|
The Sexual
Curriculum (Oct., 2002) [to
Volume
II Index] [to
Main
Index Page] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [I] [II] [III] [IV] Janssen,
D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume II: The Sexual
Curriculum: The Manufacture and Performance of Pre-Adult Sexualities.
Interim Report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands 9 [previous chapter]
[next
chapter] The Doing of Genitalia. Baby's Genitals and the Grand Scheme of Things Sexual "You little cunt which some
day is to be used"[1] " "What can you expect from a child
anyhow when its mother approves of such ideas?" "[2] Summary: This chapter explores cultural determinants
of nonpreparatory nonhygienic nonmedical genital handling. It was observed that
these interactions represent early operationalisations of heterosexual
identity, and the intergenerational anticipation and certification of sexual
values and functions. Its absence from public discourse) in industrial
societies is linked to the relative nonintervening attitude toward sexual and
reproductive ontogenesis as associated with the absence of direct
intergenerational interest with these issues. Contents [up]
9.1 Human "Genital Parenting": Phenomenological Delineation 9.2 Culture and Infant's Genitals 9.2.2 Interpreting the Historical Case 9.x.1 Ethological Considerations: The Primate Case. 50 9.x.2 The Cultural Infantile Body: Beyond Genitalia 9.0 Introduction [up] [Contents]
As Gottlieb (2000:p126)[3]
argues, "[…] the bodies of babies are significant markers pointing to critical
cultural values […]". Attitudes, policies and agendas identifying infants'
bodies and body parts are valuable indices of parenting cultures. Exploring the
specific issue of intergenerational patterns of "genital reference" and
avoidance, this chapter questions the exceptionality of the Western-European /
American rule. In favour of the current format, a complete treatise and bibliography[4]
of the matter are condensed to a chapter highlighting clues for a functional
analysis. 9.1 Human "Genital Parenting": Phenomenological
Delineation [up] [Contents]
Nonpreparatory
nonhygienic nonmedical transgenerational genital handling is noted for a large
number of societies[5]. This upsets
the argument of De Vos[6],
who seems to be unaware of this cross-cultural frequency, that "[a]
mother who attempts genital stimulation of her son for her own satisfaction
would have to be extremely aberrant and sexually disturbed, since the sexual
satisfaction to be obtained from an infant or a small child would in no way be
comparable to that obtained from an adult male. It is therefore unusual for a
small child to experience the mother's active sexuality directed toward him for
her own genital gratification" (p170). If we are to follow this typically
personalised image through, other factors would have to fill the gap, as will
be integrated below in a general descriptive overview of the particular cases. Mostly, only one ethnographer notes the
practice; the Puerto Rico case, however, was mentioned by at least ten
independent researchers. For over 70 societies, apart from the probable
historical universality in Europe (Van Ussel, Duerr, DeMause, Kahr, Ariès,
Haeberle, De la Marche, Brongersma, Dasberg; vide infra), generational / parental genital handling of the infant
is observed to occur serving an almangam of motives: pacification,
gratification, self-gratification, teasing, greeting, facilitation of gender
identity/role facilitation (machismo), and demonstrations of gender specific
parental pride. The Middle-Eastern and Latin-American cases are most
recognised, and the practice may until recently have been universal world-wide.
For a number of societies[7],
genital manipulation seems best covered by the concept of "teasing", or perhaps
"greeting" (Telugu). In Puerto Rico (and Latin America in general) and among
the Spanish Gitano the practice seems firmly entrenched in the cultivation of
machismo, and this element may be central in other places (e.g., Suriname). The
elements of potency (e.g., Senegal, Zaire [Bakwa-Luntu, Bakongo], Tanzania,
Martinique) and virility (e.g., Puerto Rico, Turkey, Aritama) often seem to be
genuine anticipating concerns. Other rationales are sporadic, including the
carrying of babies on the back to monitor premicturational erections, a
Tanzanian and Turkish practice, and the
"[…] blowing or stroking to induce urination" found among the Nootka and
Ingalik (Voget, 1961:p99)[8].
A frequent variant of the manual technique is the oral/labial[9],
and even feet may be used (Ssimaku). Infant orgasm is never reported, but tumescence
scores high on the agenda. Cults of baby's genital organ are
commonly noted for boys and girls, but in some cases definitely[10]
or possibly[11] not for
both. Male but not female stimulation is seen in, among other societies, the
Lodha (West-Bengal), the Iatmul of Middle Sepik, and the Kpelle. The practise
is variably noted for both parents, or either parent, but rarely a definite
attitudinal difference is documented (Kogi). In
some cases the practice would be explicitly tabooed, though one might argue
that taboo probably followed excess (e.g., Mangaia); the 19th century European
case may be an adequate example of this. Arndt (1954:p111)[12] notes for the
Ngadha: "Die Wärterin soll das Kind nicht an die Geschlechtsteilen berühren, damit
es nicht krank wird […]". A
Yoruba mother who would kiss her infant below the umbiculus, would be
committing incest (Staewen and Schönberg, 1970:p222)[13].
The (public nature of the) practice of genital handling may be subject to
considerable variation in microgeographic terms (Dani, Tzeltal, Ghana).
Masturbation of boys themselves is prohibited in some societies practising
materno-infantile stimulation (!Ko, Puerto Rico [debated], Trukese), while in
other cases, the mother would encourage or "teach" self-masturbation
(Katschtka, Japanese, Cubeo, Basuto, Kogi). The
timing of discontinuation is unfortunately rarely addressed (Philippines),
debated (Puerto Rico) and commonly vague (Hopi, etc.). The legitimisation of
the practice remains obscure in most cases (the Balinese, for instance, stress
the innocence of the child). In some cases manipulations of the mother are
motivated by preparatory intents such as thelopoesis (South African natives,
Timbira), prophallopoesis (Paraguay, Bimin-Kuskusmin), or antiphallopoesis
(Menomini), preputial conditioning (Hawai'i, Egypt, Turkomans, Kurds, Uzbeks,
Kazak-Kirghiz), cunnus preparation (Marquesan, Ra'Ivavae, Mangaia, Hawai'i,
Zimbabwe [vaRemba], Luba, Nkundo, Hottentot), and artificial defloration (e.g.,
Wakka, Yanoama). However, preparatory and nonpreparatory intents may be both
present. Davenport (1992)[14]
points out that "[…] genital stimulation as a means of pacifying a child may be
regarded as nonsexual […]", which is probably true of most cases, except those
aiming to radicalise gender differences, to facilitate (future) sexual
activity, and to cultivate a specific heterosexual identity through genital
socialisation. Practices
have recently fallen victim to adverse interpretations (e.g., Aruba- Dutch
Antilles)[15]. This may
illustrate the globalisation of sexual attitudes to "white" example. 9.2 Culture and Infant's
Genitals [up] [Contents]
A cross-check with SCCS "sexual
restraint" measures (early childhood, N=21)
suggests that cultures for which the practice is noted are situated in the low
or mid-range. Speaking with Becker's[16]
formulations, it seems that a number of these cultures are to be classified
among the "sex-positive" ones which would generally define sexual activities in
operational and prescriptive terms; in others, the emphasis has to be put on a
pro-fertility concern. In still other societies, it seems to anticipate a
sexual culture characterised by a rigid double standard principle. In most
cases, however, the ethnographer is comfortable with the explanation that it
pleases the baby, or its use as a sedative or hypnotic. Given the low frequency of cultures
that may "teach masturbation" (N=5)
by the practice, and the seemingly paradoxical co-existence of discouraging
while practising (N=3) suggests that
direct behaviour modification intents are rare. On the other hand, intents that
clearly suggest an attitudinal shaping, for instance, an introduction to
heterosexual agenda, may also be rare. However, this may reflect ethnographers'
hesitation to address or explore the issue. Thus,
a detailed cultural analysis of the practice is rare. Among the exceptions
exists a recent article by Rydstrøm ([2002:p4-5])[17]
noting for local Vietnamese: "The fact that a son is bound up with significant
symbolic meaning, is inseparable from a local recognition of a boy's body in
biological terms, that is to say, his genitals (i.e. the Phallus). In Thinh
Tri, the body of a little boy is generally a matter of common interest and
concern. For example, a little boy is usually fondly called a thang cu, which
means 'penis boy' (lit. male penis). The genitals of small Thinh Tri boys
receive a great deal of attention by being commented on, joked about, or even
grasped. The local ways in which boys' genitals are paid attention to are in
sharp contrast to the fact that girls' genitals do not receive any special
attention[18]. The widespread concern in Thinh Tri with respect to
boys' genitals is related to the symbolism of blood, which does not mean the
same with regard to females and males. Despite blood being acknowledged as a
'vital life force' (khi huyet) of both the female and male body, it is
basically perceived of as a female energy. Its complementary male vital life
force is 'semen' (khi), which is said to be the substance of male energy. This
energy is thought to guarantee the continuation of the blood of a male's
patrilineage. […] Due to such assumptions about
blood, a boy's genitals—and by extension, his body—are always already inscribed
with the collected morality (dao duc), honor (danh du), and 'obligations'
(nghia) of his past generations. Boys' bodies have accumulated body capital
while girls' bodies have not […]. Because a Thinh Tri boy's body holds inborn morality,
honor, and reputation due to his relation to his patrilineage, his body i.e.
the Phallus) condenses the preconditions for practicing good male morality. His
body symbolizes the future good morality, honor, and reputation of his
patrilineage and the performance of certain patrilineal rituals". Hence, "[…]
a child's body is construed as a powerful socio-symbolic and material sign that
reflects local life in terms of hierarchies, positions, and power. Local
understandings of female and male bodies crystallize the fact that a child's
body simultaneously is wrought socially (i.e. in terms of 'gender') and
biologically (i.e. in terms of 'sex'). In this way, both the notions of sex and
gender have a history, which is constructed discursively. In other words, both
notions address the same question, which is namely, how female and male bodies
are rendered meaningful in time and space". 9.2.1 Verbal Indices [up] [Contents]
Matters
become more directly apparent in accompanying verbal reinforcements, directed
to the baby/toddler or to audience. Only a selection of descriptions provide
such accompanying commentaries: The
Vietnamese case being mentioned; Ordos Mongols: "[…] [parents, etc.]
commonly touch the child's genitals and caress them, saying at the same time:
"Give me this" […]"; Okinawans: "Old
women like to tweak a little boy's penis and jokingly say. "What is that, what
is that?"; Balinese: "With the
slight titillation go the repeated words: "Handsome, handsome, handsome", an
adjective applied only to males. The little girl's vulva is patted gently, with
the accompanying feminine adjective "Pretty, pretty, pretty" "; Borneo: "Mothers often hold infant boys
aloft in the course of singing magical growth songs, blowing softly on the
penis, while noting aloud sexual powers to come at maturity"; Sarawak:
"Not infrequently, when brother's or sister's young child visits Ego, the
latter will "make glad over him" (begaga ka ia) with the words, Jaum aku, ulun
aku ("My captive, my slave")" [accompanying genital fondling]; Aritama: "Adults make joking remarks
about the future virility of the baby, about the size of his penis, and about
his reactions to such caresses"; Martinique:
"Men fondle the penises of little boys, remarking publicly on their size and
potential, impressing on the children expectations of their masculinity"; Puerto Rico: "[…] adults and older
brothers and sisters are likely to tease and play with his [infant boy's] genitals,
kissing them and remarking on their size, commenting that he is a machito (real little male) or a machote (real he-man)"; "[…] parents and
friends may play with the boy's genitals until he is around seven years old";
"parents would pull a two-year-old's penis, and inquire for its function. The
answer would be, "For the women!"; "A two-year-old boy will be asked, "What is
it for?" while an adult pulls at his penis; and sometimes the child will
answer, "For women". Such a child is called malo (bad) or even malcria'o (badly
brought up), but actually the terms are used with some measure of approval";
"As soon as they started talking, they asked them questions about their penis,
for whom it was and for what it was needed. They answered it was for the chacha
or the girl friend, or to playa trick on the girl friend. […] If they had an
erection, they were praised and the parents would celebrate it by telling them
they had joined the masculine race". Morocco:
"[…] affectionate genital contact some women extend when they greet or
communicate with an infant"; "Little sisters, aunts, maids, and mothers often
attract the little boy's attention to his htewta and try to teach him to
pronounce the word, which is quite a task given the gutteral initial letter h.
One of the common games played by adult females with a male child is to get him
to understand the connection between sidi (master) and the htwta. Hada sidhum
("This is their master"), say the women, pointing to the child's penis. The
kissing of the child's penis is a normal gesture for a female relative who has
not seen him since his birth. Tbarkallah 'ala-r-Rajal ("God protect the man"),
she may whisper"; Turkey: "[…]
grandparents and parents fondled their genitals and repeated: "You are male,
you are male" ". Olson-Prather noted that a teenage neighbour girl of the elite
class expressed verbal but not physical admiration; "In
Egypt the mother may attempt to
prepare her son gradually for the circumcision operation by "caressing his
organ and playfully endeavoring to separate the foreskin from the glans. While
doing this she would hum words to the effect that what she is doing will help
to make him become a man amongst men"; Eskimo
children would copy the practice "to caricature the physical raptures of
their parents with cries of "It's
wonderful!" ". Summarising, the practice may be used
to facilitate the establishment of the infant recognising and labelling an
essential anatomical feature. The penis is identified as a functional tool
(instrumentalised), its application located in the future heterosexual object.
Size may be related to functionality. An appeal is made to the male infant's
pride, he is flattered, and mock expectations are expressed, specific replies
expected. Mead[19] notes how
such attention may gender the performed body: "In
those societies where children's sex membership is recognized by adults, in
which men treat the little girls with flirtatious attention and women tease and
challenge the small boys, the little girls respond by movements of the entire
body, which undulates, and postures in delicious indulgence of feminine
response. The small boy struts, sometimes with emphasis on his penis, more
often carrying hatchet, knife, stick, pole, in upward positions as he marches,
parries, performs. His behavior, however symbolic, is to the extent that it is
male a concentrated phallic exaggeration, while his sister's is more diffuse
and involves the whole body". Roughly, the Latin American variety
seems to centralise sexual capacity and curriculum, as building blocks for male
idenitity, while the Middle Eastern variety stresses male-over-female
supremacy, effected by anatomical categorisation. The African variant is
coloured by a preoccupation with fertility and sexual complementarity. The
European case will be briefly addressed infra. 9.2.2 Interpreting
the Historical Case [up] [Contents]
Most commentators on the European case
globally stress the historical question of sex as "problem" (e.g., Van Ussel)
while others (DeMause) use its occurrence to chronicle the "nightmare" of the
incestuous pedagogical past[20];
however, a satisfying functional analysis has not been offered. Ariès (1960
[1973:p101])[21] states that
"the practice of playing with children's privy parts formed part of a
widespread tradition". This could be so because or despite the idea that "the
child under the age of puberty was believed to be unaware of or indifferent to
sex. Thus gestures and allusions had no meaning for him; they became purely
gratuitous and lost their sexual significance" (p103)[22].
The reverse of Aries' generalisation (L'Enfant,
p102, 105), informed by the overly cited case of young Louis XIII, is that the
"exaggerated interest shown in his phallic development and the premature
stimulation to which he was subjected are more than accounted for by the fact
that his potential sexual performance was literally a question of state"
(Marvick, 1974a[23]:p351-2; cf.
Duerr, [1988, I:p207-9]). Orest Ranum, in a comment to similar explanations by
Marvick (1974b; cf. Marvick, 1974c:p262-3)[24]
argues that the descriptions of early sexual arousal and methods of social
control used to rear children illuminate the entire French society in which
"social control rested overtly on paternity and physical force", that is,
justice, sexuality, politics, etc, had meanings to the 17th century mind very
different from our [American] own". 9.3 Teasers [up] [Contents]
The sex-positive (operationalising)
principle can be demonstrated most clearly in the case of the intergenerational
"sexual teasing" found in some way or another in many societies[25],
yet is rarely explored in a systematic fashion[26].
Rarely studied, children may ubiquitous be "teased" both by superior
generations and peer subcultures[27]
in response to their early heterosexual aspirations. This drives the
aspirations underground[28],
but more essentially provides a curricularised
meaning to nascent heterosexual initiatives. As Martinson notes, peer teasing on sexual issues "[…]
recognizes the phenomenon without clearly designating its meaning or
importance". What should generally be understood by intergenerational
"sexual" teasing does not imply a response to misconduct but to obviously
absurd insinuations or allegations of sexual impotence and heterosexual
inadequacy, of infidelity and to mock proposals. The teasing is not generally
restricted to the gender of either counterpart, but this may be a cultural
trait. The adult makes an overtly impossible demand or appeal to the child's
sexual knowledge, virtues, alleged history or pride[29].
Although some forms of "teasing" have been designated abusive (rough,
inconsiderate), the typical practice seems to be intended to actively cultivate
a well-articulated performance-based anticipation of the boy's sexual
[behavioural] curriculum, which process somehow represents a protagonist of his
callousness to withstand attacks on his sense of maleness, eventually leading
to his mastering the situational absurdity. In a dialogue form, he is
encouraged to develop a way of dealing verbally with these jocularities that
also characterise preadolescent peer groups, where the practice may be less
obviously age- or power-stratified. He learns to boast, to counter or "get
even", and to establish a personal narrative, a style of "talking sex" or
"doing sex" and get out unharmed, even in the obviously unfair intergenerational
encounter. Among
the Borneo Dayak, little attention is paid to children's distinguishing sexual
characteristics save that those of the boys are very occasionally made the
subject of teasing. At puberty, the boys become entitled to impose a fine upon
anyone who even speaks jokingly of this genitals. 9.4 Discussion [up] [Contents]
Parental genital avoidance in
industrial societies starts even with neonatal grooming[30].
Judging from a cursory inventory, the topic of genitalia is usually (still not
invariably) avoided in Western baby massage books. According to contemporary
American legislation, nonhygienic nonmedical approaches of the genitalia can
probably be construed as "abusive", as "delayed"
weaning may cause adverse social interpretations (Christian and Deardorff,
2000)[31].
Mothers have been known to seemingly unconsciously behave "seductively" toward
their children on a normative basis (Sroufe and Ward, 1980; Sroufe et al.,
1985)[32].
The application of stereotyped Western entries of understanding this behaviour
("female paedophilia"), however, seems obviously problematic. Within a psychodynamic set of mind, the direct stimulation of infant
genitalia represents a problem for Oedipal resolution. It would also impact
incest dynamics (Fox, De Vos)[33].
Native theories are very few in number on this point. This issue, however, was
referred to by Poole on the Bimin-Kuskusmin, where it seems to be believed that
continued stimulation will damage the child's finiik, spirit or life force. Regarding intergenerational genital
avoidance, more multiform patterns exist in other societies. A most extreme
case of laxity in sexual behaviour curricularisation is noted by Jules Henry
(1941 [1964:p17-9])[34]
for the Brazilian Kaingángs, a tendency also said to be characteristic of the
Brazilian Xokleng and Tupinamba, Colombian Kagaba, Venezuela Warao, and
Bolivian Siriono. In the case of the Kaingángs, children would be so saturated
by the sexual attentions of adults that they would not feel the urge to play
around amongst themselves. 9.5 Conclusion [up] [Contents]
Concluding, next to the modification of
hand-to-genital behaviours, the most outstanding element in infant stage
"sexual" socialisation is that of purposeful reference to the organ, either
verbally or tactically. The practice is suggested to exemplify culture's
variable approaches to and operationalisations of heterosexual identity, and
the intergenerational transmission and anticipation of sexual values and
functions. Crucially, the practice demonstrates how these issues are being
addressed early in life, in a direct and provoking manner, and with an apparent
intent to cultivate specific ideal values. 9.x
Appendices [up] [Contents]
9.x.1
Ethological Considerations: The Primate Case [up] [Contents]
Feierman (1990)[35]
explored the possibilities of framing "sexual" behaviours within the
cross-species concept of paedophilia. These include comforting and contact behaviour,
feeding, grooming, protecting, and teaching. Not every scholar would be willing
to follow this association. Genital parenting behaviour, however, seems to be a
relatively common phenomenon. Among stump-tailed macaques, mothers comfort
frightened, grin-lipsmacking babies by manipulating the external genitalia[36].
Maple et al. (1978)[37]
reporting on the mother-infant interaction system in a captive-born,
mother-reared infant orangutan during the first six months of life, notes: "Of
particular interest are the sexual behaviours directed by the mother toward the
infant and the regular stimulation of the infant's genitals". Beaver (2000)[38]
returned to this "[…]
"sexual care" behavior observed between the mother and her infant. Maple
recorded regular stimulation of male infants' genitalia and thrusting behavior
directed toward the infant by the mother. He proposed that these behaviors were
necessary for the regular sexual development of infants and Maple proposed that
"the lack of early genital stimulation may […] contribute to the sexual
lethargy which is too often characteristic of captive great apes" (1980:159)[[39]].
This study did not record any thrusting behavior between mother and infant but
oral manipulation of the infants' genitalia was observed for ten instances
between the dominant female and her male infant beginning at two months of age.
Maple did not observe mothers orally stimulating female infants (1980);
however, this study recorded four occurrences when the subordinate female
placed her tongue inside the vagina of her female infant beginning at the age
of one month and thirteen days. Therefore the frequency of genitalia
stimulation was actually higher in the female infant averaging over two times
per month while the male infant was stimulated for an average of one time per
month". A report by Ogawa (1995a,b)[40]
on the Tibetan macaques argues that infants are used by adult males to
"bridge", including genital manipulation, fellatio, and mounting. The licking
of infantile genitalia in some mammalian species is necessary for stimulation
of urinary functions; the duration of this is species typical. In a hand raised
potto, stimulation was necessary for two months, then the juvenile ceased to
respond (Walker, 1968)[41].
An evolutionary link was hypothesised
by DeMause (1989) [42]: "Early
hominid evolution may have favored incestuous mothers for at least three
reasons: [1] the loss of body hair, [2] the assumption of bipedal posture and
[3] the increase in infantile dependency. These developments, which occurred
for other evolutionary reasons, meant that the ability of the infant to bond to
the mother was decreased, since it could no longer hold on by itself to her
hair nor ride on her back. This in turn meant that those mothers who
consistently hung on to their infants (which other primates don't regularly do)
were favored, giving a selective advantage to those who used their infants for
sensual satisfaction. This may also explain the adaptive value of continuous
sexual arousal in the human female -- still a puzzle to biologists -- a unique
trait that may have less importance to the question of increased impregnation
by the male than it does to the use of erotic pleasure for cementing
mother-infant symbiosis. The same may be true of the evolutionary development
of the larger, more erogenous female breast, which would have been selected
because with it infants would more often be cathected as erotic objects
(hunting/gathering mothers often become quite aroused sexually while nursing
their infants, caressing their penises and vaginas)[43].
In any case, the result of this early biological evolution is that, as in the
example of the seductive girls given above, children who can be used sexually
are most likely to survive, because they are more likely to be clung to by their
non-hairy, upright mothers and fathers. The importance of erotic bonding thus
gives both incestuous parents and children a major selective advantage in
hominid evolution. Furthermore, because of the lengthening of childhood
dependency in humans compared to other primates, the mechanism of expulsion
prior to sexual maturity cannot be used to avoid incest, as it is with other
primates. Primate grooming may have evolved into the erotic use of children in
early hominids as their body hair was lost. All of these seven factors -- loss
of hair, development of erect posture, substitution of erotic clinging for
grooming, development of continuous sexual arousal in the female, development
of the more erotic breast, greater infantile helplessness and the inability to
use expulsion because of lengthening dependency-point in the same evolutionary
direction: the increase in selection of erotic bonding of parents and
children". The
carelessness of terms (incest, erotic bonding, erotic use, sexual use) reflects
DeMause's obsessive quest for proving that the ethnohistory of mankind has been
pervasively "incestuous", i.e., abusive of children, which would thus
structuralise parenting cultures. 9.x.2 The Cultural Infantile
Body: Beyond Genitalia [up] [Contents]
Using HRAF sources, Prescott examined
some 400 societies and concluded that those societies that lavish affectionate
touch on their infants and children, and also are tolerant or encouraging of adolescent
sexual-affectional behaviours, were the least violent societies on earth [44].
These and other data have led a multitude of authors to elaborate on the
infantile origin of human intimacy (e.g., Martinson, 1973:p4-6, 9-19, 20-4).
These psychoculturalists alternatively utilise psychoanalytic building blocks
for their narrative, or create narratives that appear to serve pacifist or
theologist apologies for or celebrations of traditional family systems, the
Mother, or some other cultural idealist perspective. These theses cannot be
substantiated, of course. The sexological implications, though frequently
speculated upon, are obscure. Notes [up] [Contents]
[last
updated] [1]
Greenlandic infant petting song. See Kleivan, I. (1976) Status and role of men
and women as reflected in West Greenlandic petting songs to infants, Folk 18:5-22, at p12 [2]
Ward, E. (1936) The parent-child relationship among the Yoruba, Anthropol Quart 9,1/4:56-63, at p60 [3]
Gottlieb, A. (2000) Where have all the babies gone? Toward an anthropology of
infants (and their caretakers), Anthropol
Quart 73,3:121-32 [4]
See Vol. III: Thematic Bibliographies section. In the Atlas, see
sections in Europe, Australia, Middle East, New
Guinea [5]
Kazak, Yakut, Hopi, Siriono, Alorese, Modjokuto, Ontong Java, Balinese, Borneo,
Suye Mura, Navaho, Kaingang, Cubeo, Yanomamö/Waika (Surára and Pakidái),
Kalahari Bushmen, New Guineans (Daribi, Bimin-Kuskusmin, Gimi, Dani, Iatmul,
Mountain Arapesh), Rungus Dusun, Trukese, Banoi (Thailand), Vietnamese, India
(e.g., Garos), Rājpūt, Ghanese, Mixtec, Ruanda, Burundi, Mossi,
Australia (Yolngu, Alknarintja), Katschtka,
Wogeo, Toradja, Tobelorese, Trumaí, Kogi, Martinique, Turks, Arab,
Moroccans, Marquesans, Iban, Malaysia, Pilagá, Ssimaku, Mangaia, Puerto Rico,
Aruba (Netherlands Antilles), Gitano, Japanese / Okinawans, Inuit, Qipi, Utku,
Tzeltal, Nothern Tungus, Ordos
Mongols, pagan Chinese, Machus, Birar…en,
Aitutaki, Togan, Basuto, Siwa, Nya Hön, Lodha (West-Bengal), Kpelle, Cayapa,
Fan (Dahomey), !Kung, Southern Italy, Isneg, Aritama, Philippines (Negritos of
N. Luzon, Agta) [6]
De Vos, G. A. (1975) Affective Dissonance and Primary Socialization:
Implications for a Theory of Incest Avoidance, Ethos 3,2:165-82 [7]
Navajo, India, Saramaka, Cubeo, Phillipines, Hopi, Italy, Tanzania, Truk,
Tikopia, Borneo [8]
Voget, F. W. (1961) Sex life of the American Indians, in Ellis, A. &
Abarbanel, A. (Eds.) The Encyclopaedia of
Sexual Behavior, Volume 1. London: W. Heinemann, p90-109 [9]
!Kung, New Guinea (e.g., Gimi), Ponapeans, Aritama, Cayapa, Puerto Rico,
Muslims, Turks, Aitutaki, Trukese, Telugu, Central Australian Aborigines,
Rungus Dusun, Negritos, Gitano [10] Puerto Rico, Lodha, Iatmul, Kpelle, Cayapa [11] E.g., Mossi, Nya Hön, Japanese/ Okinawans, New
Guinea, Balinese (?), Toradja, Iban, Sarawak, Mixtec, Ssimaku, Lebanese,
Moroccans, Rājpūt, Eskimo [12]
Arndt, P. (1954) Gesellschaftliche
Verhältnisse der Ngadha. Mödling: Verlag Miss. Dr. St. Gabriel [13]
Staewen, C. & Schönberg, F. (1970) Kulturwandel
und Angstentwicklung bei den Yoruba Westafrikas. München: Weltforum Verlag [14]
Davenport, W. H. (1992) Adult-child sexual relations in cross-cultural
perspective, in O'Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Absue of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I. Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey, p73-80 [15]
Piternella, 2002, personal communication [16]
Becker, G. (1984) The Social Regulation of Sexuality: A Cross-Cultural
Perspective, Curr Perpect Soc Theory
5:45-69 [17]
Rydstrøm, H. (2002) Sexed bodies, gendered bodies:
children and the body in Vietnam, Women's
Studies Int Forum 886,1:1-14 [uncorrected proof] [18]
Girls
could be referred to as a con/cai him (lit. child/ female vulva; i.e. vulva
girl), but I never registered an occurrence of this term. In my observations, a
little girl's genitals are only commented on with respect to hygienic matters.
Besides such comments, I have not recorded any talk about girls' genitals; they
do not appear to be a matter of conversation in daily family life. [orig.
footnote] [19]
Mead, M. (1928 [1949]) Male and Female.
New York: Dell, p104-5 [20]
DeMause, L. (1974) Psychol Abstracts 1:503-75 / Hist Childh Quart
1:503-75 / DeMause, L. (1974a) The evolution of childhood, in DeMause, L. (Ed.)
The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, p1-73, esp.
p43-51; DeMause, L. (1982) Foundations of
Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, Inc., p45, DeMause, L. (1998) The
History of Child Abuse, J Psychohist
25,3:216-36. DeMause (1988) concludes that "[l]ittle Louis grew up with quite severe sexual
problems resulting from his having experienced incest, and his adult love life
consisted mainly of unhappy homosexual affairs with young men". See DeMause,
L. (1988) On Writing Childhood History, J Psychohist 16,2. Cf. Kahr, B. (1991) The History of Sexuality: From Ancient
Polymorphous Perversity to Modern Genital Love, J Psychohist 26,4:764-78 [21]
Ariès, Ph. (1962) Centuries of Childhood.
Translated, London: Cape [22] "There is an engraving of 1511 depicting a
holy family: St Anne's behaviour strikes us as extremely odd - she is pushing
the child''s thighs apart as if she wanted to get at its privy parts and tickle
them. It would be a mistake to see this as a piece of ribaldry. The practice of
playing with children's privy parts formed part of a widespread tradition,
which is still operative in Moslem circles. These have remained aloof not only
from scientific progress but also from the great moral reformation, at first
Christian, later secular, which disciplined eighteenth-century and particularly
nineteenth-century society in England and France. Thus in Moslem society we
find features which strike us as peculiar but which the worthy Heroard would
not have found so surprising. Witness this passage from a novel entitled The
Statue of Salt. The author is a Tunisian Jew, Albert Memmi, and his book is a
curious document on traditional Tunisian society and the mentality of the young
people who are semi-Westernized. The hero of the novel is describing a scene in
the tram taking him to school in Tunis: 'In front of me were a Moslem and his
son, a tiny little boy with a miniature tarboosh and henna on his hands; on my
left a Djerban grocer on his way to market, with a basket between his legs and
a pencil behind his ear. The Djerban, affected by the warmth and peace inside
the tram, stirred in his seat. He smiled at the child, who smiled back with his
eyes and looked at his father. The father, grateful and flattered, reassured
him and smiled at the Djerban. "How old are you!" the grocer asked
the child. "Two and a half," replied the father. "Has the cat
got your tongue!" the grocer asked the child. "No," replied the
father, "he hasn't been circumcised yet, but he will be soon."
"Ah!" said the grocer. He had found something to talk about to the
child. "Will you sell me your little anima?" "No!" said the
child angrily. He obviously knew what the grocer meant, and the same offer had
already been made to him. I too [the Jewish child] was familiar with this
scene. I had taken part in it in my time, provoked by other people, with the
same feelings of shame and desire, revulsion and inquisitive complicity. The
child's eyes shone with the pleasure of incipient virility [a modern feeling,
attributed to the child by the educated Memmi who is aware of recent
discoveries as to early sexual awakening in children; in former times people
believed that before puberty children had no sexual feelings] and also
revulsion at this monstrous provocation. He looked at his father. His father
smiled: it was a permissible game [our italics]. Our neighbours watched the
traditional scene with complaisant approval. I'll give you ten francs for
it," said the Djerban. "No," said the child. "Come now,
sell me your little... " the Djerban went on. "No! No!" I'Il give
you fifty francs for it." "No!" "I'll go as high as I can:
a thousand francs!" "No!" The Djerban assumed an expression of
greediness. " And I'Il throw in a bag of sweets as well! " "No!
No! " "You still say no' That's your last word!" the Djerban
shouted, pretending to be angry. "You still say no!" he repeated.
"No!" Thereupon the grown-up threw himself upon the child, a terrible
expression on his face, his hand brutally rummaging inside the child's fly. The
child tried to fight him off with his fists. The father roared with laughter,
the Djerban was convulsed with amusement, while our neighbours smiled broadly". [23]
Marvick, E. W. (1974a) The Character
of Louis XIII: The Role of His Physician, J
Interdisc His 4,3:347-74 [24]
Marvick, E. W. (1974b) Childhood History and Decisions of State: The Case of
Louis XIII, Hist Childh Quart
2,2:135-80. Comments and replies at p181-99; Marvick, E. W. (1974c) Nature
versus nurture: patterns and trends in seventeeth-century French child-rearing,
in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory
Press, p259-301 [25]
For observations, see Navajo, India, Tikopia, Saramaka, Cubeo, Philippines,
Siamese, Hopi, Balinese, Tanzania, Ruanda, Borneo (Dayak, Dusun), Puerto Rico,
Barren Land Eskimo (also Utku), Italy, Shirishana Yanomamo [26]
Genital teasing is also noted in the Phillipines (Sibley, 1970; cf.
Vanoverbergh!), who found ten types of teasing children that could be
classified as "broadly sexual in nature". The practice of genital fondling was
observed to be a common form of teasing. 28 children 4 years of age or older
were reported to have been teased this way at least up to the age of four. Of
these 28, ranging in age from age 5 to 16 at the time of the interviews, 18
still receive this treatment; the other ten were reported by their mothers as
being to old for this. See Sibley, B. J. (1970) Teasing of Children in a Rural
Philippine Village, Philippine Sociol Rev
18,1:27-31 [27]
Martinson, F. M. (1973) Infant and Child Sexuality: A Sociological
Perspective. St. Peter, MN: The Book Mark, p76+refs; Martinson, F. M. (1994) The Sexual Life of Children. Westport, Conn: Bergin & Garvey [28]
E.g., Moll, A. (1908) Das Sexualleben des
Kindes. Leipzig: Vogel. 1912 transl. Macmillan,
p276 [29]
Australians: Adults pretend erotic
advances at babies jokingly calling them husband and wife, and commenting on
the size of their penis. Navajo: "A
two-year-old boy's uncle will begin to make remarks about the size of his
nephews's penis and tease him about the various girls he has had. He might call
his niece "little mother" and ask her to take care of him, by giving him some
milk. The aunt might tease her nephew by saying, "I want to sleep with you" or
"I know you've been seeing someone else while I was away" "; Saramaka: "Men tease girls from infancy
on by grabbing at their "breasts" and genitals, and women often pull playfully
at a little boy's penis, interrogating him about whether he really knows how to
use it and whether he thinks it is big enough to satisfy them. A favorite way
of engaging a two- or three-year-old boy is to ask after his pregnant wife or,
for a girl, to inquire whether her recent labor pains were severe, and children
are expected to provide appropriate answers"; Hopi: "After I was four or five nearly all my grandfathers,
father's sisters' and clan sisters' husbands, played very rough jokes on me,
snatched at my penis, and threatened to castrate me, charging that I had been
caught making love to their wives, who were my aunts. All these women took my
part, called me their sweet-heart, fondled my penis, and pretended to want it
badly. They would say, "Throw it to me", reach out their hands as if catching
it, and smack their lips"; . [30]
Yates, who proclaims that "[t]he baby's whole
body is a sexual organ", comments on the neonatal grooming process in parents,
where genitals are avoided. Yates emphatically argued for "erotic" bonding in
the neonatal period of life, but seemed hesitant to explicitly encourage
mothers to masturbate. Yates, A. (1978) Sex Without Shame. New York: William
Morrow, p151-8. [31]
Christian, S. E. & Deardorff, J. (2000) Mother Who Breastfeeds 6-Year-Old
Faces Custody Fight From Illinois,
Chicago Tribune, Dec. 10 [32]
Sroufe, L. A. & Ward, M. J. (1980) Seductive behavior of mothers of
toddlers: occurrence, correlates, and family origins, Child Developm 51:1222-9; Sroufe, L. A. et al. (1985) Generational
boundary dissolution between mothers and their preschool children: A
relationship systems approach, Child
Developm 56,2:317-25 [33]
Fox, J. R. (1962) Sibling incest, J Sociol 13:128-50;
De Vos (1975), op.cit. [34]
Henry, J. (1941 [1964]) Jungle People: A
Kaingang Tribe of the Highlands of Brazil. New York: J. J. Augustin [35]
Feierman, J. R. (1990) A Biosocial Overview of Adult Human Sexual Behavior with
Children and Adolescents, in Feierman, J. R. (Ed.) Pedophilia: Biosocial
Dimensions. New
York: Springer-Verlag, p8-68 [36]
Jones, N. G. & Trollope, J. (1968) Social behaviour of stump-tailed
macaques in capativity, Primates
9,4:365-94 [37]
Maple, T., Wilson, M. E., Zucker, E. L. & Wilson, S. F. (1978) Notes on the
development of a mother-reared orang-utan: The first six months, Primates 19,3:593-602 [38]
Beaver, G. M. (2000) The Effects of the
Social Habitat Implemented by Zoos on the Behavior of the Naturally
Semi-Solitary Orangutan (Pongo
pygmaeus pygmaeus). Research project, University of South Florida,
Anthropology Department [39]
Maple, T. (1980) Orangutan Behavior.
New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold Company [40]
Ogawa, H. (1995a) Bridging behavior and other affiliative interactions among
male Tibetan macaques (Macaca thibetana), Int
J Primatol 16,5:707-29; Ogawa, H. (1995b) Recognition of social
relationships in bridging behavior among Tibetan macaques (Macaca thibetana), Am J Primatol 35,4:305-10 [41]
Walker, A. (1968) A note on handrearing a potto, Int Zoo Yearbook 8:110-1 [42]
DeMause, L. (1989) The Role of Adaptation and Selection in Psychohistorical
Evolution, J Psychohist 16,4:355-71;
Cf. The Emotional Life of Nations,
ch.7 [43]
See for instance Hippler (1978:p235) [44]
Prescott, J. W. & Wallace, D. H. (1975) Body Pleasure and the Origins of
Violence. Bull Atomic Scientists 11:10-20.
See also Hatfield, R. W. (1994) Touch and sexuality, in Bullough, V. L. &
Bullough, B. (Eds.) Human Sexuality: An
Encyclopedia. New York & London: Garland, p581-7 |