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BENGALI (India)
Index→ India, Pakistan, Bangladesh → India →
Bengali
More: Abor,
Lingayats, Punjabi; Rājpūts,
Brahmans, Nagas,
Chamars, Nayar, Todas, Hill Maria Gond, Hill Saoras, Sinhalese, Purum, Veda,
Santals, Garos, Muria Gonds, Baiga, Nimar Bahalis,
Telugu, Lepcha,
Lodha, Uttar Pradesh, Andamanese, Nicorbarese
See also: Pakistan,
Bangladesh
Fruzzetti
(1982[1];
cf. 1975 [1992:p304]):
“In the past, kumri girls were given in marriage before the arrival of their menstrual
flow since this is a girl’s purest stage. At present only the low castes and
Muslims insist on giving their girls in marriage before the first
menstruation, though the young wife remains in her father’s house until she
achieves puberty. The majority of marriages are contracted long after puberty
even though a girl becomes ready for marriage after her first menstrual flow.
In such a situation, the menstrual rites are known as natun biye, “new marriage”. For child-brides, the rites are called anna biye, “another marriage”, and are performed in the
virgin’s father’s house. The menstruation rites of the child-bride define her
sexual maturity, and on the third [fourth, according to Fruzzetti,
1984)] day after the ritual the husband may take her to his house to
consummate the marriage. The ritual accompanying the first menstrual flow is
simple, yet clearly tied to the sexual aspects of marriage, to the union of
male and female”.
Inden (1977:p41)[2] that the sixth and last segment
of the wedding (punar-vivha, “consummatory
marriage”) may be done “[…] on the third day or, if the bride has not
celebrated her first menstruation before marriage, on an auspicious day after
that first menstruation”. “Even if the bride and groom have reached puberty,
they are not to have sexual intercourse on this night [the first of
marriage], since their marriage is not completed yet”.
Klass (1978)[3]:
“In the past, before Independence, a girl was married before she reached puberty, although among Brahmans
and other high-ranked castes she returned to her natal home and continued to
live with her parents, taking up residence with her husband’s family only
after her first menstruation. Boys, too, were young when they were
married—perhaps thirteen or fourteen—and therefore marriage and puberty were
in many ways fused. Even today, boys are considered children until marriage;
even in his late teens, an unmarried male is assumed to have no interest in
sex and to be without the capacity to offer up proper prayers. Only after the
boy’s marriage will the [Utilde]cu pa[unknown]a [[4]] father summon the family gurudeb
(spiritual adviser) to teach the young man the mantras he is expected to
know” (p80).
Thus,
“In the village, the initiative lies with the male head of the girl’s
household, referred to […] as her “guardian”. This may be her father,
father’s brother, father’s father, or even her elder brother. The guardian of
a village girl feels a sense of urgency or social pressure (and if he
doesn't, it will be communicated to him by his wife), for there is a
widespread belief that a girl should be married before her first menstruation
or as soon thereafter as possible. Among the lowest jats
in the social hierarchy, marriage frequently takes place when the girl is nine
years old; even among those village families most affected by Europe-derived
standards, the girl is rarely permitted to reach her late teens”[5].
Roy (1975:p188n32)[6] dwells at length on the
sexual developmental experience of girls: “In this part of Bengali society a
young girl (as the case study shows) usually learns about menstruation from
her peers. It is rare that a mother or an aunt explains the whole matter to a
girl approaching puberty. The subject matter, like the subject of sex, is
considered taboo”.
“Intimate advice regarding sex may be given
by a MZ [mother’s sister] to a new
bride, whereas it is not a common phenomenon for a mother to advise her
daughter about to be married in matters of sex” (Fruzzetti).
“The girls also learn a great deal about sex from their married friends”[7]. After a girl’s prepubertal menstrual ritual [sic], “[…] she is a “fruit” for men in other lineages [an
expression often used for a girl about to be married is “the fruit has
ripened”] (p167).
“If
the girl happens to know anything about the sexual relationship between the
mother and father, she is ambivalent about it, but that does not tarnish her
love and respect for her father. If she has already learned about the facts
of life from her peers (such as that parents have intercourse), she may also
know that sex is considered dirty because no one is supposed to talk about it
or watch it. Only adult married people can indulge in it in privacy. And if
her parents indulge in it, she is puzzled and may blame her mother for it” (Roy,
p27; cf. cases 61, 8). “[…] subjects discussed frequently at school are “the
facts of life." This information she rarely learns from anyone at home.
There are always a number of older and precocious classmates who know all about
such matters. She learns the biological facts about a woman's body, about her
menstrual cycle, pregnancy, and the connection between sexual intercourse and
pregnancy. This information, of course, does not come as clinical talk;
rather it is contained in interesting and exciting stories and pieces of
gossip. She finds out that many of her friends accidentally have had
opportunities to witness sexual acts. Someone may, for example, overhear the
parents at night or be in the same room with a newly married couple; someone
may have come across a pornographic magazine that her older brother had
hidden under the mattress. Now she can guess the kind of “adult talk” her
mother and younger aunts indulge in during some of the afternoon sessions. It
has to do with “the facts of life”.
In Bengal the menstrual ritual takes
place before or after the girl has achieved puberty. The ideal is to perform
the ritual before the girl actually achieves puberty, but even if it isn't,
the ritual is enacted in the same way. In this ritual, the women place five
different kinds of sweetmeats and fruits on the initiate's acal (end part
of the saree) as food offerings. “The girl does not
eat the food offerings, “her own fruit”, which symbolize her maturity,
sexuality, and femaleness. Instead she gives to very young pre-puberty boys
and girls of the neighbourhood. From now on she is a “fruit” for men in other
lineages [an expression often used for a girl about to be married is “the
fruit has ripened” ” (Fruzzetti, p166-7).
Janssen,
D. F., Growing Up Sexually. VolumeI. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin:
Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology, Berlin
Last
revised: Sept 2004
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