Growing Up Sexually

The Sexual Curriculum (Oct., 2002)

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Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities. Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands



9 [previous chapter] [next chapter]

The Doing of Genitalia. Baby's Genitals and the Grand Scheme of Things Sexual


"You little cunt which some day is to be used"[1]


" "What can you expect from a child anyhow when its mother approves of such ideas?" "[2]


Summary: This chapter explores cultural determinants of nonpreparatory nonhygienic nonmedical genital handling. It was observed that these interactions represent early operationalisations of heterosexual identity, and the intergenerational anticipation and certification of sexual values and functions. Its absence from public discourse) in industrial societies is linked to the relative nonintervening attitude toward sexual and reproductive ontogenesis as associated with the absence of direct intergenerational interest with these issues.


Contents [up]


The Doing of Genitalia. 50


9.0 Introduction.. 50

9.1 Human "Genital Parenting": Phenomenological Delineation.. 50

9.2 Culture and Infant's Genitals. 50

9.2.1 Verbal Indices. 50

9.2.2 Interpreting the Historical Case. 50

9.3 Teasers. 50

9.4 Discussion.. 50

9.5 Conclusion.. 50

9.x Appendices. 50

9.x.1 Ethological Considerations: The Primate Case. 50

9.x.2 The Cultural Infantile Body: Beyond Genitalia. 50


Notes. 50



9.0 Introduction [up] [Contents]


As Gottlieb (2000:p126)[3] argues, "[…] the bodies of babies are significant markers pointing to critical cultural values […]". Attitudes, policies and agendas identifying infants' bodies and body parts are valuable indices of parenting cultures. Exploring the specific issue of intergenerational patterns of "genital reference" and avoidance, this chapter questions the exceptionality of the Western-European / American rule. In favour of the current format, a complete treatise and bibliography[4] of the matter are condensed to a chapter highlighting clues for a functional analysis.



9.1 Human "Genital Parenting": Phenomenological Delineation [up] [Contents]


Nonpreparatory nonhygienic nonmedical transgenerational genital handling is noted for a large number of societies[5]. This upsets the argument of De Vos[6], who seems to be unaware of this cross-cultural frequency, that


"[a] mother who attempts genital stimulation of her son for her own satisfaction would have to be extremely aberrant and sexually disturbed, since the sexual satisfaction to be obtained from an infant or a small child would in no way be comparable to that obtained from an adult male. It is therefore unusual for a small child to experience the mother's active sexuality directed toward him for her own genital gratification" (p170).


If we are to follow this typically personalised image through, other factors would have to fill the gap, as will be integrated below in a general descriptive overview of the particular cases.


Mostly, only one ethnographer notes the practice; the Puerto Rico case, however, was mentioned by at least ten independent researchers. For over 70 societies, apart from the probable historical universality in Europe (Van Ussel, Duerr, DeMause, Kahr, Ariès, Haeberle, De la Marche, Brongersma, Dasberg; vide infra), generational / parental genital handling of the infant is observed to occur serving an almangam of motives: pacification, gratification, self-gratification, teasing, greeting, facilitation of gender identity/role facilitation (machismo), and demonstrations of gender specific parental pride. The Middle-Eastern and Latin-American cases are most recognised, and the practice may until recently have been universal world-wide. For a number of societies[7], genital manipulation seems best covered by the concept of "teasing", or perhaps "greeting" (Telugu). In Puerto Rico (and Latin America in general) and among the Spanish Gitano the practice seems firmly entrenched in the cultivation of machismo, and this element may be central in other places (e.g., Suriname). The elements of potency (e.g., Senegal, Zaire [Bakwa-Luntu, Bakongo], Tanzania, Martinique) and virility (e.g., Puerto Rico, Turkey, Aritama) often seem to be genuine anticipating concerns. Other rationales are sporadic, including the carrying of babies on the back to monitor premicturational erections, a Tanzanian and Turkish practice, and the "[…] blowing or stroking to induce urination" found among the Nootka and Ingalik (Voget, 1961:p99)[8]. A frequent variant of the manual technique is the oral/labial[9], and even feet may be used (Ssimaku). Infant orgasm is never reported, but tumescence scores high on the agenda.


Cults of baby's genital organ are commonly noted for boys and girls, but in some cases definitely[10] or possibly[11] not for both. Male but not female stimulation is seen in, among other societies, the Lodha (West-Bengal), the Iatmul of Middle Sepik, and the Kpelle. The practise is variably noted for both parents, or either parent, but rarely a definite attitudinal difference is documented (Kogi).


In some cases the practice would be explicitly tabooed, though one might argue that taboo probably followed excess (e.g., Mangaia); the 19th century European case may be an adequate example of this. Arndt (1954:p111)[12] notes for the Ngadha: "Die Wärterin soll das Kind nicht an die Geschlechtsteilen berühren, damit es nicht krank wird […]". A Yoruba mother who would kiss her infant below the umbiculus, would be committing incest (Staewen and Schönberg, 1970:p222)[13]. The (public nature of the) practice of genital handling may be subject to considerable variation in microgeographic terms (Dani, Tzeltal, Ghana). Masturbation of boys themselves is prohibited in some societies practising materno-infantile stimulation (!Ko, Puerto Rico [debated], Trukese), while in other cases, the mother would encourage or "teach" self-masturbation (Katschtka, Japanese, Cubeo, Basuto, Kogi).

The timing of discontinuation is unfortunately rarely addressed (Philippines), debated (Puerto Rico) and commonly vague (Hopi, etc.). The legitimisation of the practice remains obscure in most cases (the Balinese, for instance, stress the innocence of the child). In some cases manipulations of the mother are motivated by preparatory intents such as thelopoesis (South African natives, Timbira), prophallopoesis (Paraguay, Bimin-Kuskusmin), or antiphallopoesis (Menomini), preputial conditioning (Hawai'i, Egypt, Turkomans, Kurds, Uzbeks, Kazak-Kirghiz), cunnus preparation (Marquesan, Ra'Ivavae, Mangaia, Hawai'i, Zimbabwe [vaRemba], Luba, Nkundo, Hottentot), and artificial defloration (e.g., Wakka, Yanoama). However, preparatory and nonpreparatory intents may be both present. Davenport (1992)[14] points out that "[…] genital stimulation as a means of pacifying a child may be regarded as nonsexual […]", which is probably true of most cases, except those aiming to radicalise gender differences, to facilitate (future) sexual activity, and to cultivate a specific heterosexual identity through genital socialisation.

Practices have recently fallen victim to adverse interpretations (e.g., Aruba- Dutch Antilles)[15]. This may illustrate the globalisation of sexual attitudes to "white" example.



9.2 Culture and Infant's Genitals [up] [Contents]


A cross-check with SCCS "sexual restraint" measures (early childhood, N=21) suggests that cultures for which the practice is noted are situated in the low or mid-range. Speaking with Becker's[16] formulations, it seems that a number of these cultures are to be classified among the "sex-positive" ones which would generally define sexual activities in operational and prescriptive terms; in others, the emphasis has to be put on a pro-fertility concern. In still other societies, it seems to anticipate a sexual culture characterised by a rigid double standard principle. In most cases, however, the ethnographer is comfortable with the explanation that it pleases the baby, or its use as a sedative or hypnotic.


Given the low frequency of cultures that may "teach masturbation" (N=5) by the practice, and the seemingly paradoxical co-existence of discouraging while practising (N=3) suggests that direct behaviour modification intents are rare. On the other hand, intents that clearly suggest an attitudinal shaping, for instance, an introduction to heterosexual agenda, may also be rare. However, this may reflect ethnographers' hesitation to address or explore the issue.


Thus, a detailed cultural analysis of the practice is rare. Among the exceptions exists a recent article by Rydstrøm ([2002:p4-5])[17] noting for local Vietnamese:


"The fact that a son is bound up with significant symbolic meaning, is inseparable from a local recognition of a boy's body in biological terms, that is to say, his genitals (i.e. the Phallus). In Thinh Tri, the body of a little boy is generally a matter of common interest and concern. For example, a little boy is usually fondly called a thang cu, which means 'penis boy' (lit. male penis). The genitals of small Thinh Tri boys receive a great deal of attention by being commented on, joked about, or even grasped. The local ways in which boys' genitals are paid attention to are in sharp contrast to the fact that girls' genitals do not receive any special attention[18]. The widespread concern in Thinh Tri with respect to boys' genitals is related to the symbolism of blood, which does not mean the same with regard to females and males. Despite blood being acknowledged as a 'vital life force' (khi huyet) of both the female and male body, it is basically perceived of as a female energy. Its complementary male vital life force is 'semen' (khi), which is said to be the substance of male energy. This energy is thought to guarantee the continuation of the blood of a male's patrilineage. […] Due to such assumptions about blood, a boy's genitals—and by extension, his body—are always already inscribed with the collected morality (dao duc), honor (danh du), and 'obligations' (nghia) of his past generations. Boys' bodies have accumulated body capital while girls' bodies have not […]. Because a Thinh Tri boy's body holds inborn morality, honor, and reputation due to his relation to his patrilineage, his body i.e. the Phallus) condenses the preconditions for practicing good male morality. His body symbolizes the future good morality, honor, and reputation of his patrilineage and the performance of certain patrilineal rituals".




"[…] a child's body is construed as a powerful socio-symbolic and material sign that reflects local life in terms of hierarchies, positions, and power. Local understandings of female and male bodies crystallize the fact that a child's body simultaneously is wrought socially (i.e. in terms of 'gender') and biologically (i.e. in terms of 'sex'). In this way, both the notions of sex and gender have a history, which is constructed discursively. In other words, both notions address the same question, which is namely, how female and male bodies are rendered meaningful in time and space".



9.2.1 Verbal Indices [up] [Contents]


Matters become more directly apparent in accompanying verbal reinforcements, directed to the baby/toddler or to audience. Only a selection of descriptions provide such accompanying commentaries:


The Vietnamese case being mentioned; Ordos Mongols: "[…] [parents, etc.] commonly touch the child's genitals and caress them, saying at the same time: "Give me this" […]"; Okinawans: "Old women like to tweak a little boy's penis and jokingly say. "What is that, what is that?"; Balinese: "With the slight titillation go the repeated words: "Handsome, handsome, handsome", an adjective applied only to males. The little girl's vulva is patted gently, with the accompanying feminine adjective "Pretty, pretty, pretty" "; Borneo: "Mothers often hold infant boys aloft in the course of singing magical growth songs, blowing softly on the penis, while noting aloud sexual powers to come at maturity"; Sarawak: "Not infrequently, when brother's or sister's young child visits Ego, the latter will "make glad over him" (begaga ka ia) with the words, Jaum aku, ulun aku ("My captive, my slave")" [accompanying genital fondling]; Aritama: "Adults make joking remarks about the future virility of the baby, about the size of his penis, and about his reactions to such caresses"; Martinique: "Men fondle the penises of little boys, remarking publicly on their size and potential, impressing on the children expectations of their masculinity"; Puerto Rico: "[…] adults and older brothers and sisters are likely to tease and play with his [infant boy's] genitals, kissing them and remarking on their size, commenting that he is a machito (real little male) or a machote (real he-man)"; "[…] parents and friends may play with the boy's genitals until he is around seven years old"; "parents would pull a two-year-old's penis, and inquire for its function. The answer would be, "For the women!"; "A two-year-old boy will be asked, "What is it for?" while an adult pulls at his penis; and sometimes the child will answer, "For women". Such a child is called malo (bad) or even malcria'o (badly brought up), but actually the terms are used with some measure of approval"; "As soon as they started talking, they asked them questions about their penis, for whom it was and for what it was needed. They answered it was for the chacha or the girl friend, or to playa trick on the girl friend. […] If they had an erection, they were praised and the parents would celebrate it by telling them they had joined the masculine race". Morocco: "[…] affectionate genital contact some women extend when they greet or communicate with an infant"; "Little sisters, aunts, maids, and mothers often attract the little boy's attention to his htewta and try to teach him to pronounce the word, which is quite a task given the gutteral initial letter h. One of the common games played by adult females with a male child is to get him to understand the connection between sidi (master) and the htwta. Hada sidhum ("This is their master"), say the women, pointing to the child's penis. The kissing of the child's penis is a normal gesture for a female relative who has not seen him since his birth. Tbarkallah 'ala-r-Rajal ("God protect the man"), she may whisper"; Turkey: "[…] grandparents and parents fondled their genitals and repeated: "You are male, you are male" ". Olson-Prather noted that a teenage neighbour girl of the elite class expressed verbal but not physical admiration; "In Egypt the mother may attempt to prepare her son gradually for the circumcision operation by "caressing his organ and playfully endeavoring to separate the foreskin from the glans. While doing this she would hum words to the effect that what she is doing will help to make him become a man amongst men"; Eskimo children would copy the practice "to caricature the physical raptures of their parents with cries of "It's wonderful!" ".



Summarising, the practice may be used to facilitate the establishment of the infant recognising and labelling an essential anatomical feature. The penis is identified as a functional tool (instrumentalised), its application located in the future heterosexual object. Size may be related to functionality. An appeal is made to the male infant's pride, he is flattered, and mock expectations are expressed, specific replies expected. Mead[19] notes how such attention may gender the performed body:


"In those societies where children's sex membership is recognized by adults, in which men treat the little girls with flirtatious attention and women tease and challenge the small boys, the little girls respond by movements of the entire body, which undulates, and postures in delicious indulgence of feminine response. The small boy struts, sometimes with emphasis on his penis, more often carrying hatchet, knife, stick, pole, in upward positions as he marches, parries, performs. His behavior, however symbolic, is to the extent that it is male a concentrated phallic exaggeration, while his sister's is more diffuse and involves the whole body".


Roughly, the Latin American variety seems to centralise sexual capacity and curriculum, as building blocks for male idenitity, while the Middle Eastern variety stresses male-over-female supremacy, effected by anatomical categorisation. The African variant is coloured by a preoccupation with fertility and sexual complementarity. The European case will be briefly addressed infra.



9.2.2 Interpreting the Historical Case [up] [Contents]


Most commentators on the European case globally stress the historical question of sex as "problem" (e.g., Van Ussel) while others (DeMause) use its occurrence to chronicle the "nightmare" of the incestuous pedagogical past[20]; however, a satisfying functional analysis has not been offered. Ariès (1960 [1973:p101])[21] states that "the practice of playing with children's privy parts formed part of a widespread tradition". This could be so because or despite the idea that "the child under the age of puberty was believed to be unaware of or indifferent to sex. Thus gestures and allusions had no meaning for him; they became purely gratuitous and lost their sexual significance" (p103)[22]. The reverse of Aries' generalisation (L'Enfant, p102, 105), informed by the overly cited case of young Louis XIII, is that the "exaggerated interest shown in his phallic development and the premature stimulation to which he was subjected are more than accounted for by the fact that his potential sexual performance was literally a question of state" (Marvick, 1974a[23]:p351-2; cf. Duerr, [1988, I:p207-9]). Orest Ranum, in a comment to similar explanations by Marvick (1974b; cf. Marvick, 1974c:p262-3)[24] argues that the descriptions of early sexual arousal and methods of social control used to rear children illuminate the entire French society in which "social control rested overtly on paternity and physical force", that is, justice, sexuality, politics, etc, had meanings to the 17th century mind very different from our [American] own".



9.3 Teasers [up] [Contents]


The sex-positive (operationalising) principle can be demonstrated most clearly in the case of the intergenerational "sexual teasing" found in some way or another in many societies[25], yet is rarely explored in a systematic fashion[26]. Rarely studied, children may ubiquitous be "teased" both by superior generations and peer subcultures[27] in response to their early heterosexual aspirations. This drives the aspirations underground[28], but more essentially provides a curricularised meaning to nascent heterosexual initiatives. As Martinson notes, peer teasing on sexual issues "[…] recognizes the phenomenon without clearly designating its meaning or importance". What should generally be understood by intergenerational "sexual" teasing does not imply a response to misconduct but to obviously absurd insinuations or allegations of sexual impotence and heterosexual inadequacy, of infidelity and to mock proposals. The teasing is not generally restricted to the gender of either counterpart, but this may be a cultural trait. The adult makes an overtly impossible demand or appeal to the child's sexual knowledge, virtues, alleged history or pride[29]. Although some forms of "teasing" have been designated abusive (rough, inconsiderate), the typical practice seems to be intended to actively cultivate a well-articulated performance-based anticipation of the boy's sexual [behavioural] curriculum, which process somehow represents a protagonist of his callousness to withstand attacks on his sense of maleness, eventually leading to his mastering the situational absurdity. In a dialogue form, he is encouraged to develop a way of dealing verbally with these jocularities that also characterise preadolescent peer groups, where the practice may be less obviously age- or power-stratified. He learns to boast, to counter or "get even", and to establish a personal narrative, a style of "talking sex" or "doing sex" and get out unharmed, even in the obviously unfair intergenerational encounter.


Among the Borneo Dayak, little attention is paid to children's distinguishing sexual characteristics save that those of the boys are very occasionally made the subject of teasing. At puberty, the boys become entitled to impose a fine upon anyone who even speaks jokingly of this genitals.




9.4 Discussion [up] [Contents]



Parental genital avoidance in industrial societies starts even with neonatal grooming[30]. Judging from a cursory inventory, the topic of genitalia is usually (still not invariably) avoided in Western baby massage books. According to contemporary American legislation, nonhygienic nonmedical approaches of the genitalia can probably be construed as "abusive", as "delayed" weaning may cause adverse social interpretations (Christian and Deardorff, 2000)[31]. Mothers have been known to seemingly unconsciously behave "seductively" toward their children on a normative basis (Sroufe and Ward, 1980; Sroufe et al., 1985)[32]. The application of stereotyped Western entries of understanding this behaviour ("female paedophilia"), however, seems obviously problematic.

Within a psychodynamic set of mind, the direct stimulation of infant genitalia represents a problem for Oedipal resolution. It would also impact incest dynamics (Fox, De Vos)[33]. Native theories are very few in number on this point. This issue, however, was referred to by Poole on the Bimin-Kuskusmin, where it seems to be believed that continued stimulation will damage the child's finiik, spirit or life force.

Regarding intergenerational genital avoidance, more multiform patterns exist in other societies. A most extreme case of laxity in sexual behaviour curricularisation is noted by Jules Henry (1941 [1964:p17-9])[34] for the Brazilian Kaingángs, a tendency also said to be characteristic of the Brazilian Xokleng and Tupinamba, Colombian Kagaba, Venezuela Warao, and Bolivian Siriono. In the case of the Kaingángs, children would be so saturated by the sexual attentions of adults that they would not feel the urge to play around amongst themselves.


9.5 Conclusion [up] [Contents]


Concluding, next to the modification of hand-to-genital behaviours, the most outstanding element in infant stage "sexual" socialisation is that of purposeful reference to the organ, either verbally or tactically. The practice is suggested to exemplify culture's variable approaches to and operationalisations of heterosexual identity, and the intergenerational transmission and anticipation of sexual values and functions. Crucially, the practice demonstrates how these issues are being addressed early in life, in a direct and provoking manner, and with an apparent intent to cultivate specific ideal values.



9.x Appendices [up] [Contents]



9.x.1 Ethological Considerations: The Primate Case [up] [Contents]


Feierman (1990)[35] explored the possibilities of framing "sexual" behaviours within the cross-species concept of paedophilia. These include comforting and contact behaviour, feeding, grooming, protecting, and teaching. Not every scholar would be willing to follow this association. Genital parenting behaviour, however, seems to be a relatively common phenomenon. Among stump-tailed macaques, mothers comfort frightened, grin-lipsmacking babies by manipulating the external genitalia[36]. Maple et al. (1978)[37] reporting on the mother-infant interaction system in a captive-born, mother-reared infant orangutan during the first six months of life, notes: "Of particular interest are the sexual behaviours directed by the mother toward the infant and the regular stimulation of the infant's genitals". Beaver (2000)[38] returned to this


"[…] "sexual care" behavior observed between the mother and her infant. Maple recorded regular stimulation of male infants' genitalia and thrusting behavior directed toward the infant by the mother. He proposed that these behaviors were necessary for the regular sexual development of infants and Maple proposed that "the lack of early genital stimulation may […] contribute to the sexual lethargy which is too often characteristic of captive great apes" (1980:159)[[39]]. This study did not record any thrusting behavior between mother and infant but oral manipulation of the infants' genitalia was observed for ten instances between the dominant female and her male infant beginning at two months of age. Maple did not observe mothers orally stimulating female infants (1980); however, this study recorded four occurrences when the subordinate female placed her tongue inside the vagina of her female infant beginning at the age of one month and thirteen days. Therefore the frequency of genitalia stimulation was actually higher in the female infant averaging over two times per month while the male infant was stimulated for an average of one time per month".

A report by Ogawa (1995a,b)[40] on the Tibetan macaques argues that infants are used by adult males to "bridge", including genital manipulation, fellatio, and mounting. The licking of infantile genitalia in some mammalian species is necessary for stimulation of urinary functions; the duration of this is species typical. In a hand raised potto, stimulation was necessary for two months, then the juvenile ceased to respond (Walker, 1968)[41].


An evolutionary link was hypothesised by DeMause (1989) [42]:


"Early hominid evolution may have favored incestuous mothers for at least three reasons: [1] the loss of body hair, [2] the assumption of bipedal posture and [3] the increase in infantile dependency. These developments, which occurred for other evolutionary reasons, meant that the ability of the infant to bond to the mother was decreased, since it could no longer hold on by itself to her hair nor ride on her back. This in turn meant that those mothers who consistently hung on to their infants (which other primates don't regularly do) were favored, giving a selective advantage to those who used their infants for sensual satisfaction. This may also explain the adaptive value of continuous sexual arousal in the human female -- still a puzzle to biologists -- a unique trait that may have less importance to the question of increased impregnation by the male than it does to the use of erotic pleasure for cementing mother-infant symbiosis. The same may be true of the evolutionary development of the larger, more erogenous female breast, which would have been selected because with it infants would more often be cathected as erotic objects (hunting/gathering mothers often become quite aroused sexually while nursing their infants, caressing their penises and vaginas)[43]. In any case, the result of this early biological evolution is that, as in the example of the seductive girls given above, children who can be used sexually are most likely to survive, because they are more likely to be clung to by their non-hairy, upright mothers and fathers. The importance of erotic bonding thus gives both incestuous parents and children a major selective advantage in hominid evolution. Furthermore, because of the lengthening of childhood dependency in humans compared to other primates, the mechanism of expulsion prior to sexual maturity cannot be used to avoid incest, as it is with other primates. Primate grooming may have evolved into the erotic use of children in early hominids as their body hair was lost. All of these seven factors -- loss of hair, development of erect posture, substitution of erotic clinging for grooming, development of continuous sexual arousal in the female, development of the more erotic breast, greater infantile helplessness and the inability to use expulsion because of lengthening dependency-point in the same evolutionary direction: the increase in selection of erotic bonding of parents and children".


The carelessness of terms (incest, erotic bonding, erotic use, sexual use) reflects DeMause's obsessive quest for proving that the ethnohistory of mankind has been pervasively "incestuous", i.e., abusive of children, which would thus structuralise parenting cultures.





9.x.2 The Cultural Infantile Body: Beyond Genitalia [up] [Contents]



Using HRAF sources, Prescott examined some 400 societies and concluded that those societies that lavish affectionate touch on their infants and children, and also are tolerant or encouraging of adolescent sexual-affectional behaviours, were the least violent societies on earth [44]. These and other data have led a multitude of authors to elaborate on the infantile origin of human intimacy (e.g., Martinson, 1973:p4-6, 9-19, 20-4). These psychoculturalists alternatively utilise psychoanalytic building blocks for their narrative, or create narratives that appear to serve pacifist or theologist apologies for or celebrations of traditional family systems, the Mother, or some other cultural idealist perspective. These theses cannot be substantiated, of course. The sexological implications, though frequently speculated upon, are obscure.




Notes [up] [Contents]


[last updated]


[1] Greenlandic infant petting song. See Kleivan, I. (1976) Status and role of men and women as reflected in West Greenlandic petting songs to infants, Folk 18:5-22, at p12

[2] Ward, E. (1936) The parent-child relationship among the Yoruba, Anthropol Quart 9,1/4:56-63, at p60

[3] Gottlieb, A. (2000) Where have all the babies gone? Toward an anthropology of infants (and their caretakers), Anthropol Quart 73,3:121-32

[4] See Vol. III: Thematic Bibliographies section. In the Atlas, see sections in Europe, Australia, Middle East, New Guinea

[5] Kazak, Yakut, Hopi, Siriono, Alorese, Modjokuto, Ontong Java, Balinese, Borneo, Suye Mura, Navaho, Kaingang, Cubeo, Yanomamö/Waika (Surára and Pakidái), Kalahari Bushmen, New Guineans (Daribi, Bimin-Kuskusmin, Gimi, Dani, Iatmul, Mountain Arapesh), Rungus Dusun, Trukese, Banoi (Thailand), Vietnamese, India (e.g., Garos), Rājpūt, Ghanese, Mixtec, Ruanda, Burundi, Mossi, Australia (Yolngu, Alknarintja), Katschtka, Wogeo, Toradja, Tobelorese, Trumaí, Kogi, Martinique, Turks, Arab, Moroccans, Marquesans, Iban, Malaysia, Pilagá, Ssimaku, Mangaia, Puerto Rico, Aruba (Netherlands Antilles), Gitano, Japanese / Okinawans, Inuit, Qipi, Utku, Tzeltal, Nothern Tungus, Ordos Mongols, pagan Chinese, Machus, Biraren, Aitutaki, Togan, Basuto, Siwa, Nya Hön, Lodha (West-Bengal), Kpelle, Cayapa, Fan (Dahomey), !Kung, Southern Italy, Isneg, Aritama, Philippines (Negritos of N. Luzon, Agta)

[6] De Vos, G. A. (1975) Affective Dissonance and Primary Socialization: Implications for a Theory of Incest Avoidance, Ethos 3,2:165-82

[7] Navajo, India, Saramaka, Cubeo, Phillipines, Hopi, Italy, Tanzania, Truk, Tikopia, Borneo

[8] Voget, F. W. (1961) Sex life of the American Indians, in Ellis, A. & Abarbanel, A. (Eds.) The Encyclopaedia of Sexual Behavior, Volume 1. London: W. Heinemann, p90-109

[9] !Kung, New Guinea (e.g., Gimi), Ponapeans, Aritama, Cayapa, Puerto Rico, Muslims, Turks, Aitutaki, Trukese, Telugu, Central Australian Aborigines, Rungus Dusun, Negritos, Gitano

[10] Puerto Rico, Lodha, Iatmul, Kpelle, Cayapa

[11] E.g., Mossi, Nya Hön, Japanese/ Okinawans, New Guinea, Balinese (?), Toradja, Iban, Sarawak, Mixtec, Ssimaku, Lebanese, Moroccans, Rājpūt, Eskimo

[12] Arndt, P. (1954) Gesellschaftliche Verhältnisse der Ngadha. Mödling: Verlag Miss. Dr. St. Gabriel

[13] Staewen, C. & Schönberg, F. (1970) Kulturwandel und Angstentwicklung bei den Yoruba Westafrikas. München: Weltforum Verlag

[14] Davenport, W. H. (1992) Adult-child sexual relations in cross-cultural perspective, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Absue of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey, p73-80

[15] Piternella, 2002, personal communication

[16] Becker, G. (1984) The Social Regulation of Sexuality: A Cross-Cultural Perspective, Curr Perpect Soc Theory 5:45-69

[17] Rydstrøm, H. (2002) Sexed bodies, gendered bodies: children and the body in Vietnam, Women's Studies Int Forum 886,1:1-14 [uncorrected proof]

[18] Girls could be referred to as a con/cai him (lit. child/ female vulva; i.e. vulva girl), but I never registered an occurrence of this term. In my observations, a little girl's genitals are only commented on with respect to hygienic matters. Besides such comments, I have not recorded any talk about girls' genitals; they do not appear to be a matter of conversation in daily family life. [orig. footnote]

[19] Mead, M. (1928 [1949]) Male and Female. New York: Dell, p104-5

[20] DeMause, L. (1974) Psychol Abstracts 1:503-75 / Hist Childh Quart 1:503-75 / DeMause, L. (1974a) The evolution of childhood, in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, p1-73, esp. p43-51; DeMause, L. (1982) Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, Inc., p45, DeMause, L. (1998) The History of Child Abuse, J Psychohist 25,3:216-36. DeMause (1988) concludes that "[l]ittle Louis grew up with quite severe sexual problems resulting from his having experienced incest, and his adult love life consisted mainly of unhappy homosexual affairs with young men". See DeMause, L. (1988) On Writing Childhood History, J Psychohist 16,2. Cf. Kahr, B. (1991) The History of Sexuality: From Ancient Polymorphous Perversity to Modern Genital Love, J Psychohist 26,4:764-78

[21] Ariès, Ph. (1962) Centuries of Childhood. Translated, London: Cape

[22] "There is an engraving of 1511 depicting a holy family: St Anne's behaviour strikes us as extremely odd - she is pushing the child''s thighs apart as if she wanted to get at its privy parts and tickle them. It would be a mistake to see this as a piece of ribaldry. The practice of playing with children's privy parts formed part of a widespread tradition, which is still operative in Moslem circles. These have remained aloof not only from scientific progress but also from the great moral reformation, at first Christian, later secular, which disciplined eighteenth-century and particularly nineteenth-century society in England and France. Thus in Moslem society we find features which strike us as peculiar but which the worthy Heroard would not have found so surprising. Witness this passage from a novel entitled The Statue of Salt. The author is a Tunisian Jew, Albert Memmi, and his book is a curious document on traditional Tunisian society and the mentality of the young people who are semi-Westernized. The hero of the novel is describing a scene in the tram taking him to school in Tunis: 'In front of me were a Moslem and his son, a tiny little boy with a miniature tarboosh and henna on his hands; on my left a Djerban grocer on his way to market, with a basket between his legs and a pencil behind his ear. The Djerban, affected by the warmth and peace inside the tram, stirred in his seat. He smiled at the child, who smiled back with his eyes and looked at his father. The father, grateful and flattered, reassured him and smiled at the Djerban. "How old are you!" the grocer asked the child. "Two and a half," replied the father. "Has the cat got your tongue!" the grocer asked the child. "No," replied the father, "he hasn't been circumcised yet, but he will be soon." "Ah!" said the grocer. He had found something to talk about to the child. "Will you sell me your little anima?" "No!" said the child angrily. He obviously knew what the grocer meant, and the same offer had already been made to him. I too [the Jewish child] was familiar with this scene. I had taken part in it in my time, provoked by other people, with the same feelings of shame and desire, revulsion and inquisitive complicity. The child's eyes shone with the pleasure of incipient virility [a modern feeling, attributed to the child by the educated Memmi who is aware of recent discoveries as to early sexual awakening in children; in former times people believed that before puberty children had no sexual feelings] and also revulsion at this monstrous provocation. He looked at his father. His father smiled: it was a permissible game [our italics]. Our neighbours watched the traditional scene with complaisant approval. I'll give you ten francs for it," said the Djerban. "No," said the child. "Come now, sell me your little... " the Djerban went on. "No! No!" I'Il give you fifty francs for it." "No!" "I'll go as high as I can: a thousand francs!" "No!" The Djerban assumed an expression of greediness. " And I'Il throw in a bag of sweets as well! " "No! No! " "You still say no' That's your last word!" the Djerban shouted, pretending to be angry. "You still say no!" he repeated. "No!" Thereupon the grown-up threw himself upon the child, a terrible expression on his face, his hand brutally rummaging inside the child's fly. The child tried to fight him off with his fists. The father roared with laughter, the Djerban was convulsed with amusement, while our neighbours smiled broadly".

[23] Marvick, E. W. (1974a) The Character of Louis XIII: The Role of His Physician, J Interdisc His 4,3:347-74

[24] Marvick, E. W. (1974b) Childhood History and Decisions of State: The Case of Louis XIII, Hist Childh Quart 2,2:135-80. Comments and replies at p181-99; Marvick, E. W. (1974c) Nature versus nurture: patterns and trends in seventeeth-century French child-rearing, in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, p259-301

[25] For observations, see Navajo, India, Tikopia, Saramaka, Cubeo, Philippines, Siamese, Hopi, Balinese, Tanzania, Ruanda, Borneo (Dayak, Dusun), Puerto Rico, Barren Land Eskimo (also Utku), Italy, Shirishana Yanomamo

[26] Genital teasing is also noted in the Phillipines (Sibley, 1970; cf. Vanoverbergh!), who found ten types of teasing children that could be classified as "broadly sexual in nature". The practice of genital fondling was observed to be a common form of teasing. 28 children 4 years of age or older were reported to have been teased this way at least up to the age of four. Of these 28, ranging in age from age 5 to 16 at the time of the interviews, 18 still receive this treatment; the other ten were reported by their mothers as being to old for this. See Sibley, B. J. (1970) Teasing of Children in a Rural Philippine Village, Philippine Sociol Rev 18,1:27-31

[27] Martinson, F. M. (1973) Infant and Child Sexuality: A Sociological Perspective. St. Peter, MN: The Book Mark, p76+refs; Martinson, F. M. (1994) The Sexual Life of Children. Westport, Conn: Bergin & Garvey

[28] E.g., Moll, A. (1908) Das Sexualleben des Kindes. Leipzig: Vogel. 1912 transl. Macmillan, p276

[29] Australians: Adults pretend erotic advances at babies jokingly calling them husband and wife, and commenting on the size of their penis. Navajo: "A two-year-old boy's uncle will begin to make remarks about the size of his nephews's penis and tease him about the various girls he has had. He might call his niece "little mother" and ask her to take care of him, by giving him some milk. The aunt might tease her nephew by saying, "I want to sleep with you" or "I know you've been seeing someone else while I was away" "; Saramaka: "Men tease girls from infancy on by grabbing at their "breasts" and genitals, and women often pull playfully at a little boy's penis, interrogating him about whether he really knows how to use it and whether he thinks it is big enough to satisfy them. A favorite way of engaging a two- or three-year-old boy is to ask after his pregnant wife or, for a girl, to inquire whether her recent labor pains were severe, and children are expected to provide appropriate answers"; Hopi: "After I was four or five nearly all my grandfathers, father's sisters' and clan sisters' husbands, played very rough jokes on me, snatched at my penis, and threatened to castrate me, charging that I had been caught making love to their wives, who were my aunts. All these women took my part, called me their sweet-heart, fondled my penis, and pretended to want it badly. They would say, "Throw it to me", reach out their hands as if catching it, and smack their lips"; .

[30] Yates, who proclaims that "[t]he baby's whole body is a sexual organ", comments on the neonatal grooming process in parents, where genitals are avoided. Yates emphatically argued for "erotic" bonding in the neonatal period of life, but seemed hesitant to explicitly encourage mothers to masturbate. Yates, A. (1978) Sex Without Shame. New York: William Morrow, p151-8.

[31] Christian, S. E. & Deardorff, J. (2000) Mother Who Breastfeeds 6-Year-Old Faces Custody Fight From Illinois, Chicago Tribune, Dec. 10

[32] Sroufe, L. A. & Ward, M. J. (1980) Seductive behavior of mothers of toddlers: occurrence, correlates, and family origins, Child Developm 51:1222-9; Sroufe, L. A. et al. (1985) Generational boundary dissolution between mothers and their preschool children: A relationship systems approach, Child Developm 56,2:317-25

[33] Fox, J. R. (1962) Sibling incest, J Sociol 13:128-50; De Vos (1975), op.cit.

[34] Henry, J. (1941 [1964]) Jungle People: A Kaingang Tribe of the Highlands of Brazil. New York: J. J. Augustin

[35] Feierman, J. R. (1990) A Biosocial Overview of Adult Human Sexual Behavior with Children and Adolescents, in Feierman, J. R. (Ed.) Pedophilia: Biosocial Dimensions. New York: Springer-Verlag, p8-68

[36] Jones, N. G. & Trollope, J. (1968) Social behaviour of stump-tailed macaques in capativity, Primates 9,4:365-94

[37] Maple, T., Wilson, M. E., Zucker, E. L. & Wilson, S. F. (1978) Notes on the development of a mother-reared orang-utan: The first six months, Primates 19,3:593-602

[38] Beaver, G. M. (2000) The Effects of the Social Habitat Implemented by Zoos on the Behavior of the Naturally Semi-Solitary Orangutan (Pongo pygmaeus pygmaeus). Research project, University of South Florida, Anthropology Department

[39] Maple, T. (1980) Orangutan Behavior. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company

[40] Ogawa, H. (1995a) Bridging behavior and other affiliative interactions among male Tibetan macaques (Macaca thibetana), Int J Primatol 16,5:707-29; Ogawa, H. (1995b) Recognition of social relationships in bridging behavior among Tibetan macaques (Macaca thibetana), Am J Primatol 35,4:305-10

[41] Walker, A. (1968) A note on handrearing a potto, Int Zoo Yearbook 8:110-1

[42] DeMause, L. (1989) The Role of Adaptation and Selection in Psychohistorical Evolution, J Psychohist 16,4:355-71; Cf. The Emotional Life of Nations, ch.7

[43] See for instance Hippler (1978:p235)

[44] Prescott, J. W. & Wallace, D. H. (1975) Body Pleasure and the Origins of Violence. Bull Atomic Scientists 11:10-20. See also Hatfield, R. W. (1994) Touch and sexuality, in Bullough, V. L. & Bullough, B. (Eds.) Human Sexuality: An Encyclopedia. New York & London: Garland, p581-7