki, Paraguay, Yahgan, Puerto Rico, Yanoama,
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of Resistance. Unpublished PhD Diss. University of Wales, College of
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E. J. (Ed.) Childhood Sexual Learning:
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Parental Regulation-The Best Alternative, Univ
Louisville J Fam Law 35,3:575-93 [44] Abelman, R. (1980) Afternoon Delight: Sex in the Soaps. Paper presented at the Annual
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Kinderbringer, Rheinisch-Westfälische Zeitschr f Volksk 34-5:25-39 [47] Ribal, J. E. (1973) Learning Sex Roles: American and Scandinavian Contrasts. San
Francisco, Calif.: Canfield [48] Ingalik, Hopi, Blood Indians [49] Untruths and halftruths were collected for the U.S.,
Cuna, Xhosa, Okinawans, Chaga, Wahehe, Burma, Akha, French, Ghanese, Scots,
Lebanese, Wogeo, New Ireland Darabi, Hopi, Tinglit, Ojibwa, Puerto Rico,
Philippines, Bulgaria [50] Kirkman, M.,
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