The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002)
[to Volume II Index]
[to Main Index Page]
Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands
"Do you want me to be Nyame ayewa?"
Summary: This chapter expands on the preceding chapter by demonstrating how (especially African) cultures actively promote or incapacitate the young body as an instrument for sexual use. The prosexual techniques include preparation of cunnus (beautification, elongation of labia pudenda), breasts (shaping, enlargement) vagina (introcision, artifical defloration, dilation), and extragential areas (scarification, siccatriciation, piercing, etc.); in males, techniques include phallopoesis and preputial preparation. The practices are self-directed or mutual, in other cases it is effected maternally, ceremonially or in less extreme informal age stratified situations. Morphological alterations demonstrate the degrees of instrumentalisation and authorisation of the coital body. Further, anatomical structures (e.g. foreskin) are appointed variable sexological operationalisations (definitions) which reflect culture's tendency to intervene in and control developmental processes.
This chapter surveys ethnographic variations in pre- and peripubertal genital preparatory customs. It should be noted that original rationales behind genital modification customs, often timed before puberty, can only be speculated upon, as it is lost in the mists of antiquity, or variably commented upon by dated sources. A range of 20th century societies practised anatomical modifications to prepare the genital either aesthetically or functionally for future use from a "sexological" perspective. In most of these cases, remarks on whether these customs were intended as prophylaxis or thought of as being curative may be absent. In these cases, their meaning for any phase-identified "sexuality" thus remains unclear.
It is incidentally adopted as a sexological narrative that the prepubertal body is somehow unfit for sexual practices on a routine basis, or on any basis at all. This refers to statements on potency, orgasmicity and size. The available data on these matters (see elsewhere) point to the contrary. Nonetheless, both artificial and genetically encoded anatomical transitions are frequently interpreted and utilised as signifiers of phase/sexual status. Anatomical modifications are noted for their association with a number of factors that may or may not coincide with rationale referring to "sexual" behaviour taboo or licence (e.g., tribal identity, general aesthetics, hygiene, medical considerations).
"Anatomising sexuality" renders the bodies construable, and controllable; it appoints authority, status and privilege. It also curricularises the body. Modes of anatomising sexuality / "sexual" phases are thus noted:
(a) anatomical transitory timing used as an index to phase/sexual timing/stratification;
(b) (intended) modification of anatomical transitory timing used as a means of determining phase/sexual timing;
(c) anatomical modification used as a means of phase/sexual stratification.
The present chapter was focussed on the latter two categories (b, c).
13.0.1 Preliminary Evolutionary Observations: Rationalisation and the Developmental Body [up] [Contents]
It seems that while sexual behaviour in pre-industrial communities has retained a definite anatomical interpretation / operationalisation (instrumentalisation, beautification, authorisation, curricularisation), sexuality in industrial societies is de-anatomised insofar the body does not compellingly signify status or maturity, and is not a site for preparation, celebrated transitions, nor (hence) for enforcement of authority or social recognition. This parallels the dissociation of sexarche and menarche / ejacularche. As the chapter demonstrates, these principles cannot be appreciated via a monocultural approach. Apart from practices associated with disputed medical claims, the contemporary preadult body is not to be interfered with texturally. Transitions appear de-anatomised, (hence) desexualised and (hence) desocialised, rendering the transitional body de-authorised as well as de-instrumentalised. This would facilitate continuity between the pretransitional and transitional body, if not already obsolete concepts. From here it could be argued that the postmodern developmental body is continuously being reinvented and commercialised. With or without anatomical means, this body is paced and timed (Jenks), regulated (Kamler), problematised (Van Ussel), civilised (Elias), restricted, managed, "postured", instructed, protected, revenged in "nostalgia" projects, and otherwise represented. "Body development", thus, may take diverse forms, including coming to "know" or becoming "aware", being offered ownership, "finishing", etc. The uncertain place of relative bodies in development as such is illustrated by the apparently problematic category of intergenerational touching in academically advanced societies (or is it America only?). The touched body is increasingly rationalised ("good"/"bad" distinctions being "taught in virtually every [late 1980s American] child sexual abuse prevention program"; cf. America); the curricular "unbodification", thus, is a spurious one.
Speaking of "sexological" implications or legitimisations, (intended) modifications may be rationalised by curative, prophylactic, preparatory, and provocative motives. Potentially important matters are the mode and timing of anticipation associated with (intended) modifications. Notably, four SCCS codes (which deal with operations in terms of "mutilation", "deformation" and "pain") measure occurrence and timing only and do not include data on this point. The following discussion, therefore, as yet lacks statistical elaboration.
Breast themes are sporadically documented to enter the play of prethelarchic girls. In some societies, it is thought that the development of the female breast can be aided or should be induced by artefact. It is practised by mothers (Timbira), solitary or in peer groups, for cosmetic and functional (e.g., Batetela) purposes. Antithelopoetic measures are rarely described (Burma, Amboa). By contrast, the stimulation, as distinct from simulation of breast growth in American girls could not be further substantiated by Benedek et al. (1979:p543) than placing it between parentheses.
As detailed in §12.2.2, in these (especially African) cases the breast represents a central hallmark of maturity as well as a well-defined symbol of beauty. Maturity and beauty are collapsed into a single well-defined desiderans that the girls actively pursue; when "achieved" it is celebrated with entitled social transitions. This entitlement is closely related to need to intervene in and augment on natural poesis.
13.1.2 Cunnus; Artificial Clitoromegaly; Vaginal Distension [up] [Contents]
It has previously been noted that the cunnus may be subject to extensive preparation. Cosmetic of functional preparation in some way of another is practised in a large number of (African and Oceanic) societies. The technique of preparing the nymphae is taught or performed by the mother (Marquesan, Hawai'i, Nkundo, Luba, Hottentot, Zimbabwe [vaRemba], Mangaia, Ra'Ivavae), by men (Ponape), by older comrades (Betchuans, Shona, Baushi) and attached to institutions such as puberty schools (Venda). There seems to be two major timing patterns: one in infancy (maternal), and one peripubertal, commonly peri-initiatory. In the latter case, the custom seems to be a social event, done in secret or semi-private congregations (Batetela, Nkundo, Betchuans, Luba), and also mutually ("Grand Lacs" [Great Lakes] peoples, Burundi, Bemba, Shona, Baushi, Dahomey).
The scene of labial elongation, traditionally typical for Southern African tribes, used to be one of mutuality, a joint venture for attractiveness and sexual identity, or at least a personal quest for future complementation. These practices were saturated with social significance, being colloquial, compulsory, and complementary.
Female introcision (the enlargement of the vaginal opening by tearing or cutting the perineum) was practised among some of the aboriginal Australians (notably, Pitta-Patta, north-western Queensland) in order to facilitate the first experience of sexual intercourse (Head, 1978; Cook, 1979; Huelsman, 1976). Bryk (1931:p243) states, in case of the Arunta, that this was done because of the broadness of the (subincised) virile member. The operator, an elderly man, enlarges the vaginal orifice by tearing it downward with three fingers bound with opossum string. In other districts, the perineum is split with a stone knife. This is usually followed by compulsory sexual intercourse with a number of young men. The timing was said to be neopubertally, but this should be interpreted with caution, at least historically, regarded the timing of aboriginal coitarche (®Atlas, Australia).
Introcision represents the most extreme example of enforced complementation within "coital roles". The (apparently inadequate) vagina is enlarged to accommodate and submit to a (broadened) phallus. This interdigitates with the marginal autonomy of women in some traditional tribes, girls being betrothed before birth, exchanged, and acquired by capture.
Parental defloration of the infant and initiation-associated defloration used to be occasionally practised across the continents. It is described as an old Swedish tradition, "worthy of adoption in other communities, since it protects young women later against many complexes and repressions".
The widespread custom of artificial (noncoital, precoital, antecoital) defloration is frequently attributed to a need for "sparing the male", and perhaps the female, of the horror of defloration, anatomically or socially speaking. Its actualisation is most often associated with initiation ceremonies after menarche, but it is regularly described as taking place at some time before puberty. As in ritualised coital defloration, artificial defloration is routinely described as ceremonial, but may also be practised informally. If not "symbolic" for coitus, its factuality marks a socially recognised and controlled procoital argument, as is the case with introcision. [note: defloration rituals are not recorded for the SCCS apart from under 153.1: Ceremonial (Normative) Rape [Roze-Koker].]
It has been noted elsewhere that masturbatory practices in some cases are related to an alleged effect of penile enlargement, particularly in the setting of early puberty. Artificial phallopoesis has been documented for many cultures, whereas antiphallopoetic practices are rarely described (Menomini). Old Arab as well as medieval European physicians encouraged masturbation for this purpose. The practice may have been regarded as obligatory.
Concentrating on the African case, the factual penis occupies a central patriarchal position as a fertiliser and successor of the male lineage. The functional penis (§s 12.3.1-2) as well as the anatomical penis is a site for preparation, signalling curricularised status and hence, power dynamics.
220.127.116.11 The Cultural Foreskin (Circumcision, Preputial Conditioning and "Male Defloration") [up] [Contents]
The notion of male virginity is not widely recognised or valued, perhaps partly because it would lack an anatomical signifier. It is suggested that in traditional society, the prepuce, or rather its natural adherence to the glans penis, is recognised as an obstacle for sexual intercourse, and therefore at least symbolises behavioural and social virginity as well as taboo (particularly in Africa). The sexological reasons for circumcision are diverse and its practice widespread (cf. Ploß and Renz, 1912, II:p137-235).
Cox (1995) held that both the hymen and the foreskin represented obstacles to sex "and marriage" as these would interfere with "the learning process and make young adults less likely to be saddled with dependents before they are able to care for them". He hypothesised [orig. footnotes]:
"Originally, [circumcision] was carried out on mature teenagers as a sign that sex would now be permitted to them. This is still the case in many societies, and it is clear that all circumcision traditions started in this way. In this way, the foreskin is allowed to carry out […] its role of discouraging sex until the boy is ready for adulthood. Circumcision then removes the impediment to coitus, and also provides protection against infections such as balanitis during adult, reproductive life. By establishing a cultural condition that coitus is only permitted once the foreskin is actually removed, not merely retracted, the biological restriction on early cohabitation is made more effective".
Kagura songs indeed seem to imply that circumcision is done to facilitate coitus. Less obviously, Cox also held that uncircumcised masturbation, "in the critical post-pubertal years", represented a "specific alternative form of sexual release" also aiding to postpone coitus. However, Cold and McGrath (1999) argued that
"Cox's thesis is based on two erroneous assumptions, namely that masturbation is more common in males with foreskins, and that a foreskin delays sexual activity. Recent studies from the University of Chicago have shown both of these assumptions to be erroneous [refs omitted]. Although Cox is one of the few modern authors to hypothesise about the evolution of the male prepuce, no scientific research has demonstrated that the male prepuce is a factor in masturbation or delayed sexual activity".
Drenth (1991) argued that during childhood and early puberty, sexual experiments and masturbation effectively stretch the prepuce to its adult size. This view opposes that of Sir James Spence who argued that
"[…] Nature does not intend it [prepuce] to be stretched or retracted […] What looks like a pin opening at 7 months will become a wide channel of communication at 17 […] Nature is a possessive mistress, and whatever mistakes she makes about the structure of the less essential organs such as the brain and stomach, in which she is not much interested, you can be sure that she knows best of the genital organs".
In the mean time, it could be assumed that (spontaneous) preputial adhaesiolysis continues until adolescence in order to protect the premature glans penis.
The fenulum praeputii may actually play a role in masturbatory autodefloration (Grewel, 1958). Artificial denudation is found in Middle-Eastern and African societies, practised by caregivers (infancy) or boys themselves (pre- to peripubertal); this includes "blowing" [Hawai'i], manipulation [Middle East], urinary ballooning [Tahitians], autofrenulotomy [Zulu], ligatures using cow hairs [Luo, Shona], caustic irritation [Crow, Masai, Nandi], etc.
In most of the African and Oceanic cases, the practice is unambiguously procoital. Examples:
During the process of masturbating with caustic plants, Nandi boys call out, " "Suren suren, ce kwamon pek a metet" (Become big and I'll give you something to eat). The blossoms of this plant are usually stuck into the hair, the separated milk serving as the agglutinant. Now the little fellow can go to a girl and try it" (Bryk). [Hargraves (1978) relays Bryk's statement of this use of plant.] On the Polynesian island of Tongareva, denudation was performed by an older women at puberty, before ritual coitarche with her (Danielsson). Jacobus X…: "The precocious tane [Tahitian youth] already prepares for the adventures of love in his eleventh or twelfth year, sometimes even his tenth. In order to get his glans free, he takes the foreskin between his thumb and index finger when he urinates, so that only a small opening remains for the passage of the urine; the urine, in collecting, forms a jacket around the glans under the foreskin, and since the lad repeats this several times a day, there is a regular mechanical distension of the opening. If that is not sufficient to free the glans, the lad cuts through the ligament with a large piece of flint and heals the wound without danger or pain by applying to the wound some cotton saturated with the juice of an arnica like plant. Immediately thereafter his intercourse with the feminine sex begins".
In the case of preputial conditioning, artificial thelopoesis and cunnus preparation, practices are typically described as peer-organised performances. Not frequently mentioned in discussions by "genital mutilation" activists, these cases point to the active role taken or accepted by children to claim their influence within the "anatomised sexuality" discourse. In the absence of formal morphology alteration, children may perform minor surgery on themselves. These observations counterbalance globalist and feminist attacks on genital surgery practices generalised under the heading of "mutilations" and measures of control.
Luo boys are said to practice a preputial conditioning at the age of 10 to 12 (Parkin, 1973:p335-6). In this "auto-instigated sexual initiation rite", "he might prise his prepuce attachment (ondwong') from his penis by means of a thorn, insert the hair of a cow and tie it tightly round the attachment. After a week or so, it is said that the tied attachment withers and "comes away", leaving the sensitive part of the penis free to move. The practice is said to be useful in that, by removing the ondwong' and enabling the fully unrestricted movement of the penis, a newly married man may achieve successful penetration without suffering bleeding when he has to force his bride (miaha) into allowing sexual intercourse- Luo girls are customarily expected to resist coitus in early marriage, as well as before marriage". Also, it would facilitate penetrating a small vagina. There is no circumcision, and the practice is done without parents' knowledge.
As reviewed by Spitz (1952), anticheiromanic surgery was recommended in America and Europe until well in the 20th century (particularly in the third quarter of the 19th century) both from a therapeutic and preventative perspective. The operations included cauterisation (clitoris, labia), circumcision, clitoridectomy, and the application of a variety of specially designed devices. Male circumcision is by far the most widely practised operation intended to end masturbation before puberty, and it is often included as a collateral legitimisation for religious practice. Countless successful, and some frustrated, cases are mentioned in the medical literature.
The most obvious case of contrasexual morphology alteration is female infibulation (e.g., Ploss, Bartels, and Bartels, 1965:p153-9). Infibulation or Pharaonic circumcision is widely practiced in Somalia, Northern parts of Kenya, Djibouti, Eastern part of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Mali, Upper Egypt and isolated areas of Nigeria. References to early male infibulation are rare, and would serve as anticheiromanic, antipederastic (Zulu Islands) [debated] or stimulant (Pintadas Islands, Borneo).
The consequences of infibulation on prepubertal sexual behaviour are, as far as can be expected, not investigated, in contrast to those on adult sexuality.
Infibulation demonstrates how sexual claims were negotiated and established at the level of anatomy rather than moral convention. Rather than being a case of a unilateral display of power, infibulation and defibulation practices concentrate, invest, communicate and exercise meaning via curricular (in this case mostly prepubertal) modifications of otherwise potentially instrumental bodies.
An exponent of the Islamic hymen cult is hymen reconstruction (hymenorrhaphy, hymenoplasty) said to occur in Turkey, Morocco, Egypt, and Jordan. Hymen repair is illegal in most Arab countries but is said to have been performed unofficially throughout the Islamic world, with specialists doing five or six a week. The matter presents ethical issues in non-Islamic countries. Of course, Islamic doctors are well aware of the fact that the coital truth of anatomical non-intactness is not a complete one (Talmudic sources mention this). At the Medical Jurisprudence Third Symposium on "The Islamic Vision of Some Medical Practices" held from 18-21 April, 1987 A.D., Sheikh M. Al-Ghazali argued: "I swear to God, girls have come to me, they only played with themselves, and I believe them because their tears were faster than their words […]". El Saadawi (1980:p15-8) relates that girls may refrain from masturbation by fear for their hymen (on the other hand, they would be frequently "touched" by their brothers).
An absolute prerequisite for conjugal sexarche, the hymen is part of an unambiguous cult exercised at the unilateral level of the female's sexual biography. The body is operationalised (identified) as revealing this basis. Contrary to the many portrayals of hymen cults, the experience of girls is rarely explored within a cross-cultural setting.
Coitocentric societies have traditionally been distinguished in their cults or disregard of "virginity", a concept variably invested in somatic factuality, and more commonly used as a synonym for first coital experience. In fact, hymen cults signify coitarchal (and therefore coital) cults, and represent a prime celebration of coitus as the sole real sexual activity. The social fate of coital curricula, thus, is variably fixed by the identity of the first partner. Of course, this concept is assigned different meanings in different social contexts (as is most clearly demonstrated in the cultural challenge associated with migration) particularly those differing in their valuing of unambiguous paternity rights and conjugal exclusivity. This renders some coitarchal experiences as communal (SCCS v748: Customs surrounding Consummation of Marriage [Broude & Greene]).
It seems to require a psychology of its own. It could be argued that economic and cultural factors weigh heavily on a young women's "ability", and willingness, to "be" a virgin, and that virginity discourse is laden with (middle-class) assumptions about self-empowerment and achievement. Other sources conceptualise non-coitus as an active performance ("doing virginity"). Psychoanalysts, for their part, have stressed the disruption of patriarchal control of the daughter necessary for her transfer to her husband.
The subjective experience of "first sex" as "defloration" is explored in numerous articles. Individuals may conceptualise virginity as a gift, stigma, or part of a process. The way this may be a discussion of anatomical reality is variable. Carpenter, for instance, does not refer to hymens or anatomy (2001, 2002).
According to Losonczy (1993), for an Embera girl the beginning of menstrual cyclicity marks the opening of the feminine body to "a cosmic movement, focused on the capacity of childbearing". The girl in the transitional phase between childhood and maturity is represented in initiation rites as an accomplice, seductress, and nurturer of supernatural beings. This transitional status must culminate in marriage and maternity to sustain the cosmic movement of production and reproduction.
In postmodern societies bodies gradually enter a range of sexological discourses, but these do not seem to be synchronized with sexual transitions. This in effect "ambiguous sexual scripting and conflicting sexual messages" in the identification of bodies render changing bodies ambiguous, as demonstrated in the contradictions and ambiguities encountered in the "performance of body matters in identity", within the domains of language and culture, and within such situational sites as gender and race. The resolution of discursive ambiguities (bodies, sexualities) would encompass the essential identity of "adolescence" (cf. §3.1.4).
Kelle notes that by German 4 to 6-graders, ambiguously, "development is understood as a natural process and as an aim to be achieved at the same time". The author concludes that "children contest the age appropriateness of activities and the authenticity of self-presentation, thereby presenting development as social praxis". The case defended here is that parenting cultures may or may not introduce discourses of body-development-as-praxis and sexual-maturity-as-praxis, while children themselves may elaborate upon, reformulate or rework such entries when non-monovalent.
The anatomical interference with genitalia for aesthetic or functional purposes is motivated by two distinct attitudes toward (specific) sexual interactions, those opposing it and those facilitating it. The curricularising effects of these alterations of appearance or functionality are very immediate, irreversible and powerful emblems of sexual legitimacy, or, conversely, stigmata of suppression. As such they represent the rare material signifiers of cultural attitudes toward potential sexual behaviour trajectories. The potentially coital apparatus is instrumentalised in a specific procoital discourse. In selected cases, children are known to claim their position in the anatomical order, or effectuate their own anatomised sexual discourse.
[last updated 011102]
 For a full exposé on genital preparation and references, see a preparatory article, Artefacts of Destiny: Anatomical Curricularisation of the Sexual Life Span.
 Sarpong, P. (1977) Girl's Nubility Rites on Ashanti. Tema, Ghana: Ghana Publ. Co., p16. "When I was a young boy, I remember noticing a girl rubbing clay on her chest, and, being curious about it, I asked why she was making herself dirty. She answered: "Do you want me to be Nyame ayewa? [i.e. 'God's little wife'—a euphemism for a perpetual spinster] I want my breasts to grow quickly". Sarpong writes that parents, in the case of late spontaneous thelarche, would rather delay initiation rites than "face the humiliation of having to expose their daughter's ugly breasts".
 Literature reviews by the author.
 Costa e Silva, J. A. (1985) Ethnopsychomotricité et identité: le role de la place du corps de l'enfant et de la mere, Ann Medico-Psychol 143,10:985-90
 Spree, R. (1992) Shaping the Child's Personality: Medical Advice on Child-Rearing from the Late Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Century in Germany, Social Hist Med 5,2:317-35
 Nishimura, H. (1997) [Japanese Modernization and Children's Bodies: A Social History of the Sitting Body Technique during the Meiji- Taisho Era], Soshioroji 42,2:43-64
 Thompson, B. W. (2001) Childhood lessons: Culture, race, class, and sexuality, in Satow, R. (Ed.) Gender and Social Life. Needham Heights, MA, US: Allyn & Bacon, p125-31
 Canning, K. (1996) Social Policy, Body Politics: Recasting the Social Question in Germany, 1875-1900, in Frader, L. L. & Rose, S. O. (Eds.) Gender and Class in Modern Europe. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, p211-37
 Consider Javeau, C. (1998) Corps d'enfants et émotion collective: essai de sociologie à chaud sur les meurtres d'enfants en Belgique (1996), Education & Societés 2:135-47
 Duncum, P. (1999-2000) The Semiotics of Children's Bodies as Found in Popular Media, Arts & Learning Res 16,1:78-82
 Debold, E. (1997) Knowing bodies: Gender identity, cognitive development and embodiment in early childhood and early adolescence, DAI-B 57(7-B):4742
 Burstin, J. (1957) La representation du moi physique dans la preadolescence, Enfance 2:143-63
 Gunsberg, L. & Tylim, I. (1995) Ownership of the body and mind: Developmental considerations for adult psychoanalytic treatment, Psychoanal Rev 82,2:257-66
 Lupton, D. & Tulloch, J. (1998) The Adolescent 'Unfinished Body', Reflexivity and HIV/AIDS Risk, Body & Society 4,2:19-34
 Yamaguchi, H., Yamamoto, H. & Haruki, Y. (2000) The relationship between the frequency of touching by parents and children's psychological adjustment, Jap J Health Psychol 13,2:19-28; Weiss, S. J. (1990) Parental touching: Correlates of a child's body concept and body sentiment, in Barnard, K. E. & Brazelton, T. B. (Eds.) Touch: The Foundation of Experience. Full Revised and Expanded Proceedings of Johnson & Johnson Pediatric Round Table X. Clinical Infant Reports. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p425-59
 DeYoung, M. (1988) The good touch/bad touch dilemma, Child Welfare 67,1:60-8
 v241: [timing of] male genital mutilations [Murdock]; v542.5/6: genital operation [and other pain] [ Schlegel & Barry III]; v562: occurrence of [male] circumcision [Paige & Paige]; v931/2.9: deformation or mutilation of the [female, male] genitals, e.g., clitoridectomy, circumcision, sewing the labia together [Frayser]
 E.g., Opie, I. & Opie, P. (1970 ) Children's Games in Street and Playground: Chasing, Catching, Seeking, Hunting, Racing, Duelling, Exerting, Daring, Guessing, Acting, Pretending. Oxford: Clarendon Press, p333; Martinson (1973:p59)
 This seems to be the case for the girls among the eastern Chipita, Shona, Chaga, Ashanti, Tetela, Kai (New Guinea), Trobrianders, Aranda, Tiwi, Tzeltal, Timbira
 Cf. Ploss, Bartels, and Bartels (1965:p227-35). According to the authors, breast growth was affected in Uganda (Roscoe), Congo, and Angola (Pogge) (P,B&B, p231). In many more, the eventual shape was modified.
 Benedek, E. P., Poznanski, E. & Mason, S. (1979) A note on the female adolescent's psychological reactions to breast development, J Am Acad Child Psychia 18,3:537-45
 An elaborate bibliography on the matter was compiled in a preliminary draft.
 Pacifics: Marquesas, Trukese, South Carolines, Marquesans, Hawai'ians, Ponapeans; Africa: Nyakyusa, Mangaia, Ra'Ivavae, Nama Hottentot, Betchuans, Luba, Nkundo, Ngoni, Zimba, Baganda, Bagishu, Suaheli, Shona, Burundi, Zande, VaRemba, Bahemba, Venda, Lenda, Bapende, Bemba, M'wemba, Nkoya, Kgatla, Thonga, Tetela, Lamba, Beti, "Bamouns", Tikars, Mangbetu, Fan (Dahomey), Ila, "Grand Lacs" tribes, Chewa, Chaga, Makonde, Lozi, Baushi
 The Azande "take a little girl and rub the paste on her vulva and then pinch the eleusine [a riverside shrub dug up and sun-dried in] with it, saying: "You are medicine of eleusine. Eleusine, you expand like a woman's vulva which, be it ever so small, is sufficient for any man. Eleusine, you expand in the granary like a woman's vulva. Eleusine, you expand like susu. May not eleusine lessen. Let it be sufficient" (Evans-Pritchard, 1937:p457).
 Male "introcision" (mika, subincision) is never practised before puberty.
 Sanderson, L. P. (1981) Against the Mutilation of Women: The Struggle against Unnecessary Suffering. London, UK: Ithaca Press, p4
 The custom was said to be exclusive for these people (Gregersen). However, it was said to be practised in eastern Mexico, Brazil, and in North-Eastern Peru, among a division of the Pano Indians (Conibos). Unconfirmed sources speak of its practice in Somalia. At present, there seems to be little if any literature indicating the prevalence, timing or geographic distribution of this procedure (Ferguson and Pamela, 1995).
 Cook, R. (1979) Damage to Physical Health from Circumcision (Infibulation) of Females. A Review of the Medical Literature. World Health Organization, Regional Office for the Eastern Mediterranean, Egypt; Huelsman, B. R. (1976) An anthropological view of clitoral and other female genital mutilations, in Lowry, T. P. & Lowry, T. S. (Eds.) The Clitoris. St. Louis, Mo.: Warren H. Green, p111-61
 Mid/South America (Mexico [Totonác], Bororó, Yanoama [Surára and Pakidái], Tukano, Pano, Arawak, Tupi, Cubeo, Shipibo, Chíwaro), Australian aborigines, Hindu Indonesia schismatic Copts, Africa, (Nubia, , Makonde, Lake Nyasa, Cewa, Akamba, Lozi, Hehe [debated], Bantu [Bemba, Yao, Makua], Lalia-Ngolu, Madagascar Fingo, Wakka); Babylonia
 Zum Kapitel "Der Hymen", Zeitschr Sexualwiss & Sexualpol 16:353-5
 Paraguay, New Guinea, New Hebrides, Malukula Big Nambas, Morocco, and Africa (Riffian Ambo, Ndembu, Akan, Baushi, Batetela, Mongo, Lamba, Warramunga)
 "Ambo are convinced that he could not beget children or even perform the marital act if he omitted this doctoring".
 E.g., Weiss, Ch. (1966) Motives for male circumcision among preliterate and literate people, J Sex Res 2,2:69-88
 Cox, G. (1995) De virginibus puerisque: the function of the human foreskin from an evolutionary perspective, Med Hypoth 45:617-21
 Crowley, I. & Kesner, K. M. (1990) Ritual circumcision (Umhwetha) amongst the Xhosa of the Ciskei, Br J Urol 66:318-21
 Bryk, Circumcision
 Cold, C. J. & McGrath, K. A. (1999) Anatomy and histology of the penile and clitoral prepuce in primates, in Denniston, G. C., Hodges, F .M. & Milos, M. F. (Eds.) Male and Female Circumcision. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, p19-29. An identical criticism appeared to be aired before in June 1997 issue of Circumcision eJournal, 2,1 [http://faculty.washington.edu/gcd/CIRCUMCISION/v2n1.html]
 Drenth, J. J. (1991) The Tight Foreskin: A Psychosomatic Phenomenon, Sex & Marit Ther 6,3:297-306
 Spence, J. (1964) On circumcision, Lancet, 2, [p902]. Quoted by Øster, J. (1968) Further fate of the foreskin, Arch Dis Ch'h 43:200-2
 Kayaba, H. et al. (1996) Analysis of shape and retractability of the prepuce in 603 Japanese boys, J Urol 156,5:1813-5
 Grewel, F. (1958) The frenum praeputii and the defloration of the human male, Folia Psychia, Neurol & Neurochir Neerland [Holland] 61,2:123-6
 Hawai'i, Turkomans, Kurds, Uzbeks, Kazak-Kirghiz, Semi-hamites, Nandi, Luo, Shona Massai, Tahitians Tongareva, Crow [inferred]
 Hargraves, B. J. (1978) Killing and curing: succulent use in Chipita, Soc Malawi J 31,2:21-30
 Subincision is performed by Samburu herdboys around age seven to ten (Margetts). The boys operate on themselves, and sometimes on their peers. The operation is attributed to custom, to efforts to differentiate the male urine stream from the female (both sexes squat during micturation), and, according to five informants, to make ejaculation faster. In response of the patriarchal banning of clitoridectomy, Meru girls participated in Ngaitana, self-circumcision groups (Thomas).
 Parkin, D. J. (1973) The Luo living in Kampala, Uganda, Nairobi, and central Nyanza, Kenya, in Molnos, A. (Ed.) Cultural Source Materials for Population Planning in East Africa. University of Nairobi, Institute of African Studies. Vol. 3, p330-9
 Spitz, R. (1952) Authority and masturbation: some remarks on] a bibliographical investigation, Psychoanal Study Child 7:490-527
 Of course, the timing of the practice would be important for judging the impact and psychodynamics of the operation in respect to preoperative sexual behaviour patterns. Since the postoperative girl lacks both clitoris and introitus vaginae, it seems that, theoretically, labial and anal play remains, in addition to play directed to the external "neomeatus".
 Constantinides argues that Sudanese women's sexuality and fertility are considered powerful and polluting, carrying with them the danger of dishonour and needing to be controlled and directed to their "proper" social ends by men. Men pay for their daughters' infibulation, retain the right to dispose of them in marriage, honour their wives after childbirth, and claim children of the union for their patrilineage. However, it is women who actually practice infibulation and who keep firmly within their hands all the ritual surrounding vital stages of their life cycle. Throughout, women symbolically assert the fundamental nature of their reproductive power. See Constantinides, P. (1985) Women Heal Women: Spirit Possession and Sexual Segregation in a Muslim Society, Soc Sci & Med 21,6:685-92
 [Various authors] (1998) Should doctors reconstruct the vaginal introitus of adolescent girls to mimic the virginal state? BMJ, Feb 7;316(7129):[459-62]; Usta, I. (2000) Hymenorrhaphy: what happens behind the gynaecologist's closed door? J Med Ethics 26,3:217-8
 El Saadawi, N. (1980) Tschador: Frauen im Islam. London. German Ed.
 Berger, D. C. & Wenger, M. G. (1973) The Ideology of Virginity, J Marr & Fam 35,4:666-76
 Mouthaan, I., Neef, M. de, Rademakers, J. et al. (1997) Twee Levens. Dilemma's van Islamitische Meisjes Rondom Maagdelijkheid. Delft [Holland]: Eburon [Dutch]
 Wile, I. S. (1937) The psychology of the hymen, J Nerv & Ment Dis 85:143-56
 Lichtenstein, B. (2000) Virginity Discourse in the AIDS Era: A Case Analysis of Sexual Initiation Aftershock, NWSA J 12,2:52-69
 Yates, S. L. (1930) An investigation of the psychological factors in virginity and ritual defloration, Int J Psycho-Anal 11:167-84
 E.g., Holland, J., Ramazanoglu, C. et al. (2000) Deconstructing virginity--Young people's accounts of first sex, Sexual & Relat Ther 15,3:221-32; Amuchastegui, A. (1998) Virginity in Mexico: The Role of Competing Discourses of Sexuality in Personal Experience, Reprod Health Matt 6,12:105-15. Cf. Amuchastegui, A. (1999) Dialogue and the Negotiation of Meaning: Constructions of Virginity in Mexico, Culture, Health & Sex 1,1:79-93
 Carpenter, L. M. (2001) The ambiguity of "having sex": The subjective experience of virginity loss in the United States, J Sex Res 38,2:127-39. Cf. Carpenter, L. M. (1998) "Virginity Is a Gift": A Distinctive Approach to Early Sexual Experiences. Paper for the American Sociological Association; and Carpenter, L. M. (2000) Virgin Territories: The Social Construction of Virginity Loss in the Contemporary United States, DAI-A 60, 7, Jan, 2692-A
 Losonczy, A. M. (1993) La Nourrice d'Esprits. La Jeune Fille chez les Indiens Embera du Choco (Colombie), Cahiers Litt Orale 34:157-76
 E.g., Houts, L. A. (2001) "But Was It Wanted?" Women's First Voluntary Sexual Intercourse. Paper for the Southern Sociological Society
 E.g., Yates, A. (1986) Discussing sex with adolescent patients, Med Asp Hum Sex 20:150-5; Lee, J. (1997) Never innocent: Breasted experiences in women's bodily narratives of puberty, Feminism & Psychol 7,4: 453-74; Moore, S. M. (1995) Girls' understanding and social constructions of menarche, J Adolesc 18,1:87-104
 Massey, C. (1996) Body-Smarts: An Adolescent Girl Thinking, Talking, and Mattering, Gender & Psychoanal 1,1:75-102
 Wiltzer, P. (1981) La crise de l'adolescence, une ambiguité, Ann Medico-Psychol 139,4:423-7
 Kelle, H. (2001) The discourse of "development": how 9- to 12-year-old children construct "childish" and "further developed" identities within their peer culture, Childhood 8,1:95-114