B
Bacon, Francis, Sir (1561-1626)
English
statesman, philosopher, and essayist. After a somewhat shaky start in the
service of Queen Elizabeth, during the reign of James I Bacon advanced from
knight (1603) to the offices of attorney general (1613) and lord chancellor
(1618). In 1621, however, his position collapsed when he was forced to plead
guilty of charges of taking bribes; he then retired to study and write. In the
philosophy of science Bacon has become identified, sometimes simplistically,
with the method of induction, the patient accumulation of data to reach
conclusions. Recent research, however, has shown that this stereotypical
picture of a skeptical, essentially modern figure is distorted and anachronistic;
Bacon's interest in experiment is in fact rooted in magical, alchemical, and esoteric
traditions. Although the notion that he wrote Shakespeare's plays is now
discounted, his aphoristic Essays
(1597-1625)
are a stylistic achievement in their own right.
Evidence for Bacon's erotic predilection for young men in his employ comes from
two seventeenth-century writers, John Aubrey and Sir Simonds D'Ewes. The latter
even states that there was some question of bringing him to trial for buggery.
A letter survives from Bacon's mother chastizing him for his fondness for Welsh
boys. His marriage, which was childless and probably loveless, took place at
the mature age of 46. Sir Francis Bacon seems to have moved entirely in a
masculine world. In accord with Greco-Roman and Renaissance predecessors, his
essay "Of Friendship" confines itself to relations between men.
"Of Beauty" discusses the matter exclusively in terms of male exemplars.
Also significant is his Machiavellian commendation of dissimulation; the best
policy is "to have openness in fame and opinion, secrecy in habit,
dissimulation in seasonable use, and a power to feign if there be no
remedy." The need to "edit" one's persona thus recognized is of
course one facet of the closeted lif e, though Bacon's caution may have been
reinforced by sensitivity regarding his occult and magical interests, which
were scarcely popular among the masses.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Fulton Henry Anderson, Francis Bacon: His Career and His Thought, Los Angeles: University
of Southern California Press, 1962; Paolo Rossi, Francis Bacon: Prom Magic
to Science, London: Routledge, 1968.
Bailey, Derrick Sherwin (1910-1984)
British
theologian and historian; Canon Residentiary of Wells Cathedral from 1962.
After World War II Bailey joined a small group of Anglican clergymen and physicians
to study homosexuality; their findings were published in a 1954 Report entitled
The Problem of Homosexuality
produced
for the Church of England Moral Welfare Council by the Church Information
Board. As part of this task Bailey completed a separate historical study, Homosexuality and the Western Christian
Tradition (London: Longmans, 1955). Although this monograph has been
criticized for tending to exculpate the Christian church from blame in the
persecution and defamation of homosexuals, it was a landmark in the history of
the subject, combining scrutiny of the Biblical evidence with a survey of
subsequent history. Bailey's book drew attention to a number of neglected
subjects, including the intertestamental literature, the legislation of the Christian emperors, the penitentials, and the link between heresy and sodomy. The author's
interpretation of Genesis 19, where he treats the Sodom story as essentially
nonsexual - an instance of violation of hospitality - has not been generally
accepted. The work of Bailey and his colleagues prepared the way for the
progressive Wolfenden Report (1957), which was followed a decade later by Parliament's decriminalization of homosexual conduct
between consenting adults in England and Wales.
Baldwin, James (1924-1987)
American
novelist, essayist, and playwright. Bom in New York City's Harlem, his experiences as a child
evangelist in the ghetto provided a rich store of material, as well as
contributing to his sometimes exhortatory style. His first novel, Go Tell It on the Mountain (1953), which derives from
this world, gave him immediate fame. Following the example of fellow black
author Richard Wright, Baldwin had moved to Paris at the age of 24; he was to Uve in France for most of the
rest of his life, though most of his concerns and work continued to center on
the United States.
The acclaim that he had garnered in the 1950s emboldened him to publish Giovanni's Room (1961), an honest novel
about homosexuality sent out into a literary world that was scarcely welcoming.
This book recounts the story of David, an athletic, white American expatriate
who discovers his homosexuality in a relationship with a working-class Italian
in Paris; although it ends tragically with the death of Giovanni, the lean, yet
intense style of this book, and its candor, left a lasting impression. At the
time, to be sure, critics urged Baldwin to abandon such "exotic"
subject matter and return to native themes. Baldwin responded with his most
ambitious work yet, Another
Country (1961), in which the sexual and racial themes are
inextricably interwoven. Only partially successful, this novel presents the
lives of a number of New Yorkers of varying sexual persuasions, who are linked
by their friendship with a black musician.
Having successfully withstood the homophobia of the immediate post-war years,
the emergence of the Civil Rights movement gave Baldwin the chance to play a
role at the center of the stage. His prose work The Fire Next Time (1963) effectively
captures the moral fervor of the Kennedy years, and Baldwin seemed the Jeremiah
that the country needed. Although he continued to publish after this point,
the writer seemed unable to find a balanced viewpoint, and his later novels and
plays are sometimes diffuse and strident. Some of his former admirers felt
that he had become too much wrapped up in the rhetoric of black liberation,
with its angry indictment of white injustice; conversely, some black critics
found him insufficiently militant. Try as he might, he could not convince the
younger black radicals that he had not sold out to whitey. Baldwin's estimate
of the urgency of the racial crisis led him to downplay the homosexual theme.
Yet as a commentator on the continuing "American dilemma" of race,
Baldwin failed to deliver a message that could carry full conviction for any
group. Despite his best efforts, in the view of many readers he never
recaptured the crystalline precision of his earlier works. These suffice,
however, to assure his reputation as a writer of compelling power, a sensitive
observer not merely of blackness and gayness, not merely of America and Europe,
but of the inherent complexities of the human condition.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Fred L. Standley, James Baldwin: A Reference Guide, Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980;
Carolyn Wedin Sylvander, James Baldwin, New York: Frederick Ungar, 1980; W. J. Weatherby, James Baldwin: Artist on
Fire, New
York: Donald I. Fine, 1989.
Wayne R. Dynes
Ballet
See Dance.
Balzac, Honoré de (1799-1850)
French
novelist. Balzac is best known as the creator of the Comedie húmame, a vast collection of
interlocking novels and stories of which about ninety were written in less than
twenty years. The Comedie
humaine displays both unity and diversity:
if a number of narratives are set in Paris in the 1820s, the bold strategem of
letting characters from one book know characters from another fosters the
reader's growing conviction of the reality of the world evoked by the novelist.
The literary complex also carries conviction because of the interplay of
critical attitudes that express Balzac's intuitive analysis of modern
society: even the more obscure private dramas are linked with the Ufe of France at a particular
moment in its history - the Restoration and the July Monarchy. The stresses and
conflicts between thought and instinct, between Paris and the provinces,
between those who cling to the past and those who move with the times - all
these mirror Balzac's need to compensate for what life had failed to give him
and the truth of his own experience. Balzac transformed the novel into a
vehicle for reflective commentary on modern society and so to an incalculable
degree influenced succeeding generations of writers in many tongues.
While there is no evidence that Balzac was overtly homosexual, he has been
suspected of a latent and sublimated bisexuality in the paternal
"friendships" which he cultivated with the handsome young men with
whom he surrounded himself. At the same time, the homosexual theme flourishes
in his work, in either an open or a veiled fashion, even if Balzac was always
considered the author who specialized in woman and marriage.
In Splendeurs etmiséres des couitisanes (1844-46) Balzac describes
the world of the tantes
("queens")
in prison, where the prisoners, of the same sex but of different ages, are
crowded together under conditions that favor homosexuality. Vautrin is the
symbol of imprisoned sexuality, incarcerated because he took the blame for the
crime of another, "a very handsome young man whom he greatly loved."
The novelist's depiction of prison homosexuality goes beyond any mere
documentary treatment; it does not hide the sexual dimension of prison
friendships, but shows them as a form of love with values all their own. The
homosexual element is present everywhere in the prison, yet unutterable and
unmentionable. Vautrin's secret is that he does not love women, but when and
how does he love men? He does so only in the rents of the fabric of the
narrative, because the technique of the novelist lies exactly in not speaking
openly, but letting the reader know indirectly the erotic background of the
events of his story. The physical union of Vautrin with Lucien he presents with
stylistic subtlety as a predestined coupling of two halves of one being, as
submission to a law of nature. The homosexual aspect of the discourse must
always be masked, must hide behind a euphemism, a taunting ambiguity that
nevertheless tells all to the knowing reader.
The pact struck between Vautrin and Lucien is a Faustian one. Vautrin dreams of
owning a plantation in the American South where on a hundred thousand acres he
can have absolute power over his slaves - including their bodies. Balzac refers
explicitly to examples of the pederasty of antiquity as a creative, civilization-building
force by analogy with the Promethean influence of Vautrin upon his beloved
Lucien. Vautrin is almost diabolical as a figure of exuberant masculinity,
while Lucien embodies the gentleness and meekness of the feminine. The unconscious
dimension of their relationship Balzac underlines with magnificent symbolism.
He characterizes Vautrin as a monster, "but attached by love to humanity."
Homosexual love is not relegated to the margin of society, as in the dark underworld
of the prison, but expresses the fullness of affection with all its physical
demands and its spiritual powers. Homosexuality is not the whole of Vautrin's
existence, but he is incomprehensible without it, it stylizes his will to power
and invests it with its driving force.
There is also a political aspect to homosexuality in Balzac: in it he saw a
defiance of the society that proscribed and marginalized it and a challenge to
prevailing moral values. By virtue of living outside the French bourgeois
society of his day, Vautrin gains insight into its hypocrisy and expresses his
contempt for its sham values. He declares that in reality honesty is useless,
money is everything, the sole moral principle is to maintain a facade of
propriety, justice is corrupt. The poor are no better than the rich, and it has
always been this way. In such an ethical context homosexuality is the practice
of those who have gauged society and perceived its hollowness, liberating themselves
from the social contract, while the world of heterosexuality is a world of
false anti-values maintained by shameful and covert means. The affirmation of
the erotic is the negation of the legitimacy of the respectable and so-called
honorable.
In 1835 Balzac published his extravagantly plotted La fille aux yeux d'oi, which concerns a beautiful
young woman kept in seclusion by a lesbian who, after an absence, discovers
her ward's infidelity with a man and kills her. Again, the writer sought to
use the theme to illustrate the corruption of contemporary society, but was
less successful in empathizing with his characters.
Elsewhere in his work, in Seraphita
(1834),
Balzac took up the theme of the androgyne under the influence of Emanuel
Swedenborg. He asserted that he had begun to write the story at the age of
nineteen and that he had long "dreamed of the being with two
natures." The underlying myth is that all the angels were once human
beings who earned their elevation to this celestial dignity. The personage
after whom the story is named appears to the main characters, Wilfrid and
Minna, as Séraphita and Séraphitus respectively. But while Minna is an insignificant and
dreamy romantic heroine, Wilfrid is a mature hero with a stormy past and
aspirations for a glorious future, who nevertheless is ready to sacrifice all
his ambitions to obtain Séraphita "who should be a.divine woman to possess." Balzac
represents both as in love with one and the same person, a chosen being endowed
with a mysterious power. The androgyne does not symbolize bisexuality, but
nature in its wholeness, in its original purity, "the diverse parts of the
Infinite forming a living melody." Having revealed to the hero and heroine
an ideal love, Séraphitus-Séraphita departs for a heaven free
of the earthly misery that human beings must endure.
Recently, the story "Sarrasine" (1830) has attracted scholarly
attention, notably from the homosexual critic Roland Barthes. This short, but
resonant narrative concerns the ambiguities of a family whose fortunes are
founded on the achievements of a castrato.
Balzac confronted the mysteries of homosexuality and intersexuality in their
forms both real and ideal, not just as a chronicler of the France of his time,
but also as a visionary whose imagination relived myths of pagan antiquity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Philippe Berthier, "Balzac du côté de Sodome," L'Année balzacienne (1979), 147-77; Marie Delcourt, "Deux interprétations romanesques du
mythe de l'androgyne: Mignon et Séraphita," Revue des langues
vivantes, 38 (1972), 228-40, 340-47.
Warren Johansson
Bang, Herman (1857-1912)
Danish
novelist and short story writer. Associated with the theatre for much of his
life, Bang was also active as a journalist and critic in opposition to Georg Brandes. He died during a tour of
the United States.
Bang internalized a negative view of homosexuality from the pathological
theories current in his youth. Fearful of blackmail and ridicule, he guarded
his expressions of what meant most to him, even in letters, so that his inner
life must be read between the lines. Declaring that people were not ready for
the truth about homosexuality, he withheld his essay on the subject. This
study, "Gedanken zum Sexualitátsproblem," deliberately written in a
neutral and objective tone, was published posthumously^in Germany in 1922.
Nonetheless, Bangbelieved that his homosexuality was a gift, linked to his
creativity as a writer and permitting him to see both the masculine and the
feminine side of human nature.
His first novel, Haablose
Slaegtez (1880; Generations without Hope) focuses on the decadent
scion of an ancient family, who is evidently homosexual. His novella Mikaél (1904) presents a much
more joyous picture of life and love, including special friendships in
artistic circles. In 1916 the Swedish director Mauritz Stiller made Mikaél into a film under the title The Wings; this work is regarded by
some as the first gay motion picture. Although Bang today enjoys the status of
a major writer in his own country, understanding of his work has until recently
been hampered by imposition of Freudian schemas, which ignore the complexities
of his self-understanding.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Pal Bjarby, "The Prison
House of Sexuality: Homosexuality in Herman Bang Scholarship," Scandinavian Studies, 58 (1986), 223-55.
Banneker, Benjamin (1731-1806)
American
mathematician and astronomer. The son of free blacks who were landowners in
Baltimore County in tidewater Maryland, he received a brief education at a
one-room country school that ended when he was old enough to work full-time
with his father on the farm, but like most intellectuals of the colonial period
he continued to learn through private reading for the rest of his life. By his
method of self-instruction he emerged a competent mathematician and amateur
astronomer. Proficient enough to calculate an almanac, he devised one for the
year 1791 but was unable to see it through to press. However, Banneker's Almanack for the years 1792 through
1797 was published in a number of editions. It reflected a new trend in that
its contents were devoted to national events and local causes; also by
popularizing the theme of anti-slavery, it contributed substantially to the
abolitionist cause. Banneker assisted Major Andrew Ellicott during the
preliminary survey of the ten-mile square and in establishing lines for some
of the major points in the future capital of Washington. In his time he was the
emblematic figure of black achievement in the sciences, and as such received
considerable attention from the abolitionist societies.
Banneker remained a bachelor all his life, and no evidence can be found for any
romantic attachment or for illegitimate offspring. He led a casual, rather
solitary existence, and since his father died when Benjamin was twenty-eight,
he had to assume full responsibility for his mother and the farm. His leisure
time was given by preference to his studies. A trace of self-revelation may
have escaped in a short essay in his first published almanac which declared
that poverty, disease, and violence inflict less suffering than the
"pungent stings ... which guilty
passions dart into the heart." Benjamin Banneker deserves to be remembered
as a homosexual who played a significant role in the intellectual life of the
young American Republic.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Silvio A. Bedini, The Life of Benjamin Banneker, New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1972.
Warren Johansson
Banquets
See Symposia.
Barnes, Djuna (1892-1981)
American
novelist, playwright, and journalist. She was born in Cornwall-on-Hudson, NY,
the daughter of a cultivated Englishwoman and an unsuccessful artist. In her
twenties she worked in New York City as a journalist and illustrator. With her
tall, dashing figure, she was able to obtain colorful interviews that sold to
major papers, her earnings contributing to the support of her impecunious
family. The bohemian life of Greenwich Village was then at its height, and
Barnes had entree into the salon of Mabel Dodge, the "den mother" of
the avant-garde. She also became friends with the homosexual artist Marsden
Hartley; throughout her life, Barnes was to have important gay-male friends.
In New York's milieu of feminist assertion her literary horizons widened, and
at the end of World War I she went to Paris, where she became friends with
James Joyce. Supporting herself with her journalism, she blended with the
lesbian and homosexual life of what later came to be called the "Lost
Generation" in the French capital. With Thelma Wood, a sculptress from
Missouri, Barnes began a stormy affair that lasted until 1931. She also published
her first serious work, a collection of poems, stories, plays, and drawings,
entitled simply A
Book, in
1923. Fiveyears later her Rydei,
a bawdy
retelling of the history of the Barnes family, appeared briefly on the
bestseller lists, the only approach to popularity she was to enjoy in her
lifetime. Published anonymously, her lesbian Ladies Almanack (1928) was hawked on the
streets of Paris by Barnes and others.
By the early thirties her drinking and nervous breakdowns had become serious,
and she sought refuge first in Tangiers and then at the home of Peggy Guggenheim
in England. The security that she finally found under Guggenheim's protection
enabled Barnes to complete her masterpiece, Nightwood, which was published with
an introduction by T.S. Eliot in London in 1936. This novel, which focuses
around the bizarre figure of the homosexual Dr. O'Connor, stands in a class of
its own: an incomparable evocation of one writer's view of Paris and Berlin
during the interwar years.
Barely escaping from Paris at the start of World War II, Barnes returned to New
York, where she found a tiny apartment in Patchin Place in Greenwich Village.
Here she was to live in increasing seclusion for forty years, supported mainly
by a tiny allowance from Guggenheim. Although she wrote less and less, Barnes
did manage to publish a second major work, the bitter play An tiphon, in 1958. In her last years
a few determined lesbian activists and scholars managed to penetrate her
isolation, while the sale of her papers to the University of Maryland gave her
a financial security that had long eluded her.
A link between the avant-garde of Paris and New York, as well as the worlds of
male and female homosexuality, Barnes had a literary voice all her own that
will guarantee her a place in the annals of twentieth-century sensibility.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Andrew Field, Djuna:
The Life and Times of Djuna Barnes, New York: Putnam, 1983.
EveJyn Gettone
Barney, Natalie Clifford (1876-1972)
American
writer and patron of the arts. Born into a wealthy family of Dayton, Ohio,
Barney had been to Europe several times, before she settled in Paris in 1902 at
the height of the belle époque. Living a public life, she made her home in the Rue Jacob a
prominent literary salon for over a half a century. While this salon attracted
many famous men of letters, it was also outstanding as a focus for the
international lesbian colony in Paris. With her affluence, self-assurance, and
accomplishments as a writer, Barney provided a role model for many women, then
and now. Always candid about her lesbianism, she nonetheless elicited the
devotion of such figures as Remy de Gourmont, Gabriele D'Annunzio, Bernard Berenson, and Ezra
Pound.
Her first book, Quelques
portraits-sonnets de femmes, was published in Paris in
1900. Like most of her works it was written in classic French. Influenced by
Greek literature, Barney was not stylistically an experimental writer. After
her affair with the celebrated courtesan Liane de Pougy, Barney established
a literary liaison with the doomed Anglo-French writer of decadent themes, Renée Vivien (Pauline Tarn), who
died in 1909, despite Barney's ministrations. Her most long-lasting
relationship, amounting to a marriage, was with the American painter, Romaine Brooks.
Influenced by her friend Pound, Barney's political opinions became more
conservative in the 1930s. Although she was partly of Jewish descent, she chose
to spend World War II in Italy, where she expressed her admiration for
Mussolini. Her outspoken memoir of this period has not been published. Her luck
held up, however, and she was able to resettle in her home in Paris without
incident.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Karla Jay, The Amazon and the Page: Natalie Clifford Barney and Renée Vivien, Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1988; George Wickes, The Amazon of Letters; The Life and Loves of Natahe Barney,
London:
Allen, 1977.
Barnfield, Richard (1574-1627)
English
poet. Born in Norbury, England, Barnfield graduated from Oxford in 1592. Among
his friends were the Elizabethan poets Thomas Watson, Michael Drayton, Francis
Meres, and possibly Shakespeare. He published his first volume of poetry in
1594, The Affectionate
Shepherd, a sonnet sequence based on Virgil's second eclogue and
using as main characters an older man in love with a younger. The volume was
dedicated to Penelope Rich who was Sir Philip Sidney's "Stella" and
eventually the mistress of Charles Blount, a minor court figure. Hudson reads
the Ganimede character in Barnfield's poems as Blount, but Morris attacks the
suggestion. No further attempts have been made to identify historical figures
behind The
Affectionate Shepherd.
The
unmistakably homosexual theme in The
Affectionate Shepherd poems may have prompted Barnfield to claim in the preface to
his next volume [Cynthia,
1595)
that readers had misinterpreted his first poems, but the disclaimer is ambiguous
and suggests that Barnfield was in trouble for political reasons, not for the
sexual love portrayed in his poems. Barnfield's sonnets are not graphically
sexual and may best be described as "homoerotic," but they treat more
obviously of an emotional infatuation between an older man and a younger than
do the sonnets of Barnfield's contemporary William Shakespeare. Of his
"Poems in divers Humours" (1598), two were reprinted in the 1599 Passionate Pilgrim and were attributed to
Shakespeare until the twentieth century. Barnfield retired from public notice
soon after his last book and possibly lived as a gentleman farmer.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Scott Giantvalley, "Barnfield, Drayton, and Marlowe: Homoeroticism and
Homosexuality in Elizabethan Literature," Pacific Coast Philology 16:2 (1981), 9-24; H. H.
Hudson, "Penelope Devereux as Sidney's Stella," Huntington Library
Bulletin (April, 1935), 89-129; Henry Morris, Richard Barnfield, Colin's
Child, Tallahassee: Florida State University Press, 1963.
George Klawitter
Bars
In
contemporary American English, a bar is a premises licensed to sell liquor by
the glass to the public. In addition food may be served and entertainment
offered. From ca. 1935 to 1970 the "gay bar" was the premier
institution of the male homosexual community. There were no homosexual enclaves without at least one.
Unlike other commercial establishments, crossing the threshold of a gay bar
brought the patron immediately from neutral or hostile territory into "gay
space," where only the rules of one's own community applied. The pivotal
role of the bars was affirmed by the dubious accolade of police raids and shakedowns.
Their positive functions notwithstanding, the popularity of the bars is linked
to the high rates of alcoholism among gay men and lesbians.
Several reasons for the pivotal role of the bars in the male homosexual
community may be noted. There is the well-known effect of alcohol in reducing
inhibitions, which tend to rise to a higher threshold in those of deviant
sexuality than in others. Also, in the Anglo-Saxon world drinking itself
carries overtones of taboo, reinforced by recurrent temperance campaigns, which
achieved a complete though ephemeral victory in the United States Prohibition
(1920-33). Finally, bars have traditionally played a role in male culture as a
whole.
It has been said that the bar itself is an institution limited to the
English-speaking world. But if we alter the terms of the inquiry slightly to
include taverns
and cabarets, we can see that this is
not so. Of course, public houses where liquor is served will vary in atmosphere
and amenities according to national traditions, regulations, and customs.
Historical Perspectives. The first memorable
association of male group drinking with homosexuality takes us back to Plato's
dialogue, The
Symposium, though this event, like other symposia, took place (presumably) in
rented premises and only invited guests were present. The origins of the word
tavern lead back to Roman shops, including wine shops, with open counters on
the street. A more immediate source is the taphouse of late medieval Europe,
where one could not only purchase drink but linger in the company of others.
That patrons often became rowdy and licentious is shown by the common charge
that such places were the "Devil's school." At the beginning of the
sixteenth century Niccoló Machiavelli seems to have frequented a homosexual (or
mixed) tavern in Florence. At the end of the century the English dramatist Christopher
Marlowe presented his subversive
views in a place which must have tolerated homosexual custom, if not actually
soliciting it. In these two cases it is difficult to be certain about the
actual character of the places; they belong to the general realm of the
criminal underworld. In the early eighteenth century the nature of the London molly houses becomes very clear: they
were private places of homosexual entertainment and assignation. After their
unmasking, however, the various vigilance societies seem to have prevented a
recurrence. In the middle of the nineteenth century the curtain lifts again,
with the continental Bohemian cafés, with their mixed clientele of artists, would-be artists,
prostitutes, and sexual nonconformists.
Toward the Present. Scholars can first monitor
an ecology of gay bars as such in Berlin after 1900, where a host of them, operating more or less
openly, was surveyed by Magnus Hirschfeld. In the 1920s lesbian bars and cabarets flourished in
Germany, alongside the male ones. At this time American gay bars appeared, but
as part of the speakeasy underworld, because of Prohibition. Their atmosphere
has been recorded in such period novels as Lew Levinson's Butterfly
Man (1934),
Blair Niles's Strange
Brother (1931), and Robert Scully's A Scarlet Pansy (1933).
Once Prohibition was ended, the states established boards to control licencing,
and these could be used to harass operators of gay bars. Places that succeeded
in staying open had to maintain a low profile, being located oftentimes in
unfreqented warehouse areas and with little in the way of a sign. More elegant
establishments were sometimes found in the interior of hotels. Thus it was
necessary to know someone to discover the "special" bars. Many
patrons were regulars, attending night after night, and an informal pecking
order grew up among them. Needless to say, the loyalty of the regulars was
assiduously cultivated by the owners. Some patrons would seek advice from
bartenders, though this habit was less common than in straight bars because
the gay bartenders, chosen for their looks, tended to function as sex objects
enveloped in an atmosphere of narcissistic aloofness. Partly for protective
camouflage, straight couples out for a "different" evening were welcomed.
Some male bars had one or more regular heterosexual women patrons, much
treasured counselors who served as unofficial "den mothers." In
small localities bars would cater to both men and women, but in large places
they could be quite specialized, some for a younger, others (the "wrinkle
bars") for an older crowd, some admitting only an elegant clientele,
others hosting "rough trade." As a general rule, the bigger the city,
the more specialized were the types of bars found there. Large cities also
displayed a contrast between cozy neighborhood bars, with a social emphasis,
and high-intensity places attracting a crowd from a broad radius.
Prices were high to take care of bribes and payoffs that were regularly
required. Hitches in this system led to raids, as a result of which the patrons
would be carted off to the police station and their identities taken - which
could be disastrous for some. Hence an atmosphere of clandestinity and danger
was always present, heightening the attraction for some patrons. The more
ambitious places provided live entertainment, including semiprofessional
performances by drag queens. The chief functions remained socialization and
cruising, both of which were promoted by milling patterns. While it was the aim
of patrons in search of a quick pickup to have one drink, find a partner, and
go home, the bar owner's interest dictated causing him to linger, drinking more
and more. Some of this "stay a while" effect was achieved through
positive attractions, such as a pool table, but often loud music inhibited
conversation, while floor layout, dim lighting, and decor discouraged speed.
In this respect the gay bar stood at the opposite pole from the fast-food
outlet, where lights were bright and everything was done to encourage quick
eating and departure. Some bar owners maximized patronage by having one
clientele, usually heterosexual, during the day, and another, the gay crowd,
at night.
Gay Liberation. Much of this atmosphere disappeared
in the 1970s, when bars became more open and friendly. These changes were made
possible by the heightened activity of the gay liberation movement in the
phase which began, significantly enough, with the 1969 raid on New York City's
Stonewall Inn and the ensuing riot. Bar owners were quick to take advantage of
the increased commercial possibilities, and a few created huge discos noted
for their elaborate sound systems. In addition to their legal sales of liquor,
these places saw considerable consumption and trading of drugs by patrons. Some
of the more ordinary bars took on a greater civic responsibility helping to
distribute movement literature and newspapers, and permitting their premises
to be used for charity dances in support of AIDS victims and other causes.
Unlike the pre-1970s bars where sexual activity was strictly forbidden, some
bars had "backrooms" where a fullrange of sexual acts was consummated
in the dark. In the era of AIDS, however, most of this orgiastic gratification
ceased.
Comparative Perspectives. In Europe the gay bar was
a characteristic of northern countries, especially Germany and Scandinavia.
Somewhat different was the homosexual pub in Britain, which tended to retain
the homey comforts of the national tradition. The tourist trade of the 1960s
helped to promote the spread of the gay bar to southern Europe, while Japan
continued to evolve its own distinctive variation, which had existed for a
number of decades.
Lesbian bars have always been relatively few. This paucity is only partly
attributable to the fact that lesbians have less spending money. Historically,
the virtual monopoly of homosexual bar culture by men reflects the fact that
women were at one time not welcome in most bars in general, or had to be
accommodated in special rooms adjacent to the rough-and-tumble of the bar
itself. Although feminist pressure has removed the rules that excluded women,
the custom of social drinking retains vestiges of male culture in our society.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Sherri Cavan, Liquor License: An Ethnography of Bar Behavior, Chicago: Aldine, 1966;
John Alan Lee, Getting Sex, Don Mills, Ont.: Musson, 1978; Kenneth E. Read, Other Voices: The Style of
a Male Homosexual Tavern, Novato, CA: Chandler and Sharp, 1980.
Wayne R. Dynes
Barthes, Roland (1915-1980)
French
literary critic and social commentator. Barthes introduced into the discussion
of literature an original interpretation of semiotics based on the work of the
Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure. His work was associated with the Structuralist trend as
represented by Claude Lévi-Strauss, Julia Kristeva, Tzvetan Todorov, and others. Attacked by
the academic establishment for subjectivism, he formulated a concept of
criticism as a creative process on an equal plane with fiction and poetry. Even
those favorable to his work conceded that this could amount to a "sensuous
manhandling" of the text. The turning point in his criticism is probably
the tour de force S/Z(Paris, 1970), analyzing
Balzac's novella about an aging castrato, Sarrasine. Here Barthes turns away
from the linear, goal-oriented procedures of traditional criticism in favor of
a new mode that is dispersed, deliberately marginal, and
"masturbatory." In literature, he emphasized the factor of jouissance, a word which means both
"bliss" and "sexual ejaculation." Whether these procedures
constitute models for a new feminist/gay critical practice that will erode the
power of patriarchy, as some of his admirers have asserted, remains unclear.
Using the concept of dominant ideology of Marxist provenience, Barthes also
wrote perceptive analyses of advertising and fashion. Apart from a study of
contemporary Japan [L'Empiie
des signes, Paris, 1970), he addressed
French literature and culture almost exclusively. Nonetheless, he won many
adherents in the English-speaking world, in large measure because his works
convey an indomitable verve and infectious relish of the subjects he
discussed. These qualities, rather than any finished system, account for his
continuing influence.
Barthes, who never married, was actively homosexual during most of his life.
Although his books are often personal, in his writing he excluded this major
aspect of his experience, even when writing about love. Because of the attacks
launched against him for his critical innovations, he was apparently reluctant
to give his enemies an additional stick with which to beat him. Barthes'
postumously published Incidents
(Paris,
1987) does contain some revealing diary entries. The first group stems from
visits he made, evidently in part for sexual purposes, to North Africa in
1968^69. The second group of entries records restless evenings in Paris in the
autumn of 1979 just before his death. These jottings reveal that, despite his
great fame, he frequently experienced rejection and loneliness. Whatever his
personal sorrows, Barthes' books remain to attest a remarkable human being
whose activity coincided with an ebullient phase of Western culture.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Sanford Freedman, Roland Barthes: A Bibliographical Reader's Guide, New York: Garland, 1983.
Wayne R. Dynes
Bathhouses
As a
result of the general expansion and commercialization of male homosexual life
after World War II, the institution of the gay bathhouse became a fixture of
major cities of Europe and North America. In these establishments only a small
area of the premises is devoted to immersion tubs and sauna rooms; the bulk of
the floor space consists of cubicles which are used for resting and for
consensual sexual encounters. Other rooms are given over to nonsexual
entertainment (television, billiards, music).
Historical Perspectives. Today's gay bathhouses
stem ultimately from a cultural tradition that can be traced back over two
millennia. In every society in which public baths flourished, the institution
was shaped not only by its specific characteristics, but also by the values and
norms of the larger community.
In ancient Greece the baths formed part of the highly developed practice of
physical culture and athletics. Archeologists have uncovered bath buildings
adjoining the palaestras or training grounds of athletes. By attaching the bath
to the athletic (and to some extent military) function of physical fitness,
the Greeks broke with the sacral and ritual tradition of Near Eastern lustration
- the religious bath - which nonetheless has a successor in the continuing
Jewish custom of the mikva
or ritual
bath.
The Romans attached far more importance to public baths than did the Greeks,
creating imposing structures known as thermae
for the
purpose throughout their empire. Originating under the Roman republic, the
bath as an institution reached its height when Rome had extended its dominion
throughout the Mediterranean. Amounting almost to secular cathedrals, the
baths served a variety of individual and social requirements. Thermae
fulfilled a need for personal cleanliness in an era when private baths were
all but unknown. In addition to care of the skin, they fostered physical
culture in the broader sense through exercise and massage facilities. Baths
whose waters had a high sulfur content served medicinal purposes, anticipating
modem spas. Then the baths were indoor arcades, permitting strolling patrons to
meet friends and business associates, exchanging pleasantries and information.
Some of the more imposing Roman baths embraced cultural and educational
functions by offering public lectures and making libraries available to
clients. Finally, Roman baths offered a convenient gathering place for those in
quest of sexual release. Initially, such contacts were necessarily homosexual,
since only men were admitted to the baths. Later, under the Roman Empire, some
baths were open to women, for the most part female attendants who also served
as prostitutes. Thus the Roman baths offered a kaleidoscopic variety of
disparate, yet related functions.
As part of its inheritance from the Roman empire, the civilization of Islam
continued the custom of offering bath facilities for health and pleasure, alongside
the ritual baths required by Koranic law. Medieval Islamic sources indicate
that baths of the former class were used not only for health reasons, but for
socialization and homosexual contacts. Significantly, modern bathhouses of
Europe and America have been termed "Turkish Baths," and sometimes
boast tiled decor recalling this Muslim institution.
Strongly discouraged by Christian moralism in the early Middle Ages, public
baths nonetheless reappeared in medieval cities as an essential aspect of
sanitation, beginning in the twelfth century. These locales were notoriously
places of sexual dalliance. In the fourteenth century the English poets
Chaucer and Langland attest the use of the word "stews" as meaning
both a bathhouse and a place of prostitution, a notion that recurs somewhat
later in the term "bagnio" derived from Italian bagno. It was in fact the outbreak
of syphilis in Europe after 1493 that caused the decline of the medieval baths
as loci of heterosexual intimacy.
In early modern Europe baths became less general in character and more
institutions appealing to special interests. There is information on baths
frequented by a homosexual clientele during the French Second Empire (1852-70)
and the German Empire (1871-1918). While the details of the development require
further elucidation, it was this specialized European homosexual bathhouse
that was transferred in the late nineteenth century to North American cities.
An informant describing the United States in the early years of the present
century mentions baths patronized by homosexuals in New York City, Boston,
Chicago, Philadelphia, and "a small city in Ohio." Contemporaneously,
they are also documented in San Francisco, while in southern California outdoor
bathing facilities frequented by homosexuals gained favor. During this period
security was uncertain and police raids were always a possibility. Small wonder
then that many patrons preferred to take their tricks home rather than risk
detection - and possible blackmail - in the bathhouse.
Toward the Present. With the more open American
society after World War n these conditions began to change. Ethnographic studies of
the bathhouses in the 1970s revealed a number of salient features. Mindful of
the older history of raids and continuing general social disapproval, patrons
continued to rate security and protection as important. The establishments
kept a low profile by having obscure entrances, sometimes being located on the
upper floors of nondescript office buildings - or by being situated in
warehouse districts with little traffic at night. Admission was controled by a
booth where, after payment the client could deposit valuables in a small
lockbox. He would then proceed to a cubicle or locker, exchanging his clothing for
a towel, the only garment usually worn. The layout of a successful bathhouse
would facilitate encounters so that the desirable sexual contacts could be made
through the characteristic milling activity in the often labyrinthine halls.
Some patrons preferred to remain mostly in their rooms with the door open,
indicating by body position the type of activity required. Should a potential
partner regarded as undesirable enter, he would usually be gently rebuffed, as
with the words "I'm just resting." One of the more attractive
features of the baths was the mildness of tumdowns; the rejected person, for
his part, knew that other potential partners were available.
Many bathhouses possessed "orgy rooms" for group activity, though
these are now mainly a thing of the past. Physically, the bathhouse should
assure a certain level of comfort and cleanliness, possibly boasting a snack
bar, gymnasium, and television room. However, older, deteriorating
establishments were able to conceal their dilapidation by dim lighting. In a
very few cases, as in the old Continental Baths of New York City, live
entertainment was provided. In any event, recorded music relaying the latest
hits - and sometimes pieces meant solely for a gay audience - enhanced the
sexual atmosphere throughout the premises. Many patrons were repeat visitors,
basking in a known, shared reality. In an era of soaring hotel prices, some
tourists would use bathhouses for cheap overnight accommodation. Usually,
however, an extra fee was charged for a stay of over eight hours. It was not
common to find male prostitutes (hustlers) there plying their trade - few
would be willing to pay for what they could get for free - but hustlers would
sometimes be brought in by a client they had met outside in order to use a
room. Despite strong disapproval on the part of the management, some
surreptitious drug dealing took place among patrons; consumption of
mind-altering drugs, often taken just before arriving, was certainly common.
As a rule, alcohol was not served, but could be brought in. Stereotypically,
sexual encounters in the baths were completely anonymous; however, a few
clients report having begun love affairs or friendships as a result of
meetings there. A curious dynamic is that during off-hours, when few people
were present, contacts could generally be made quickly, while when the
building was crowded patrons could become quite choosy, in hopes that the
continuing intake would produce more desirable individuals. Some patrons would
have ten or more contacts, but the majority seem to have restricted themselves
to two or three, or even one.
In the 1980s, with the unfolding of the AIDS crisis in the United States, the
bathhouses came under attack because the promiscuous sexual encounters that
took place there were held to promote the spread of the disease. Although this
charge was denied, and many bathhouses began to distribute safe sex information
and condoms as a positive contribution, it was clear that their days of glory
were over. Many bathhouses in smaller localities were forced to close for lack
of business. The owners of some establishments tried to change them into health
clubs, but with mixed success. In San Francisco, as aresult of pressure from
public officials, the last bathhouse closed its doors in 1987. In Europe,
however, bathhouses - usually termed saunas there - continue to flourish, and
new ones even open from time to time.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Joseph Styles, "Outsider/Insider: Researching Gay Baths," Urban Life, 8:2 (July 1979), 139-52; Martin S. Weinberg and
Colin J.
Williams,
"Gay Baths and the Social Organization of Impersonal Sex," Social Problems, 23:2 (1975), 124-36.
Wayne R. Dynes
Beach, Sylvia (Nancy) (1887-1962)
American
expatriate bookseller, publisher, and intellectual. The daughter of a
Presbyterian minister in Princeton, NJ, Beach settled in France during World
War I. In 1919 she established Shakespeare and Company, an English-language
bookstore and lending library in Paris that was to become one of the chief
gathering places of the international avant-garde. Beach's companion, Adrienne
Monnier, whose own bookshop was located only a short distance away, played a
similar role in French letters. A kind of arbiter and confidant of the whole
"Lost Generation," Beach was associated with such figures as Djuna
Barnes, Natalie Barney, Bryher (Winifred Ellerman), Ernest Hemingway,
Robert McAlmon, Ezra Pound, and Gertrude Stein. Her greatest accomplishment was
her two decades as publisher for her close friend, the mercurial James Joyce.
A member of the influential lesbian colony in Paris in the years between the
wars, Beach nonetheless led a discrete, almost closeted life, supported by her
"marriage" with Monnier. Electing to stay on during the German
occupation of Paris, where she saved her books from confiscation, she emerged
trimphantly after the war as a senior figure in the world of letters.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Noel Riley Fitch, Sylvia Beach and the Lost Generation, New York: Norton, 1983.
Beaches
Most
North American (and many European) cities located near water have a gay (male)
beach. If geography permits, it is typically more remote or difficult to reach
than the beach servingheterosexuals. Only those "in the know" will go
the extra distance, or negotiate the natural barriers, to get there.
Where there are no natural barriers, one portion of a large public beach may
become known among homosexuals as gay territory. Original proximity to a tearoom
(public toilet frequented for sexual purposes) may generate a tradition
that a section of beach is gay, and the tradition can survive long after the
tearoom is gone. In any event, the sight of hundreds of men, and no women or
children, across a stretch of beach, readily leads most heterosexuals,
especially with families, to stay clear. Those who unwittingly or stubbornly
invade may be offended or subjected to "grossing out." This behavior
(one form of camp among gays) is a deliberate enactment of a stereotype
attributed to homosexuals that embarasses the heterosexuals into moving.
A gay beach may be more capable of defense against intruding or threatening
heterosexuals than other territories such as a park or main cruising street.
Teenagers intent on harassment at a crowded gay beach are likely to find
themselves surrounded by a silent but menacing group of gay men. This added
element of safety, even if only tacitly understood, often encourages gay men
and lesbians to more outrageous behavior for their own entertainment on a gay
beach than in other public spaces. This in turn helps establish the beach in
heterosexual minds as a gay place.
Gay beaches are favorite places for cruising for several reasons: a large
number of potential partners is concentrated in a small area, and they are
likely to be above average in attractiveness, since the tanned and well-built
are readier to show the body; there are readily manufactured excuses for
introducing oneself to strangers (just let the frisbee fly too far); what you
see is almost what you get, since modem beach costumes leave little for the
imagination; and in many cases, the gay beach is isolated by bush or rock
outcroppings which serve as cover for impersonal sex.
Holiday weekends are obviously prime time, but depending on the prevailing gay
occupations in the city, certain weekdays (e.g., Mondays for waiters and
bartenders, Wednesday for hair stylists) may find the gay beach more occupied
than other beaches. Cruising is not necessarily limited to the beach; if
access is by public transport or ferry, this may also offer numerous
opportunities. Offshore, gay men with sailboats or yachts may anchor, rowing to
shore to offer attractive strangers a tour in their craft.
Social skills are as important as an attractive body in cruising a beach. Some
men set up alone on a blanket, signalling their possible availability, while
others prefer to gather in groups, hoping that mutual friends will facilitate
introductions. In either case, it is common to periodically go for a stroll
along the beach, winding one's way through the complex of towels and blankets,
exchanging smiles or glances. The slimmest acquaintance or familiarity of faces
may be used to strike up conversation (which may actually be directed not to
the person conversed with, but to a total stranger on the next blanket).
Social visiting between blanket-based groups, whether by couples or singles, is
easy and common. A picnic lunch increases socializing and lowers inhibitions
against introducing oneself to strangers ("Are you hungry? There's lots
here."). Ironically, the greater exposure of flesh in a public place often
makes encounters more conversational, and less limited to an agenda of
impersonal sex, than a dark park or gay baths.
Lesbians appear less likely to establish a beach and very few cities have a
lesbian beach. The reasons undoubtedly include less cruising behavior in
general among lesbians, less traditional social power (as women) to establish
and hold territories, and lesbian preference for a proper social introduction
and some prior acquaintanceship before intimate encounter. When a lesbian
community develops beachgoing social life, lesbians may establish some section
of the existing gay male beach as their own. Covert gay men, or lesbians, may
use a nearby heterosexual section of beach, but wander through the gay beach on
apparent errands (trips to the washroom, water fountain, and so on).
Police - mounted on horse, or
more recently in all-terrain vehicles - often attempt to discourage or harass
gay beachers, or to surprise or entrap those using "the bushes." Heterosexual
resentment of gay male impersonal sex opportunties may lead to political
decisions to eliminate gay beaches (e.g., by constructing a promenade, or
supervised swimming pool). But an experienced gay man who knows how to search
is likely to discover some portion of beach frequented by gays, even in foreign
lands.
See also Geography, Social;
Resorts; Tourism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J. A. Lee, Celling
Sex, Toronto:
General, 1978, chapter 4.
John Alan Lee
Beat Generation
The
origins of this trend in American culture can be traced to the friendship of
three key figures in New York City at the beginning of the 1940s. Allen
Ginsberg (1926-) and Jack Kerouac (1922-1969) met as students at Columbia University, where
both were working at becoming writers. In 1944 Ginsberg encountered the
somewhat older William Burroughs (1914- ), who was not connected with the
University, but whose acquaintance with avant-garde literature supplied an
essential intellectual complement to college study. Both Ginsberg and Burroughs
were homosexual; Kerouac bisexual. At first the ideas and accomplishments of
the three were known only to a small circle. But toward the end of the 1950s,
as their works began to be published and widely read, large numbers of young
people, "beatniks" and "hippies," took up elements of their
lifestyle.
The beat
writers and their friends were only sporadically resident in San Francisco, but the media played up
this connection, especially during the "flowerchild" era in the
mid-1960s. This reputation is not without relation to the Bay City's emerging
status as a gay capital. To be sure the beat writers placed little stress on
developing a fixed abode - their pads were never photographed for House Beautiful. Seminomadic, they traveled
extensively not only in the United States, but in Latin America, Europe, North
Africa, and Asia. Significantly, one of the most widely read beat texts was
Jack Kerouac's novel On
theRoad(\9S7).
The word
beat was sometimes traced to "beatific," and sometimes to "beat
out" and similar expressions, suggesting a pleasant exhaustion that
derives from intensity of experience. Its appeal also reflects the beat and
improvisation of jazz music, one of the principal influences on the trend. Some
beat poets tried to match their writings with jazz in barroom recitals,
prefiguring the more effective melding of words and music in folk and rock. The
ideal of spontaneity was one of the essential elements of the beat aesthetic.
These writers sought to capture the immediacy of speech and lived experience,
which were, if possible, to be transcribed directly as they occurred. This and
related ideals reflect a new version of American folk pragmatism, preferring
life to theory, immediacy to reflection, and feeling to reason. Contrary to
what one might expect, however, the beat generation was not anti-intellectual,
but chose to seek new sources of inspiration in neglected aspects of the
European avant-garde and in Eastern thought and religion.
In the view of many, the archetypal figure of the group is William Burroughs.
Born into a wealthy business family in St. Louis, Burroughs drifted from one
situation to another during his twenties and thirties; only after meeting the
younger writers did he find his own voice. First published in Paris in 1959,
his novel Naked
Lunch became
available in the United States only after a series of landmark obscenity
decisions. With its phantasmagoric and sometimes sexually explicit subject
matter, together with its quasi-surrealist techniques of narrative and
syntactic disjunction, this novel presented a striking new vision. This novel
was followed by The
Soft Machine and The
Ticket That Exploded to form a trilogy. Nova
Express (1964) makes extensive use of the "cut-up"
techniques, which Burroughs had developed with his friend Brion Gysin.
A keen observer of contemporary reality in several countries, Burroughs has
sought to present a kind of "world upside down" in order to sharpen
the reader's consciousness. One of his major themes has been his anarchist-based
protest against what he sees as increasingly repressive social control through
such institutions as medicine and the police. Involved with drugs for some
years, he managed to kick the habit, but there is no doubt that such
experiences shaped his viewpoint. His works have been compared to pop art in
painting and science fiction in literature. Sometimes taxed for misogyny, his
world tends to be a masculine one, sometimes exploiting fantasies of regression
to a hedonistic world of juvenile freedom. Burr oughs's hedonism is acerbic and
ironic, and his mixture of qualities yields a distorting mirror of reality
which some have found, because perhaps of the many contradictions of later
twentieth-century civilization itself, to be a compelling representation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Ann Charters, ed., The Beats: Literary Bohemians in Postwar America, Detroit: Gale Research,
1983 (Dictionary of Literary Biography, 16); Ted Morgan, Literary Outlaw: The Life
and Times of William Burroughs, New York: Henry Holt, 1988; John Tytell, Naked Angels: The Lives
and Literature of the Beat Generation, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1976.
Wayne R. Dynes
Beats and Hippies
This
social trend in mid-twentieth-century American life was constituted by groups
of alienated youths and younger adults, recognizable by their counterculture
enthusiasms and defiance of then accepted norms of dress, deportment, and
relation to the work ethic. Beat is the older term and it came into use to
designate a self-marginalized social group of the late 1950s and early 60s that
was influenced by existentialism and especially by the writers of the Beat Generation. The journalistic word
"beatnik" is a pseudo-Slavic coinage of a type popular in the 1960s,
the core element deriving from "beat" (generation), the suffix -nik being the formative of the noun of agent in Slavic
languages. The term "hippie" was originally a slightly pejorative
diminutive of the beat "hipster," which in turn seems to derive from
1940s jivetalk adjective "hep," meaning "with it, in step with
current fashions." The original hippies were a younger group with more
spending money and more flamboyant dress. Their music was rock instead of the
jazz of the beats. Despite differences that seemed important at the time, beats
and hippies are probably best regarded as successive phases of a single
phenomenon.
Although the media, which incessantly sensationalized the beats and hippies,
did a great deal to foster recruitment, the phenomenon has older roots,
stemming not only from its immediate préfiguration in the small circle of beat writers and their friends, but
also from the established Bohemian lifestyle of Western Europe and North
America. Bohemianism is typically the product of the confluence of outcast
groups in inner cities. Yet beats and hippies, as part of the whole Counterculture trend, had also a rural
contingent, manifested in the establishment of farms run communally. Here a
striking forerunner is the English Utopian socialist Edward Carpenter (1844-1929), a bearded, sandal-wearing man who lived with
his male lover and other associates working a market garden and practicing
various arts and crafts. Significantly, Carpenter, who had been almost
forgotten, was revived during this period by homosexuals attracted to hippie
ideals. These roots notwithstanding, there was much that was distinctively
American about the phenomenon, and to the degree that it spread to Western
Europe and Japan it was identifiable as part of the general wave of
Americanized popular culture.
Attracted by the prestige of the beat writers, many beats/hippies cultivated
claims to be poets and philosophers. In reality, once the tendency became
modish only a few of the beat recruits were certifiably creative in literature
and the arts; these individuals were surrounded by masses of people attracted
by the atmosphere of revolt and experiment, or just seeking temporary
separation - a moratorium as it was then called - from the banalities of
ordinary American life. At its height the phenomenon supported scores of
underground newspapers, which were read avidly by curious outsiders as well. As
part of their general defiance of convention these papers published explicit
personal advertisements, including those of homosexuals. Many journalists got
their start in these now defunct publications, carrying with them into the
mainstream media significant traces of the values they had upheld in their
former careers.
Seekers after "cosmic consciousness," beats and hippies became known
for their efforts at mind expansion through the use of drugs, alcohol, and sex.
Group smoking of marijuana ("grass," "pot") became
universal, a kind of secular sacrament which served as a collective bond.
Grass was not only a bond of pleasure but one of danger, since stiff criminal
penalties imposed by of ten-overzealous lawmen, led to numerous busts. Part of
the appeal of rural communes lay in their suitability as sites for growing the
plant. The clandestine comradeship engendered by the ever-present custom of
smoking grass - the legally proscribed marijuana - created an outcast's tie
with homosexuals, themselves subject to legal sanctions for their deviation.
Significantly, the street term for the Other, "straight," could refer
either to non-drug users or heterosexuals. In the 1960s psychedelic substances
generated in the chemical laboratory, notably LSD, enjoyed considerable
popularity. LSD trips were said to aid creativity, and a type of visual art,
characterized by swirling lines and lurid colors and used mainly in underground
newspapers and posters, was sometimes termed LSD art. Experimentation with
drugs was also popular among the political radicals of the New Left, though
they were inclined to criticize hippies for their apathy and lack of social
conscience.
Mysticism exerted a potent influence among beats and hippies, and some steeped
themselves in Asian religions, especially Buddhism, Taoism, and Sufism. This
fascination was not new, inasmuch as ever since the foundation of Theosophy as
an official movement in 1875, American and other western societies had been
permeated by Eastern religious elements. Impelled by a search for wisdom and
cheap living conditions, many hippies and beatniks set out for prolonged
sojourns in India, Nepal, and North Africa. Stay-at-homes professed their deep
respect for American Indian culture.
Ignoring the deeper aspects of these exotic trends, Middle America continued
to fix its disapproving gaze on the more superficial aspects of the beat-hippie
lifestyle. Abundant facial hair and a preference for casual, "funky"
clothing set these deviants off from the squeaky-clean look of mainstream
America, which professed its disgust at "dirty hippies." Most hippies
were heterosexual, but their long hair exposed them to jibes of effeminacy. In
this way they could experience something of the rejection that had always been
the lot of homosexuals.
The lure of unconventional behavior and experience exercised a siren call on
American youth, which was chafing restlessly under the reign of the "uprightness"
of the Eisenhower years. Paradoxically, it was the new prosperity of postwar
America that allowed young people to drop out and "do their own
thing" for a time, secure in the knowledge that - unlike members of racial
minorities - they could safely rejoin the mainstream when the time came. For
much smaller numbers of people, of course, historic Bohemias had offered
similar attractions. Here, as in the decaying inner cities of America, a small
core of creative individuals was surrounded by a large mass of outcasts and
the urban poor. Even though their travels in beatdom might only be temporary,
graduates of the experience developed a degree of lasting estrangement from,
or at least scepticism toward, the conventional pieties of the American Establishment.
Among the views that were now brought into question was the automatic
pigeonholing of sexual minorities as "sick."
In a larger sense, beat attitudes, with their stress on feeling instead of reason,
are a manifestation of the perennial appeal of the Romantic reaction against
Classical norms. The vagabond ideal of traveling lightly, with few possessions,
has affinities with hobo life, with the gypsies, and ultimately with the
"wandering scholars" of the Middle Ages. With its adoption of a variant
of jive talk, largely derived from black urban speech, the movement has left a
lasting impression on the English vernacular, as seen in such expressions as
"cool," "spaced out," and "rip off." As has been
noted, the stress on experiment and social unconventionality created a natural
affinity with homosexuality, which had been marginalized by Anglo-Saxon
culture. Because of this perceived link - and the vogue of such seductive
slogans of the polymorphous perverse as "If it feels good,
do it" and "Copulate, don't populate" - it is likely that many
apprentice beatniks permitted themselves to delve into aspects of sexual
variation that would otherwise have remained a sealed book to them.
In the 1970s hostile critics, and some who had outgrown their earlier enthusiasm,
proclaimed with relief the demise of the hippie movement. Its themes of
rejection of worldly goods and the more materialistic aspects of the American
dream seemed to be reversed by the yuppy trend. Yet insofar as hippiedom was
only the latest manifestation of a recurring strand in Western civilization,
celebration of its obsequies is unwarranted.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Charles Perry, The
Haight-Ashbury: A History, San Francisco: Rolling Stone Press, 1984; Marco Vassi, The Stoned Apocalypse, New York: Trident, 1972.
Wayne R. Dynes
Beauty Competitions
As a rule
the heterosexual norms of the modem world have affirmed a dichotomy of
physical contests: women may compete on the basis of beauty and charm, while
men match their brawn and muscle development. The reason for this separation
seems to be a fear of the consequences that could ensue if men were publicly
adulated as sex objects. Ordinary language, for example, permits women to be
called "beautiful," while men must be styled "handsome."
Recently these distinctions have broken down, but only partially.
Ancient Greece. Greek mythology shows a
number of competitions among women, notably the Judgment of Paris, which was
won by Aphrodite, the goddess of love. In the daily life of ancient Greece, however, competitions
among males were more important. There were three categories of these. The
first, the kallisteia,
were
connected with cults and the winner had to perform a ritual for a deity. While
character and deportment were significant, these contests seem to have been
decided on the basis of physical beauty. The euandria focused on athletic
prowess where strength was important. Finally, the euexia stood somewhat between the
two, emphasizing balance of form rather than physical strength as such. These
events must be understood against the backdrop of several lasting features of
Greek civilization: its agonic (competitive) character, the familiar display of
the nude male body in the gymnasia, and the positive evaluation placed on the
institution of pederasty in which the beauty of the beloved youth is a key
component. The Romans seem to have had no equivalent, and the rise of Christianity,
which prized modesty and prudery, put a stop to any public admiration of the
body, whether male or female.
Modem Times. The Renaissance version of
the medieval tournament seems to have sometimes given handsome young men a
chance to impress powerful patrons, and even to gain the favor of such an
exalted monarch as James i of England. However, these
events were exceptional. In the nineteenth century the rise of athletics and
the desire to escape the constrictions of Victorianism led to the physical
culture movement. Among the first superstars of body buildingwas Eugene
Sandow, who seems to have been as notable for good looks as for muscles. As the
rituals of this subculture developed, however, a simultaneous parallel and
contrast emerged between physical culture events for men and beauty contests
for women. A woman became, say, "Miss Norway" for comeliness and
charm, while "Mr. Norway" was selected (or so it was maintained)
exclusively on the basis of his hypertrophied muscles.
In due course several cracks in this edifice appeared. In the 1940s publishers
of muscle magazines discovered that they could attract a homosexual clientele
by emphasizing more sexy, somewhat less muscular models. In its own sphere the
homosexual subculture had drag contests in which success in simulating the
female was the criterion. With the coming of open gay liberation in the 1970s,
"groovy guy" contests were sponsored by bars and gay organizations,
but somehow the custom never went beyond the bar milieu. Male stripping
("burlesque") became common both for gay men and straight women
patrons - though the purveyors of the latter entertainment have tried to keep
men out, at least during certain hours, lest the event "turn queer."
At the same time the all-male domain of the muscle contest has been invaded by
women body builders; how many of them are lesbians is unknown. The ambiguity
that continues to envelop all these social phenomena seems to be rooted in the
late-modem Utopian longing for egalitarianism, with its characteristic
difficulty in accepting the fact that human beings recognize a hierarchy of
brain and beauty among their fellows, and in fact enjoy doing so.
Wayne R. Dynes
Beccaria, Cesare Bonesana, Marquis (1738-1794)
Italian
criminologist, economist, and jurist. Though of retiring disposition, he held
several public offices in the Austrian government in Milan, the highest being counselor
of state. Through the offices which he occupied and the books which he wrote
he stimulated reforms throughout Europe, but especially in the sphere of penal
law. His classic work on this subject was a small treatise entitled Dei delitti e delle pene (1764). This book aroused
such interest that further editions, translations, and commentaries appeared
within a short time throughout Europe, and by the end of the eighteenth century
the number of editions had climbed to sixty. Beccaria's critique of the
criminal law and criminal procedure of the Old Regime was inspired by
opposition to arbitrary rule, to cruelty and intolerance, and by the belief
that no man had the right to take away the life of another human being.
His treatment of the sodomy laws is limited to a single paragraph in the
chapter entitled "Delitti di prova difficile" (Crimes Difficult to
Prove); in some editions it is Chapter XXXI, in others XXXVI. He introduces
the subject as "Attic love, so severely punished by the laws, and so
easily subjected to the tortures that overcome innocence," which implies
that suspects were cruelly tortured to exact confessions of guilt. He goes on
to reject the notion that satiation with pleasure is the cause of this passion,
but ascribes it to the practice of educating the youth at the moment when their
sexual drive is mounting in seminaries that isolated them from the opposite
sex.
Beccaria thus had no notion of the modem concept of homosexuality, nor was he
greatly interested in the crime of sodomy. The importance of the work lies in
the tremendous impetus that it gave to the campaign for reform of the archaic
and barbarous criminal laws. Of all the leading intellectuals of that day, the
one who took the greatest interest in Beccaria's work was Voltaire, who in 1766
published an anonymous Commentary
on the
book. In it he endorsed almost all of Beccaria's principles, adding to many of
the book's chapters anecdotes exemplifying the faults and contradictions in the
existing penal system. Other translators and commentators expanded Beccaria's
concise arguments by appending their own notes and comments, so that a full
collection of these would illustrate the reception of the book. England
revealed the faults of its own system during the very period that reform was on
the march in Europe: it was not until 1816 that exposure in the pillory to the
hatred and violence of the mob was abolished as a penalty for buggery, and when
Sir Robert Peel undertook a major revamping of the criminal laws in 1828 he not
only let the death penalty stand but even made it easier to obtain a
conviction.
In the United States Beccaria was popular at an early date: John Adams alluded
to him in his speech in defense of the British soldiers on trial for what came
to be known as the "Boston Massacre." But the greatest influence of
Beccaria by far was on the Bill of Rights, as the part of it which refers to
criminal law and procedure cannot be understood apart from Beccaria's demands
for reform. The Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the American
Constitution may be called the Lex Beccaria, since they guarantee the rights
of the accused in a criminal proceeding, provide that no person "shall be
compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself," and prohibit
"excessive fines" and "cruel and unusual punishments." In
adopting the Bill of Rights the founding fathers accepted and ratified
Beccaria's thinking, and it is therefore a major error to assume that
homosexual law reform has no history in the United States before the State of
Illinois repealed its sodomy statute.
Had the principles of the treatise On
Crimes and Punishments been followed, all the laws prohibiting consensual
homosexual behavior in private would have been stricken from the books in the
first decade after the adoption of the Bill of Rights - as they were in France
in 1791. The Enlightenment thinkers held that the basic principles of justice
are the same everywhere, as all human beings respond to the same fundamental
drives and aspirations. If a society that is tolerant of homosexual expression
remains a distant goal, Beccaria was one of those pioneers who started the
movement in its direction.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Mitchell Franklin, "Roman Law and the Constitution of the
United States," Synteleia Vincenzo Arangio-Ruiz, Naples: Jovene, 1964, pp.
315-23; Marcello
Maestro, Cesare Beccaria and the Origins
of Penal Reform, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1973.
Warren Johansson
Beckford, William (1760-1844)
English
author, art collector, and patron. The only legitimate child of one of the
richest men in England, Beckford had a spoiled, cosseted childhood. At school
in Switzerland he already gave signs of a special sensitivity to male beauty.
On his return to England he met and fell in love with a nobleman, William
Courtenay, then eleven years old. Powerful residues of this infatuation
accompanied him on his grand tour of the European continent (1780-82), and they
were transmuted into the manuscript of his Gothic novel Vathek, which was published in
French only in 1787. On his return to England he resumed seeing Courtenay, and
the simmering scandal was only partly effaced by his marriage in 1783. Beckford
judged it advisable to spend a number of years in exile abroad, in Portugal,
Spain, and Paris, where he witnessed the French Revolution.
After his return to England he commenced construction, in 1796, of a remarkable
architectural folly, his Gothic revival country seat of Fonthill Abbey, which
he embellished with frescoes, stained glass and objets d'art. Financial
reverses forced him to sell Fonthill in 1821, which was fortunate as it fell
into ruin shortly thereafter. Beckford lived the rest of his life in Bath and
London, taking a lively interest in homosexual gossip. Having survived several
scandals and the repressive atmosphere of the era of the Napoleonic wars, his
homosexual interests were prudently reduced to those of an epistolary voyeur.
Despite his irregular life and his dilettantism, Beckford made contributions in
two areas. His novel Vathek,
with its
exotic oriental setting and androgynous characters, formed part of the
pre-Romantic literary movement. Fonthill Abbey, though only a portion of it
survives, was one of the first major secular constructions of the Gothic
Revival trend in British architecture.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Brian Fothergill, Beckford of Fonthill, London: Faber, 1979.
Belgium
The
kingdom of Belgium, though a relatively small country, enjoys a pivotal
geographical position in Europe. The lands that are now Belgium, together with
northern Italy, saw the emergence of European urban society at the end of the
Middle Ages. As yet insufficiently explored, the history of homosexuality in
Belgium promises to offer important insights. In our present state of
knowledge, however, the beginnings are melancholy, since the first execution
for sodomy documented anywhere in Europe took place in Ghent in 1292.
Late Medieval and Early
Modern Periods. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries show a considerable
increase of prosecutions of the criminal act of vuyle faicten (buggery). In 1373, Willem
Case and Jan van Aersdone were executed in Antwerp. In Mechelen, one person was
burned at the stake, and in 1391 the same city witnessed a mass trial of
seventeen people, among them two women. Yet only one confessed and was
executed. In Ypres, the death penalty was imposed on two men in 1375.
Twenty-two executions were recorded in Antwerp, Brussels, and Louvain during
the fifteenth century.
The occurrence of these trials, though only a few led to executions in medieval
Flanders, raises the question of whether there is a link between urbanization
and the regulation of sexuality from above, especially since homosexual behavior
continued to go largely unnoticed between farmers and male servants in the countryside.
In the view of Geert Debeuckelaere, the cities witnessed more homosexual acts
because of the anonymity of the urban environment. Yet medieval cities were
relatively small and anonymity could only be assured from the eighteenth
century onward, when urbanization had increased. Probably - but more research
remains to be done and generalization is very risky - the persecution of sodomy
was also inspired by a general policy of social control, launched by the small
urban economic and political elite, and thus a forerunner of the
"civilizing process" in modem Europe.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the persecution of sodomy was
intertwined with a radical and intolerant campaign of Protestants against
Catholics and, more precisely, their religious orders. In Ghent, the Church
hierarchy yielded to a new political Committee of Eighteen, which favored
Protestantism. After the execution of some Franciscan friars in Bruges in 1578,
eight Franciscans and six Augustinians were burned at the stake in Ghent. But
only a few trials occurred after 1579, when the Low Countries, until then part
of the Spanish Empire, were divided into the largely Calvinist Northern Provinces,
now the Netherlands, and the almost exclusively Catholic Southern Provinces,
now Belgium. In 1601 a Jesuit was burned in Antwerp; in 1618 two women were
tried for sodomy in Bruges; in 1654 the sculptor Jer&me Duquesnoy was
strangled and burned at the stake after having seduced two boys aged 8 and 11;
finally, in 1688, two men who had "raped" a 17-year-old boy fled the
country before the actual trial could take place.
In 1713 the Southern Provinces became part of the Austrian Empire. In 1781, the
Antwerp trial of Jan Stockaert, who admitted having had sex with more than a
hundred boys, indicates that an important change was taking place. Contrary to
practice in the previous centuries, the authorities were very careful in judging
the nature of the crime and even more in determining the appropriate punishment.
The court of Antwerp did not sentence Stockaert to death, but asked the Secret
Council in Brussels for advice. As a result the court decided to execute
Stockaert secretly within the prison walls. In the future, similar cases were'
to be punished by banishment or, sometimes, by execution in prison - punishment
enough even without the theatrical show of public burning. This veil of secrecy
contrasts with the mass sodomy trials occurring at about the same time in Holland,
but it is hard to explain why. Perhaps the Church did not want to be compromised
by witnesses saying that Stockaert also had sex with clergymen, but it is more
probable that repression through the spread of fear and guilt was considered a
better strategy against the gradually growing gay subcultures in Brussels, Antwerp,
Ghent, and Liege.
Legalization. In 1795 the French invaded
and introduced the Code
Penal of
1791 on Belgian territory: sexual activity between people of the same sex was
no longer a crime as long as it was pursued among adults and in private. The temporary
reunion of the Northern and Southern Provinces in the United Kingdom of Holland
from 1815 until Belgium became independent in 1830 did not bring about any
change.
The control and regulation of sexuality was gradually shifted to a medical
model of homosexuality and confined to personal communication within the walls
of the physician's office. Still, Belgian experts assumed different positions
during the International Conference on Criminal Anthropology in Brussels in
1892. Leon de Rode distinguished congenital and acquired inversion, but the Catholic Lefebvre
warned against the "corrupting" activities of pederasts and advocated
punishment. A preliminary survey reveals that prison sentences remained very common
until the early twentieth century, but an enlightened elite did not share
Lefebvre's pleaforpolice repression. Thetrialin 1900, for example, against
Georges Eekhoud's gay novel Escal-Vigor
(1899),
provoked by a conservative, was considered a ridiculous matter and the author
was acquitted.
Gay Activism. In the absence of
systematic research, it is impossible even to sketch the evolution between 1900
and the emergence of a gay liberation movement in the late 1960s in Brussels,
Antwerp, Ghent, and Louvain. In 1968, the Gespreksen Ontmoetingscentra (G.O.C.)
were established after the model of the Dutch C.O.C. Meanwhile, gay student
groups were organized at universities. In 1975 the Federatie Werkgroepen
Homofilie (FWH) was to coordinate gay activism and started publishing Infoma, later the Homokrant. But soon more radical
groups were founded, such as the Rooie Vlinder (Red Butterfly;
leftist) and the Roze Aktie Front, while gay subculture organized itself,
setting up gay periodicals [De
Janet van Antweipen, Zondei Pardon, Link, Antenne Rose-Info, Tels Quels,
Anderzijds), radio programs, film festivals, and other gay-defined activities,
alongside the commercial circuit of gay bars, discos, coffeeshops, and restaurants.
A success of gay activism in Belgium was the repeal in 1986 of the article
372bis of the penal code, which had been introduced in 1965 stipulating
eighteen instead of sixteen as the age of consent for homosexual contact.
The relative decline of gay activism in the 1980s showed its vulnerability in
an age of health crisis and rising moral judgment. Yet, an AIDS-prevention campaign
sponsored by the Department of Health warned against the scapegoating of
homosexuals and actually discussed the campaign with FWH and the Roze Dinsdag
Beweging, a recent gay activist group. Also, the acquittal of Professor Michel
Vincineau, the owner of two gay bathhouses who was prosecuted for
"organizing male prostitution, " reveals a fairly enlightened public
opinion toward the gay community.
Pedophile organization is rather limited; an Antwerp workshop on pedophilia is
still active, but a police crusade was launched in February 1987 against CRIES,
the Centre de Recherche et d'Inf ormation sur l'Enfance et la Sexualité in Brussels.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Bob Carlier, et al., Homostudies in Vlaanderen, Antwerp: Federatie
Werkgroepen Homofilie, 1985; Geert Debeuckelsere, "Verkeerd zijn in
beroerde tijden," Homdktant, 7:3 (March 1981); ibid., "Omme dies wille dat gij,
Hieronymus Duquesnoy ...," Tijdschrift voor
Homogeschiedenis, 1 (1984), 5-22.
Rudi Bleys
Beloved Disciple
This
mysterious figure of the New Testament, sometimes identified with John the
Evangelist, has attracted the attention of some homosexuals as an
"affectional ancestor." According to Christian tradition, the Apostle
John is the author of the Fourth Gospel, the Book of Revelation (also known as
the Apocalypse of St. John), and three of the Catholic Epistles. All these
ascriptions have been questioned by modern Biblical criticism, and the consensus
is that this group of writings, so different from one another, cannot be by
one author. It is traditional to identify as John the unnamed disciple
"whom Jesus loved" and who reclined on his bosom at the Last Supper
(John 13:23). Again this identification has been denied by some modern
scholars.
Depictions of the college of the Apostles in medieval art generally distinguish
John as a youthful beardless man, in contrast to his older bearded associates.
A special theme of late medieval German sculpture is the Christ-John pair, in
which these two figures are excerpted from the Last Supper context with John,
identified as the Beloved Disciple, asleep with his head in Christ's lap. These
sculptural groups belong to a broad category of devotional imagery, intended for
meditation; the groups are probably not homoerotic in any primary sense. It has
been shown, however, that they generated a group of mystical texts in which
John is spoken of as enjoying the milk of the Lord. This motif may relate to
the imagery of Christ as mother.
However this may be, explicit mentions of a physical erotic relationship
between the two New Testament figures appear in our documents only in the sixteenth
century. According to the playwright Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593), as
reported by the informer Richard Baines, "St. John the Evangelist was
bedfellow to Christ and leaned always in his bosom, that he used him as the
sinners of Sodoma." This blasphemous assertion has a precedent in the
confession of a libertine of Venice who was tried about 1550 for [ believing,
among other heresies, that St. John was Christ's catamite ("cinedo di
Cristo"). Thus present research suggests that the idea was diffused from
Italian heterodox currents, which are still, however, insufficiently known. In
the post-Stonewall years in New York - in the 1970s - the most successful gay
religious organization was the Church of the Beloved Disciple. Although the
ascription of the orientation is doubtful and unproven, some would place St.
John at the head of a host of "gay saints," including St. Sebastian,
Sts. Sergius and Bacchus, and St. Aelred of Rievaulx. But the erotic activities
and sentiments of these figures are also shadowy, and as yet the ranks of the
beatified, as determined by the Roman Catholic church, contain no absolutely
bona fide, certified homosexual individual.
Historical research reveals a complex dialectical trajectory of the particular
matter in question: first, the identification of John with the anonymous
Beloved Disciple,- followed by tentative, perhaps largely unconscious medieval
hints of a kind of mystical marriage between Christ and his favorite. The
carnal element comes into the open in the sixteenth century, but in a
scoffing, heretical context. Finally, some modern homosexuals have sought to
give a positive interpretation of the presumed relationship as a religious
warrant for the dignity of gay love. All these developments reflect a legendary
embellishment of laconic scriptural texts. The true relationship of Jesus
Christ and his mysterious Beloved Disciple will probably never be known.
Benedict, Ruth F. (1887-1948)
American
anthropologist. Benedict became known to a large public through her popularized
characterizations of whole cultures as having particular personalities. Unsatisfied
with a marriage contracted in 1914, she enrolled in the New School for Social
Research in 1919 and was influenced by students of Franz Boas (1858-1943 ] to
study with the master himself at Columbia University. She earned her Ph.D. in
1923 with a dissertation on the distribution of the concept of the
"guardian spirit" in native North America. In subsequent years as
Boas's "right-hand" administrative subordinate and chosen successor
she did fieldwork among the Zuni and Cochiti in the American Southwest.
Although her collections of folklore are known to specialists, Patterns of Culture (Boston, 1934), her book
applying the "Apollonian" character to the Zuni and contrasting them
to the "Dionysian" Kwakiutl studied by Boas, and the "treacherous"
Dobu studied by Reo Fortune, made her famous. This book introduced simplistic
characterizations of primitive cultures to a wide audience as a means of demonstrating
the variability (and thus malleability) of "human nature" - with
passing mention of different conceptions of homosexuality (pp. 262-65).
Benedict was noted for a lack of sympathy for male students. She had a coterie
of younger women around her, including her most famous student, Margaret Mead
(1901-1978), with whom she was sexually, intellectually, and politically
involved during the last two decades of her life (both had relationships with
other women as well, and Mead with several men, includingher three husbands).
Aiming to contribute to psychological war efforts, the two pioneered "the
study of culture at a distance" during the Second World War, working with
persons in New York who had been raised in cultures of strategic interest.
Benedict wrote about Romanian and Thai culture, as well as her famous
discussion of militarism and aestheticism in Japanese " national
character," The
Chrysanthemum and the Sword (Boston, 1946). As with her characterization of Zuni as
free of conflict, her interpretation of Japan has had numerous specialist
critics - and many readers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Mary Catherine Bateson, Through a Daughter's Eyes,
New York:
Morrow, 1984; Margaret M. Caffrey, Ruth Benedict: Stranger in This Land, Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1988; Margaret Mead, An Anthropologist at Work, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin,
1959; Judith Schachter Modell, Ruth Benedict, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1983.
Stephen O. Murray
Bentham, Jeremy (1748-1832)
English
philosopher and law reformer. Bentham was the founder of the Utilitarian
school of social philosophy, which held that legislation should promote the
greatest happiness of the greatest number. As a law reformer, he attacked
statutes based on what he perceived as ancient prejudices and asked instead
that laws justify themselves by their social consequences, that is, the
promotion of happiness and diminution of misery. His Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789) was eventually
extremely influential in England, France, Spain, and Latin America where
several new republics adopted constitutions and penal codes drawn up by him or
inspired by his writings.
Bentham's utilitarian ethics led him to favor abolition of laws prohibiting
homosexual behavior. English law in his day (and until 1861) prescribed hanging
for sodomy and during the early nineteenth century was enforced with, on the
average, two or three hangings a year. Bentham held that relations between men
were a source of sexual pleasure that did not lead to unwanted pregnancies and
hence a social good rather than a social evil. He wrote extensive notes
favoring law reform about 1774 and a fifty-page manuscript essay in 1785.1n
1791, the French National Assembly repealed France's sodomy law but in England
the period of reaction that followed the outbreak of the French Revolution
made reforms impossible. In 1814 and 1816 Bentham returned to the subject and
wrote lengthy critiques of traditional homophobia which he regarded as an irrational
prejudice leading to "cruelty and intolerance." In 1817-18 he wrote
over 300 pages of notes on homosexuality and the Bible. Homophobic sentiment
was, however, so intense in England, both in the popular press and in learned
circles, that Bentham did not dare to publish any of his writings on this
subject. They remained in manuscript until 1931 when C. K. Ogden included
brief excerpts in an appendix to his edition of Bentham's Theory of Legislation. Bentham's manuscript
writings on this subject are excerpted and described in detail in Louis
Crompton's 1985 monograph onByron. Bentham's views on homosexuality are
sufficiently positive that he might be described as a precursor of the modern
gay liberation movement. Bentham not only treats legal, literary, and religious
aspects of the subject in his notes, but also finds support for his opinions
in ancient history and comparative anthropology.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Louis Crompton, Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-century England, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1985.
Louis Crompton
Berdache
Though
mostly applied to the Indians of North America, this word was originally a Persian
term, bardag, that spread to Europe by
the sixteenth century (Spanish bardaxa
or bordaje-, French bardache). It meant a boy or young
man who was kept by a man as his male courtesan. This term clearly referred to
the passive partner in male/male anal intercourse, while the name applied to
the active partner was bougre
(French)
or bugger (English). When French
explorers came to North America, they referred to individual Native Americans
as "berdaches."
While the emphasis of the Europeans was clearly on the homosexual aspects, in
their references to sodomy and the more neutral word berdache, American Indian
cultures focused on the gender role of the androgynous male. Before the coming
of the Europeans, many aboriginal societies, in almost all areas of the Americas,
accepted the reality of sexual diversity and incorporated into their lifestyle
more than two gender possibilities. Their acceptance came as a result of their
religion's appreciation for people who are different from the average. They believed
that all persons were the way they were because the spirits made them that way.
In their view, there were certain individuals who were created by the spirit
world as different from either men or women. Such individuals belonged to an
alternative gender, and their guiding spirit - what we would call a person's
basic character - was seen as more important than their biological sex in
determining their social identity.
In contrast to many societies, where such people have been derided, American
Indians often respected berdaches as especially gifted. Since women had high
status in most of these cultures, and the spirit of women was regarded just as
importantly as the spirit of men, a person who combined the spirits of both
the masculine and the feminine was seen as having an extraordinary
spirituality. Such sacred poeple were often honored with special ceremonial
roles in religious ceremonies, and were often known as healers and shamans.
They had the advantage of seeing things from both the masculine and the
feminine perspective, and so were respected as seers and prophets.
With such a respected view, a family with a berdache in it was considered
fortunate. Along with Amazons, females who took on a more masculine role,
berdaches were known as creative people who worked hard to help their family
and their community. They often served as teachers of the young, and as
adoptive parents for orphaned children. In this way, their society did not have
homeless children, and there was no need for orphanages because of the common
acceptance of adoption by both berdaches and other adults.
The berdache often remained single, but in some tribes his marriage to a person
of the same sex was accepted just as a heterosexual marriage was, and their
homosexual behavior was not stigmatized. Since the emphasis of marriage was to
pan-up people in different genders, a berdache would not marry another berdache. The husband of
the berdache, or the wife of the Amazon, was not considered different in any
way from a heterosexually married person.
Both the Spanish in Latin America, and the English in North America, heavily
suppressed berdaches, and the tradition had to go underground. In many tribes
it has disappeared, but in others it has continued to be a recognized social
and sexual role among traditionalist American Indians today.
While "berdache" is usually applied strictly to American Indians,
considering the history of the term, it is also proper to apply it to other
areas of the world. Similar traditions of an alternative gender role, with a
homosexual component as part of its acceptance, exist in many culture areas:
Siberian Arctic, Polynesia, India, Southeast Asia, and some areas of East
Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. Some interpretations suggest close parallels
with the "drag queen" concept in Europe and North America, although
that role is not institutionalized as a distinct gender as much as it is in
these other cultures.
The berdache role seems to be one of the most common forms in which homosexual relationships
are socially recognized. In contrast, there are other cultures that are not
accepting of androgynous males, for example the super-masculine warrior
societies of Melanesia, medieval Japan, and ancient Greece. In this type of
society, homosexual relationships are more likely to be institutionalized in
the form of intergenerational pairings between men and boys.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Walter L. Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American Indian
Culture, Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.
Walter L. Williams
Bergler, Edmund (1899-1962)
American
psychoanalyst. Peripherally associated for a time with Freud in Vienna, he
emigrated in 1938 and thereafter practiced in New York City. Perhaps the most
vocal of the homophobic "experts" who courted the attention of the
American public in the years after World War II, Bergler promoted the notion of
"injustice collecting" as a key feature of the allegedly inevitable
unhappiness of homosexuals. In his bookHomosexuaL'ty: Disease or Way of Life! (1956) he asserted that
all homosexuals harbor an unconscious wish to suffer (psychic masochism) but
can be cured if willing to change, tormented by "conscious guilt"
over their homosexual activity. But at the same he accused homosexuals of
"trying to spread their perversion" and of seducing adolescent boys
who would then be "trapped in a homosexual orientation." Bergler also
maintained that women's fashions are a masculine invention secondarily foisted
upon the female sex to alleviate man's unconscious "masochistic fear of
the female body," and that women's fashions are designed by male
homosexuals, "their bitterest enemies." Although Bergler had entree
into leading magazines and journals of opinion, he was dismayed by the success
of the Kinsey Reports and their implicit tolerance of same-sex relations which
he sought to combat. His major theoretical positions rejected by his colleagues
even in his lifetime, his influence waned precipitously after his death, so
that his writings are now of interest solely as a classic document of
psychoanalytic rationalization of moralizing prejudice.
Warren Johansson
Berlin
Berlin
rose to prominence first as the capital of Brandenburg and then of Prussia. It
became capital of Germany in 1871, retaining this status through the Weimar
republic and the Third Reich until its occupation by the victorious Allies in
May of 1945. Currently its three million inhabitants are divided between East
Berlin, capital of the Communist German Democratic Republic, and West Berlin,
an enclave of Western life surrounded by the Berlin Wall.
No trace of homosexual life has been found in the chronicles of the first three
hundred years of the city [founded in the thirteenth century), since the legal
prosecution of homosexuality that was usual elsewhere did not exist in Berlin
before the introduction of the Constitutio
Criminalis Carolina in 1532. The Saxon penal code, which Eike von Repgow had
codified in 1225 in the Sachsenspiegel
and which
was in force in Berlin with some modifications, knew no penalty for "lewd
and lascivious acts against nature." In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries the Berlin Municipal Court pronounced numerous death sentences for
sodomy.
Only with the rise of Prussia to the status of one of the great powers of
Europe under King Frederick II (the Great; 1712-1786)can any information other
than legal sanctions be discovered on homosexuality in Berlin. In 1753 there
appeared the first of many anonymous pamphlets accusingFrederickn and his
brother, Prince Henry, of homosexuality. These allegations are probably
justified, and under the regime of Frederick II an extensive homosexual
subculture developed in the Prussian capital. In 1782, in his Letters on the Gallantries of Berlin, Johann Friedel describes
homosexual street prostitution, a brothel-like inn [Knabentabagie], secret signs by which the
homosexuals recognized one another, and the name given the Berlin pederasts, warme Briider ("warm
brothers"). By this account persecution by the police seems not to have been
especially intensive at that time, and in 1794 a new penal code which retained
the inspiration of Frederick II came into force that abolished the death
penalty for sodomy and replaced it with imprisonment and flogging.
In 1750 Berlin had some 90,000 inhabitants, by 1800 170,000, and by 1880 over 1
million. This vigorous population growth was accompanied by a steady development
and extension of the hornosexual subcultures. The most frequent and extensive
accounts of homosexual life in the big city that figure in the writings of Karl
Heinrich Ulrichs pertain to Berlin. Although homosexual acts (since 1851 only
between males, since 1853 only anal intercourse) remained criminal, the police
seem actually to have tolerated the flowering of homosexual life: after
approximately 1870 public balls for homosexuals were held, and for the first
time in the world an organized gay movement emerged. In the suburb of
Charlottenburg (officially incorporated into Berlin only in 1920), on May
15,1897, Magnus Hirschfeld, togetherwith E. Oberg, M. Spohr, R. Meienreis, H.
von Teschenberg and F. J. von Bülow, founded the Wissenschaftlich-Humanitäre
Komitee (Scientific-Humanitarian Committee), whose main goal was to abolish
the antihomosexual
Paragraph
175 of the Imperial Penal Code. But this goal, which was to be achieved through
influence on public opinion and petitions to the German Reichstag meeting in
Berlin, was down to the very end (the Commitee dissolved itself on June 8, 1933
to forestall being banned by the Nazis) unattained.
In 1898 the anarchistic Berlin periodical Dei Eigene (The Exceptional)
converted itself into the first long-lasting gay publication (down to 1931).
(Its predecessors, Ulrichs' Uianus
of 1870
and Raff alovich's Annales
de l'unisexualité of 1897 appeared in only a
single issue each.) Dei
Eigene was edited by the Berlin writer Adolf Brand, who in 1903
founded the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (Community of the Exceptional), after the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee the second gay organization in Berlin. These
two organizations embody a significant part of the gay history of Berlin, but
the majority of Berlin's homosexuals never had any contact with either one.
After World War I numerous gay and lesbian periodicals appeared in Berlin, and
even in films and in the theatre homosexuality could no longer be fully taboo,
as after the fall of the monarchy considerably more liberal censorship rules
were in force. In 1932 Berlin had some 300 homosexual bars and cafés, of which a tenth were for
lesbians. During the Nazi era between 1933 and 1945 virtually all homosexual
life was driven underground, and a persecution without parallel in history
began. Many gay Berliners suffered as inmates with the pink triangle in the
concentration camp established north of Berlin at Oranienburg/Sachsenhausen,
and not a few of them were killed there.
After the liberation in 1945 Berlin was divided and in the Western part of the
city after approximately 1948 new gay organizations developed, periodicals were
founded, bars opened, and gay balls tolerated, although thanks to the
conservative regime under Konrad Adenauer in Bonn the even more punitive
version of Paragraph 175 inserted in the Penal Code by the Nazis remained in
force until 1969. In the eastern part of the city the regime applied Paragraph
175 in its pre-Nazi wording (only "acts similar to coitus" were
punishable, but not mutual masturbation and prostitution), but on the basis of
the Stalinist notions of morality gay men and lesbians were forced underground
and threatened with prosecution.
Only in the 1970s did an increasingly liberal climate facilitate the emergence
of a gay movement in both halves of Berlin on the Anglo-American model. There
was no continuity with the tradition of the pre-1933 organizations, the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee and the Community of the Exceptional. In East
Berlin, moreover, up until the 1980s periodicals and organizations for gay men
were forbidden. Whereas West Berlin today exhibits a homosexual subculture
that with its numerous autonomous institutions (communications centers,
journals, publishing houses, sports and choral societies, religious, political
and trade union groups, a gay member of the city council, and so forth) is
comparable to other Western metropolitan areas, in East Berlin the
corresponding development has proceeded much more slowly because of the
obstacles imposed by the Communist government in that part of Germany.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Berlin Museum, ed., Eldorado, homosexuelle Frauen und Männer in Berhn 1850-1950,
Berlin:
Frölich &. Kaufmann, 1984; Bruno Gmünder, ed., Berhn von hinten, Berlin: Gmünder, 1988 (annual); Magnus
Hirschfeld, Berhns
drittes Geschlecht, 1904, reprint: Berlin: Rosa Winkel Verlag, 1989; Manfred
Herzer, "Schwule Preussen, warme Berliner," Capri, 2/1 (1988), 3-25; James Steakley,
"Sodomy in Enlightenment Prussia: From Execution to Suicide," Journal of Homosexuahty, 16: 1/2 (1988), 163-75.
Manfred Herzer
Bernesque Poetry
This type
of Italian poetry may be regarded as an outgrowth of burchiellesque poetry; it
also continues the tradition of obscene carnival songs {canti carnascialeschi). The genre takes its name
from Francesco Berni (1496/8-1535), the best known of the poets who were
engaged in softening the original obscurity of the burchiellesque trend so as
to make it more accessible - while retaining the essentials of its coded
language.
Bemesque poetry relies on double meanings - which are often deployed in a
masterful way - characteristically incarnated in food items (round ones such as
apples symbolize buttocks, phalliform ones such as eels stand for the penis) or
objects of daily use (the chamber pot represents the anus; the needle
symbolizes the penis).
While the Bernesque poet gave the appearance of choosing everyday objects so
as to produce comic effects by heaping excessive praise on trivial things, in
reality he constructed a subtle net of double meanings in order to exalt sexual
relations.
Unlike the burchiellesque poets, however, who often delighted in cobbling
together tangles of words that seemed to lack any coherent meaning, the
Bernesque poets always made compositions that were fully meaningful, in a
colloquial, humorous, and (at first sight) simple tone. This aspect permits
the reader to enjoy their works as humor, even if he misses the double
meanings.
In the Bernesque genre, homosexual themes (generally having to do with anal
contacts) often occur. The poets sometimes took great pains to compose
seemingly innocuous poems for boys (such as Berni's directed to "young abbés" of the Cornari family),
which when decoded reveal highly obscene senses.
Berni also wrote serious love poems in Latin, which were fairly explicit, in
praise of boys. A priest, he was shut up for a year and a half in an Abbruzzi
monastery for a homosexual scandal, the full details of which are not known
¡1523-24). Moreover, some private letters have survived containing innocent
requests to friends, but which read with the code of burchiellesque language
reveal requests for the sending of boys (examples are those to Vincilao Boiano
of May-August 1530).
Many authors wrote Bernesque poetry with homosexual themes. Among them are Angelo Firenzuola
(1493-1543),Andrea Lori (sixteenth century) Matteo Franzesi (sixteenth
century), Giovanni Delia Casa (1503-1556), Benedetto Varchi (1503-1565), Lodovico Dolce
(1508-1568; he also wrote a long work "ForaBoy"), and Antonio
Grazzini, known as "II Lasca" (1503-1584).
With the Counterreformation, and the more repressive climate that came to
prevail in Italy as a consequence, practitioners of the Bernesque genre found
it prudent to abandon erotic double entendres, and the mode gradually ebbed,
coming down to a series of rhetorical exercises on harmless subjects, such as
the death of a cat, baldness, and the like.
A final, unexpected offshoot of the genre appeared in the amusing satires of
Giuseppe Giusti (1809-1850), who revived the spent Bernesque tradition, neglecting
the erotic double meanings in favor of a patriotic commitment to Italian
unification.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Works:
Opere di Francesco Berni, Milan: Sonzogno, 1928; II prima (secondo) libro
delle opere burlesche di M. Francesco Berni, di M. Gio. Delia Casa, del Varchi,
del Mauro, del Bino, del Molza, del Dolce e del Firenzaola, 2 vols., "London:
Pickard" (actually Milan), 1721; II prima (secondo, terzo) libro dell'opere burlesche del
Berni, del Bino, del Casa, del Molza, del Varchi, del Dolce, del Mauro, del
Pirenzuola e d'altri autori, 3 vols, "Utrecht: Broedelet" (actually Milan),
1760.
Giovanni Dall'Orto
Beze, Theodore de (1519-1605)
Leading
Calvinist Reformer. Born in Vezelay in Burgundy he was the son of the Royal
Bailiff, a member of a wealthy and powerful noble family. From the age of nine
6nward he was educated at Orleans and Bourges in the house of the German
philologist Melchior Weimar, who indoctrinated the boy in the principles of
Protestantism. In 1539 Beze received a law degree from the University of
Orleans, and at the same time fell in love with Marie de 1'Etoile, but she died
after a year and a half. Beze settled in Paris, where he enjoyed the company of
prominent and literary circles, while his literary talents unfolded at the
expense of the career in law for which his father had destined him. After
violent inner struggles he broke with his past and moved to Geneva, renouncing
the Roman Church for Calvinism. For ten years he taught Greek in Lausanne and
completed the metrical translation of the Psalms begun by Clement Marot that
afterwards was incorporated in the French Protestant liturgy; his polemic and
theological writings converged with those of Calvin. In 1558 he became a
preacher and professor of theology in Geneva, and thereafter was one of the
intellectual champions of French Protestantism (his enemies called him
"the Huguenot Pope") until his retirement at the end of the century.
Although twice married, Beze was openly attacked and vilified for his supposed
homosexual liaison with his friend Audebert, the evidence for which was an
epigram in the collection of poems officially entitled Poemata, unofficially Juvenilia (first edition: Paris,
1548). Admired by many when they were published, the poems were strongly
influenced by the classical authors with their pederastic interests and
allusions, so that the evidence for Béze's homosexuality is uncertain at best. What is certain is
that the Catholic party joined in vilifying him after a writer named Francois
Baudouin, who had changed sides several times and been nicknamed Ecebolius by
Beze himself, in 1564 denounced him as a vice-ridden cinaedus. Two years later a Catholic
theologian named Claude de Saínetes, embroiled in a polemic with Beze, gave vent to a personal
attack in which Béze's sodomitical union with Audebert is likened to his spiritual
embrace of Calvin and Beze himself is branded as unworthy of a holy office. In
1582 Jerome Bolsee, a Catholic physician and theologian, further reproached
Beze in a pamphlet addressed to the magistrates of Geneva, saying that many
scoundrels and lawbreakers had taken refuge there in the guise of adhering to
the Reform, including felons apprehended in the crime of sodomy; that in Paris
and Orleans Beze had in his youth freely pursued sensual pleasures and debauchery
of all kinds. The opponent added that a Latin poem had been composed in which Béze is termed a pathic and an
effeminate and lustful poet who became a teacher of sacred eloquence at the
instigation of Satan. Others joined in the chorus of abuse even after Béze's death, while the
Protestant party defended him as the victim of malicious misinterpretation on
the part of his foes. Even from the standpoint of the twentieth century, the
sources do not sustain the allegation that Beze's friendship for Audebert
amounted to ahomosexual liaison. His life is more an emblem of the web of insult
and countercharge that characterized the first century of the Reformation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Ferdinand Karsch-Haack, "Quellenmaterial zur Beurteilung angeblicher und
wirklicher Uranier. 1. Theodor Beza, der Reformator," Jahibuch fur sexuelle
Zwischenstufen, 4 [1902), 291-349; Alexandre Machard, "Recherches sur la querelle des 'Juvenilia,'" in Les Juvenilia de Theodore de Beze, Paris: Isidore Liseux,
1879; Anne Lake Prescott, "English Writers and Beza's Latin Epigrams: The
Uses and Abuses of Poetry," Studies in the Renaissance, 21 (1974), 83-117.
Warien Johansson
Bibliography
Bibliographical
control of published material on homosexuality encounters several problems.
First, there is the inherent vastness of the subject itself: to paraphrase
Goethe, the history of homosexual behavior is virtually coterminous with that
of the human race. Accordingly, serious study must be cross-cultural, interdisciplinary,
andtranshistorical. Secondly, the taboo in which the theme has been enveloped
means that until recently subject bibliographies often had no entry for it, or
when they did would relegate it to some negative umbrella category, such as
"perversion" or "sexual deviation." Even today the indexes
and tables of contents of books often fail to mention the topic. Finally, the
difficulty of establishing gay studies courses and programs in universities -
blocked as they have been by tradition, inertia, and simple prejudice - has
starved the field of money, personnel, and prestige. Standing against these hindrances
is the devotion of countless individual gay and lesbian scholars, who have not
only amassed a vast amount of primary data, but sought to display them in works
of reference.
Origins. Greek literature rejoices
in extensive discussions of homosexuality, or to be more accurate of paideiasteia. [For modern listings of
this accumulated heritage, see
Félix
Buffiére, Eros
adolescent: la
pédérastie dans
la Grece antique (Paris, 1980), and Claude
Courouve, Tableau
synoptique de references a l'amour masculin: auteurs grecs et latins (Paris, 1986).] The Greeks
themselves had no discipline of bibliography proper; however, for an anthology
of passages on homosexuality, see
Athenaeus
(fl. ca. a.d.
200), Deipnosophists, Book 13.
The tradition of erudition that emerged in early modern Europe after the
invention of printing saw some hesitant assemblage of references to homosexual
behavior. These data are found scattered in Latin tomes in the fields of
theology, law, medicine, and classical studies. In the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries some of this information was digested for more popular
consumption in admittedly meager encyclopedia articles in the vernacular. It
was these sources that had to be patiently combed by such pioneers of
homosexual scholarship as Heinrich Hoessli and Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, John
Addington Symonds. and Havelock Ellis.
The emergence of systematic bibliographical control had to await the birth of
the first homosexual emancipation movement in Berlin in 1897. This movement
firmly held that progress toward homosexual rights must go hand in hand with
intellectual enlightenment. Accordingly, each year's production was noted in
the annual volumes of the Jahrbuch
fur sexuelle Zwischenstufen (1899-1923); by the end of the first ten years of
monitoring over 1000 new titles had been recorded. Although surveys were made
of earlier literature, up to the time of the extinction of the movement by
National Socialism in 1933, no attempt had been made to organize this material
into a single comprehensive bibliography of homosexual studies. Nonetheless,
much valuable material was noted in the vast work of Magnus Hirschfeld, Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes (Berlin, 1914).
The American Phase and Its Influence.
The
nascent American homophile movement, which began about 1950, took cognizance of
the need for a comprehensive bibliography. Donald Webster Cory's The Homosexual in America (New York, 1951), a
landmark of the early movement, had as appendices lists of both non-fiction and
fiction on the subject. By the late 1950s small-scale efforts toward this end
had begun to coalesce in Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay area, two of the
movement's strongest centers. After many delays, the Los Angeles endeavors
resulted in the most ambitious project attempted up to that point: Vern
Bullough et al., Annotated
Bibliography of Homosexuality (2 vols., New York, 1976), which was prepared in the Los
Angeles offices of ONE, Inc. This work provides about 13,000 entries arranged
in twenty broad subject categories. Some notion of the enormousness of the
whole subject is conveyed by the fact that, even at that date, the number of
entries could probably have been doubled. Unlike most of the other American
bibliographies, this work is international and multilingual in scope; unfortunately
the set is marred by thousands of small errors and lacunae, especially in
foreign-language items. The title notwithstanding, annotations are very few,
and uncertain in their critical stance. Full subject indexes, which would have
served to offset some of these shortcomings are lacking; instead each volume
has its own author indexes. The shortcomings of this major work, undertaken
largely by volunteer staff working under movement auspices, illustrate the
problems that have, as often as not, been made inevitable by the social neglect
and obloquy in which the subject has been enveloped. Unfortunately, plans for a
completely revised edition of the ONE bibliography have had to be shelved, at
least for the present.
In San Francisco in the 1960s William Parker began gathering material for a
one-person effort. His first attempt was Homosexuality: Selected Abstracts and
Bibliography (San Francisco, 1966); this publication, and a number of
other earlier lists, are now most easily accessible in the Arno Press reprint: A Gay Bibliography: Eight Bibliographies on
Lesbianism and Male Homosexuality (New York, 1975). Parker's more definitive work is Homosexuality: A Selected Bibliography of
over 3,000 Items (Metuchen, NJ, 1971), followed by two supplements
(published in 1977 and 1985), which carry coverage up through 1982. These
volumes arrange the material (English-language only) by types of publication;
there are helpful subject indices. Although some note is taken of films,
television programs and audiovisual materials, the coverage of print items is
almost entirely restricted to nonfiction.
Parker's two supplements cover six- and seven-year periods respectively, but
there is no current annual bibliography. Gay Books Bulletin (later The Cabirion), issued by the Scholarship
Committee of the New York Chapter of the Gay Academic Union (1979-85),
concentrated on in-depth reviews, but ceased after twelve issues. The best way
of monitoring current production is through the "Relevant" section of
the scholarly Dutch bimonthly Homologie
(Amsterdam,
1978- ).
In San Francisco the lesbian monthly The
Ladder, published by the Daughters of Bilitis organization,
included notices of books from its inception in 1956 (the full set was reissued
with a new index in New York in 1975). Eventually these notices were
coordinated on a monthly basis by Gene Damon (Barbara Grier), whose later
columns have been recently collected in a handy, indexed volume: Lesbiana: Book Reviews from the Ladder, 1966-1972 (Reno, 1976). Utilizing
input from Marion Zimmer Bradley and others,
Damon and Lee Stuart produced the first edition of The Lesbian in Literature: A Bibliography (San Francisco, 1967).
This work subsequently appeared in an expanded, third edition: Barbara Grier, The Lesbian in Literature (Tallahassee, 1981), with
about 3100 items, including some nonfiction. The entries are coded by an
unusual rating system, which correlates both relevance and quality.
The complement to Grier in the male sphere is Ian Young, The Male Homosexual in Literature: A
Bibliography (Metuchen, NJ, 1982), with 4282 items, interpretive essays
by several hands, and title index. While there are no annotations, Young
sweeps the field: fiction, poetry, drama, and autobiography. Like Grier, the
volume is limited to works written in English and translations of foreign
works.
Apart from the general bibliographies just discussed, which claim to cover at
least the whole-English language production in their chosen domains, there are
also a number of works defined by country of production. William Crawford
(ed.J, Homosexuality
in Canada: A Bibliography (Toronto, 1984), contains a good deal of material, in
French as well as English, that has been overlooked elsewhere. Manfred Herzer, Bibliographie zur Homosexualität. . . (Berlin, 1982) is an exemplary compilation of nonfiction
items published in German from 1466tol975.A similar work, annotated, is
Giovanni Dall'Orto, Leggere
omosessuale (Turin, 1984), which covers Italian publications from 1800
to 1983. Still to be covered is the rich Italian material before 1800. Claude
Courouve's work on French bibliography has been privately published.
Almost from the beginning homosexual organizations have created their own
periodicals to supplement the mainstream journals which tend to scant, or even
exclude altogether research on sexual variation. A detailed roster of no less
than 1924 publications existing (or believed to exist) in the 1980s is Robert
Malinowsky, International
Directory of Gay and Lesbian Periodicals (Phoenix, 1987). By
definition, this work does not include older journals that had ceased (309 of
these are listed in Bullough, et al., cited above), nor does it provide, for
obvious reasons, a listing of the contents of these publications. Gay and
lesbian journals are covered only sporadically in current bibliographies, and
even copies of the less familiar newspapers are hard to find once they leave
the stands; here the gay and lesbian archives are doing an essential job of
preservation, since public and university libraries usually do not preserve
these materials.
A summation of bibliographical work appears in Wayne R. Dynes, Homosexuality: A Research Guide (New York, 1987). In
addition to the bibliography section proper, each of the approximately 170
subject groups contains an introduction outlining the strengths and problems of
the topic in its current state of development (or lack of development). This
volume is conceived as interdisciplinary, cross-cultural, and transhistorical,
and may be consulted for a sense of the complexity of the overarching field. In
some respects it is the complement to the present Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, where space for citations
is necessarily limited.
Electronic Retrieval. In due course the
bibliographical situation will be transformed by electronic systems of
retrieval of material from database sources. For financial reasons, this shift
began first in the natural and biological sciences. An early exemplar is the
MEDLARS medical database, which traces its origins to 1964. A facility of
considerable use to the study of homosexual behavior is the PsychLIT Database,
which offers citations and summaries in psychology and related disciplines
published from January 1981 on. It is compiled from material published in Psychology Abstracts and the PsychlNFO
Database. PsychLIT covers about 1400 journals in 29 languages from approximately
54 countries. The Lexis
system,
available mainly in law libraries, goes back to the early 1970s. Geared mainly
to the practice of law in North America, Lexis also offers access to British and French libraries. As
these examples show, the time frame of such enterprises tends to restrict the
items collected to recent years, so that exclusive use of such sources narrows
the focus of material at the researcher's disposal by date of origin of the
material.
Large public and university libraries are beginning to record their acquisitions
- though not usually extending to older holdings - in online systems, which are
gradually being "hooked up" into larger systems. One such
computerized catalogue lists the recent acquisitions of 25 major American
research libraries, with terminals and print-out facilities in all of them.
These retrieval systems are commonly linked to printers, so that users can with
minimal effort obtain a permanent record of what they have found. In using all
these instruments, it must be remembered that they are only as good as what has
been entered in them. Classifiers may lack sophistication, so that entries
under "Georgian" may mix indiscriminately the American state, the
Soviet republic, the Caucasian language, and English architecture. Also, books
and periodical articles tend to live in two different universes as far as
online systems go. For a number of •reasons (including the inherent convenience
of the book format], conventional, hardcopy materials will probably continue to
be used for a long time to come. Of course, the two modes are not incompatible,
and the ideal situation is probably that of simultaneous access to most collections
of material through both channels.
Whatever systems may be used, the compilers must face the problem of the
enormous proliferation of material. In 1910, say, a one-page item would be
worth noting, while by 1980 the output has increased so markedly that
selectivity is imperative. Today no one would aspire to collect every piece of
writing with some relevance to homosexuality in any given year: too much would
simply be redundant. Like all else in human affairs, the problems are in part
a function of the time matrix. Yet when all is said and done, our knowledge of
homosexuality is increasing. Masses of material that in former decades would
have been ignored are being recorded and classified by state-of-the-art
techniques.
See also Libraries and Archives.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Wayne R. Dynes, Homosexuality: A Research Guide, New York: Garland
Publishing, 1987.
BILITIS
The name
Bilitis is one of the Hellenic forms of Ba'alat, the female counterpart of Baal
in Northwest Semitic mythology. In the writings of Philo of Byblos, Baaltis is
equated with Dione, one of the three daughters of Uranos and consorts of
Kronos, who receives the city of Byblos as her domain. The significance of
Bilitis for lesbianism stems not from antiquity proper, but from the work of
Pierre Louys, Les Chansons de Bilitis,
traduites du grec, first published in 1894,
although clandestine editions with the erotically explicit lesbian passages
appeared only after the author's death, with the title Les Chansons
de Bilitis inédites (1929), and as Les Chansons
secrètes de Bilitis (1931). Louys originally
offered the collection of texts to the world as translations from a classical
source; it made the author's reputation in France and was never surpassed by
his later writing. The heroine of the work is described as "born at the
beginning of the sixth century before our era, in a mountainous village
located on the banks of the Melas, in the eastern part of Pamphylia. She was
the daughter of a Greek and a Phoenician woman." Leaving her homeland, she
settled in Mytilene on the isle of Lesbos, "then the center of the
world," which "had as its capital a city more enlightened than Athens
and more corrupt than Sardis." Here she became part of the circle around
Sappho, the poetess who taught her the art which she expressed in some thirty
elegies devoted to her attachment to a girl of her own age named Mnasidika.
This product of the decadent school of the fin-de-siecle has, though written by
a man, became one of the classics of lesbian literature, and was to give its
name to the American organization The Daughters of Bilitis, founded in San
Francisco in October 1955. The name was chosen just because it "would
sound like any other women's lodge," but convey an esoteric meaning to
lesbians everywhere.
This first lesbian political organization in the United States was founded
some five years after the Mattachine Society. The leaders of the group were
Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon, who had settled in San Francisco as lovers in
1953. Their desire was to socialize with other lesbian women. When one of their
acquaintances invited them to a meeting to discuss the start of a social club,
the two accepted with enthusiasm. On September 21, 1955 eight women - four
couples - gathered and within a few weeks had formed the Daughters of Bilitis
(DOB). Before long Martin and Lyon were arguing that DOB should broaden its
activities to include the political task of changing the public's attitude
toward lesbianism. The model for the new endeavor was the Mattachine Society of
San Francisco.
The group split over the suggestion, and the six women who remained joined
forces with the Mattachine Society and with ONE, Inc. in what was then called
the homophile movement. In April 1956 the group participated in its first
public event, a forum cosponsored by Mattachine on the differingproblems faced
by lesbians and homosexuals. DOB then resolved to hold its own "public
discussions," where lesbians could attend without fear as the
"public." In October of the same year the organization published the
first issue of its monthly publication, The
Ladder, in a printing of 200 copies that was mailed to "every
lesbian whom any of its members knew" and to professionals in the Bay
Area.
For the most part, the Daughters of Bilitis worked closely and cooperatively
with its male homosexual counterparts throughout the 1950s, since in an era of
intolerance, the tiny movement had to close its ranks for self-protection. The
full support of the Mattachine Society mitigated the growing pains of DOB, and
the shared outlook - the belief that dispelling myth, misinformation, and
prejudice was the primary means of bettering the status of their members - bound
the organizations together. But DOB also existed to provide self-help for
lesbian women, a haven where they could experience a sense of belonging instead
of the rejection that they encountered elsewhere, and where they could reorient
their Uves so that they could face the larger society with renewed
strength.
The pages of the Ladder
reflected
the priority that DOB attached to personal problems of the individual lesbian,
especially the one living in isolation far from the subculture of the large cities.
The magazine reported political news, but was never meant to be a political
journal, and so the publishers shunned advocacy, devoting space instead to
poetry, fiction, history and biography. It was also a soundingboard for the
experience that society distorted and denied. The special concerns of lesbians
were debated on its pages, such as the rearing of children in a lesbian
household, the problems of the still married lesbian, and the low salaries and
restricted job opportunities of women in Eisenhower's America. Published continuously
for sixteen years, this journal remains a major source for the period's
activism; it was reprinted by Arno Press (New York) in 1975 with a new index by
Gene Damon.
Some male attitudes, such as the notion of the homosexual organizations that
this was a "ladies' auxiliary," created tension between DOB and its
allies. The promiscuity of many homosexual men and the police harassment which
they encountered struck the lesbians as an encumbrance and a stigma unjustly
attached to them by society. At jointly sponsored events the men even
questioned the need for a separate women's group, to which the DOB members
replied by asserting their need for autonomy and their identification with a
larger movement for the emancipation of women - foreshadowing the far more
radical feminism of the 1960s.
On the whole, DOB attracted significantly fewer members than did the male
organizations, in part because the pool of potential constituents was smaller,
in part because women had a more precarious economic position in American society.
Professional women who had been successful felt that they did not need the
group, and those who benefited from its nurturing efforts achieved independence
and "graduated." The founders and leaders were white-collar
semi-professionals who could not identify with the blue-collar bar subculture
of working women, reflecting the fact that women are generally more sensitive
to class identity than are men. The lesbian patronage of the bars belonged to a
different subculture with its own well-defined identity - one that the membership
of DOB generally did not share. But during the initial phase of the American
homosexual movement, the Daughters of Bilitis were the rallying point for
lesbian interests and aspirations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon, Lesbian/Woman, new ed., New York: Bantam, 1983.
Evelyn Gettone
Biography and Autobiography
The
appeal of biography is multi-faceted, ranging from a desire to elevate one's
imagination by dwelling on the accomplishments of great figures to an alltoo-human
love of gossip and muckraking. Moreover, the form of a human life, from birth
to death, provides a readily comprehensible narrative structure in which the
reader can identify with the subject as the moving center. Homosexual
autobiographies, uncommon before modem times, are the external embodiment of a
process of internal self-examination; in writing autobiography and publishing
it, one willy-nilly creates an apologia for oneself. Problems of concealment are
common in the biographies and autobiographies of homosexuals; lengthy tomes
have been compiled about such figures as Walt Whitman and Willa Cather without
a mention of their sexuality. Determining the sexual orientation of noted
figures of the past is significant for its own sake: the establishment of
historical truth in its fullness. This aim of truth usually accords (though it
occasionally conflicts) with the psychological need that members of any
minority group have for heroes. And homosexuals and lesbians, so often stereotyped
en masse as hopelessly neurotic if not deranged, understandably yearn for
reassurance that all have not been cases in the medical waxworks museum of
Krafft-Ebing's Psychopathia
Sexualis. Although such psychological needs are normally met by
candid and accurate biographies, there is also a temptation to provide
"gay hagiography," works which extoll an individual because he or
she is homosexual, not to mention the "reclamation" of figures whose
sexual orientation is uncertain.
Classical Antiquity. The first hesitant
emergence of biography as a genre about 500 b.c. is grounded in Greek individualism, the idea that the
uniqueness of the human personality stands over against and must not be
subsumed by one's public persona as fixed by official or class standing. This
awareness allowed the Greeks to maintain biography as a genre distinct from
history, which is concerned more with the general and typical. The Theban poet
Pindar (518-438 b.c.),
whose
writings are suffused with homoerotic sentiment, eulogized great athletes in
brief odes. Broadly speaking, the funeral oration, one of the sources of Greek
biography, tends to fall into the trap of "de mortuis nil nisi
bonum," the stipulation that only admirable aspects of the deceased should
be displayed. Another type of skewing is the novelized biography, as seen
inXenophon's (ca. 434 - ca. 355 b.c.)
Cyiopaedia. In later variants the
temptation to invent details is freely indulged, a temptation fostered by
increasing demand for "juicy bits." On the whole these faults are
remarkably avoided in the portraits of Socrates by his school: the writers candidly reveal the faults as
well as the stature of this lover of men. Relatively few lives of women were
produced; here, however, the career of the Lesbian poet Sappho (who flourished ca. 600 b.c.) provided a focus, though one afflicted to some extent with
romantic invention.
While much has been lost, we know that Greek biographies concentrated on two
types of people: public figures (statesmen, law givers, rulers, and generals)
and intellectuals (poets and philosophers). A remarkable collection of biographies
of public men survives: the Parallel
Lives of
Plutarch (ca. a.d. 46-ca. 120), who portrays an equal number of Greek and Roman
subjects, preparing the way for international biography in contrast to the
nationalistic (and even localistic) restriction of earlier Greeks. Although
Plutarch was keenly interested in psychological motivation, his mentions of
homoerotic aspects in some of his subjects are totally matter-of-fact: he takes
his subjects' interest in boys as almost routine. Diogenes Laertius and
Philostratus wrote lives of the philosophers replete with pederastic
revelations.
The Romans, who regularly eulogized their ancestors, had a more ambivalent
attitude toward homosexual behavior. They also savored the eccentricities and
scandals that might be associated with it. Such gossipy preoccupations come to
the fore in Tacitus' Annals
and Histories, arranged around the Uves of emperors, and even more
in Suetonius'
Lives of the Twelve Caesars,
written
in the early second century, where the foibles of one Roman emperor after another are set
forth with a relish that anticipates a modem supermarket scandal sheet. The
most outrageous life of a homoerotic Caesar stems from the late empire: that of
Heliogabalus
(reigned
218-222), attributed to Lampridius, one of Suetonius' continuators. Oddly, the
first major surviving autobiography, except for the inscription erected by
Augustus Caesar, came later. In his Confessions,
St. Augustine (354-430) contrasts his
life before and after he became a Christian; here we see a life transformed by
a shift from one set of ideals to the other. Although Augustine wrote his
memoir after his conversion, he nonetheless saw fit to include in it an account
of his deep friendship with a fellow student. His immensely popular autobiography,
which long remained unique, thus preserved a moving account of special
friendship that was to reverberate through the centuries.
Medieval and ModemTimes. The Gospels are echoed in
Philostratus' Life
of Apollonius of Tyana, a homosexual philosopher. Biographically, the early and
high medieval eras are notable for the lives of the saints. One, that of St.
Pelagius/Pelagia, gives an account of an attempted homoerotic seduction and the
saint's heroic resistance. The letters and lives of monks often attest to particular friendships, though the conventional
aspect of such effusions makes it difficult to use them as direct historical
evidence.
The Italian Renaissance, with its emphasis on the idea of fame, gave renewed life
to the art of secular biography. In 1550, for example, Giorgio Vasari
(1511-1574) published his monumental Lives
of the Architects, Sculptors, and Painters, providing, in addition to
serious assessments of the art works, many piquant details of the artists'
personal lives. Then in 1562, the flamboyant bisexual sculptor Benvenuto Cellini (1500-1571), completed his
Autobiography. In France, Michel de Montaigne (1533-1592), though he
published no autobiography as such, devoted much of his writing to introspection
and to musing on the nature of his own intense male friendships.
At the end of the sixteenth century the repressive influence of the Council
of Trent, coupled with the new standards of decorum dictated by literary classicism,
caused self-censorship to eliminate details that would previously have been
permitted. One has to wait until the Autobiography
of
Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) for a new standard of candor and
authenticity. In this account of his life, devoted to a search for the truth
about himself, Rousseau describes his involvement in a youthful homosexual
episode in Turin.
The Nineteenth and Twentieth
Centuries. The Victorian period counts as the high water mark of
prudery and censorship. Yet in this era scholars began to uncover material
from the archives that had been neglected before. The Life of Michelangelo (1893) by the English
homosexual John Addington Symonds (1840-1893), with its hints of the artist's abnormal
sexuality, is an example of the fruits of this new research. At the same time,
regrettably, the late nineteenth century was obsessed with a purported link
between genius and insanity championed by such psychiatrists as Cesare Lombroso, leading to the popular
genre of "psychopathographies," in which the torments and
inadequacies of literary and artistic figures are highlighted. Related to this
trend is Sigmund Freud's 1910 essay on the homosexuality of Leonardo da Vinci. Despite the
expectations it awakened, psychoanalytic method did not contribute much in the
ensuing decades to the deep analysis of historic figures.
The rise of the homophile movement in Germany at the turn of the century fostered a diligent
scrutiny of the current production of biographies for indications of
homosexuality and lesbianism.
At this time the sexual orientations of such varied figures as Helena Petrovna
Blayatsky (founder of Theosophy), Francois de Boisrobert, Christina of Sweden, Heinrich von Kleist, August von Platen, and Walt Whitman came out of the shadows.
Subsequently several of the major figures of the German Movement, including
Kurt Hiller
and
Magnus Hirschfeld, wrote their own memoirs.
Because the trials of Oscar Wilde in 1895 mercilessly exposed the intimate details of his
sexual activities, his life could not be sanitized. The first sympathetic
accounts were the memoirs of friends, such as Robert Ross and Andre Gide. Almost a century had to
pass before we got the fuller biographies of H. Montgomery Hyde and Richard
Ellmann. It may be, however, that the best life of Wilde is his inadvertent
autobiography, the Letters
as edited
by Rupert Hart-Davis (1962). The memoirs of Wilde's scholarly contemporary John
Addington Symonds could be published only in 1985.
Twentieth-century French writers excelled in self-examination as set forth in
diaries intended for publication. Best known of these works is the extensive Journal of Andre Gide (1869-1951),
covering the years 1889-1949, and Marcel Jouhandeau's (1888-1979) colossal Joumaliers in 26 volumes. Jean
Cocteau (1891-1963) also wrote a number of memoirs and diaries, some of which
are being published posthumously.
Michael Holroyd's full biography (1967-68) of Lytton Strachey (1880-1932)
provided both candor and balanced detail; it succeeded in reviving the
reputation of the subject as well as contributing to the expanding industry of
Bloomsbury scholarship. Subsequently a number of large biographies have
appeared on such Bloomsbury figures as Lord Keynes, E. M. Forster, and Virginia
Woolf. An unusual contribution is
Nigel Nicolson's Portrait
of a Marriage (1973), treating the homosexuality of both his parents:
Harold Nicolson and Vita Sackville-West. Attention to the
expatriate writers and artists of that generation in Paris has focused
especially on noteworthy lesbians, including Natalie Barney, Romaine Brooks,
and Gertrude Stein and Alice B. Toklas.
A distinguished recent biography of a major figure of the past is Louis
Crompton's Byron
and Greek Love (1985). Not seeking to replace other biographies of the
poet, Crompton highlights the periods of Byron's known homoerotic
infatatuations; he also shows the problems engendered by the homophobia of his
contemporaries, as well as Jeremy Bentham's efforts to argue against it. The
continuing fascination with such romantic figures as William Beckf ord, Queen
Christina of Sweden, T. E. Lawrence ("of Arabia"), andKingLudwig II
of Bavaria has led to numerous biographical works, but establishing the truth
tends to prove elusive. Adequate studies of the homosexuality or bisexuality of
a number of kings of England and France are still lacking, though the record is
somewhat better with military commanders.
The post-Stonewall gay movement after 1969 has been commemmorated in a number
of activist reminiscences, most of them slight. Perhaps coincidentally,
Tennessee Williams decided to make a clean breast of things in his Memoirs (1975), while William
Somerset Maugham was finally dragged completely out of the closet in the
lengthy biography by Ted Morgan (1980). The homosexuality of the English
dramatist Joe Orton was revealed in the lurid circumstances of his murder by
his lover in London in 1967; Orton has now been profiled not only in the biography
by John Lahr (1978),and in the writer's Diaries,
but also
in an explicit film, Prick
Up Your Ears (1987), based on both these sources and directed by Stephen
Frears. Needless to say, Hollywood films on the lives of public figures who
were homosexual or bisexual typically black out unconventional sexual
aspects. In 1986 ex-Congressman Robert Bauman published a rare example of an
autobiography of a gay political figure,- its existence, however, is probably
owing to his public exposure.
The lives of ordinary male homosexuals and lesbians of the past are for the
most part hidden from us. Representing turn of the century American life, however,
are the memoirs of Claude Hartland (1901) and Ralph Werther ("Earl
Lind," 1918; 1922). The four volumes of the diaries of Donald Vining
cover a third of a century: 1936-75. Lesbian scholars have begun to emphasize
collective records, as seen in Margaret Cruikshank, ed., The Lesbian Path (1980), and Julia Penelope
Stanley and Susan J. Wolfe, eds., The
Coming Out Stories (1980). A much-noticed contribution to this genre is a
collection of the reflections of some fifty Catholic religious: Rosemary Curb
and Nancy Manahan, eds., Lesbian
Nuns: Breaking the Silence (1985). Mostly unpublished are the tape-recorded reminiscences
of older homosexuals gathered by oral-history projects in several cities of
North America; an exception is Keith Vacha's Quiet Fire (1985), in which older gay
men tell their own story.
Research Challenges. The problems confronting
any scholar who would attempt an in-depth study of the personality of a
subject believed to be homosexual or lesbian are serious. Where same-sex
practice is documented through autobiographies or police records, there
remains the task of situating the individual's sense of self within the larger
context of prevalent attitudes toward homosexuality. In many cases, however, a
self-protective instinct caused the individual to lead a closeted life. In
individual cases it may be hard to establish whether the subject is a deeply
closeted individual, whose secrets will nonetheless emerge with determined
effort, or whether contemporary gossip or later speculation has labeled someone
homosexual who in fact was not. In the past some overenthusiastic researchers
have, in effect, "shanghaied" historic figures for enshrinement in
the homosexual pantheon.
In order to proceed with the investigation of some person of the past believed
to have been homosexual, one should ascertain the presence of several of the
following indicators: the subject is unmarried (even, as sometimes happens, to
the point of vehemently resisting marriage); the subject belonged to a circle
other members of which are known to have been gay; the subject had interests or
pursuits prevalent at the time among gay people; and the subject adopted
unusual turns of phrase (say the use of pronouns appropriate to the opposite
sex). Once the scholar has attained familiarity with the period, a cluster of
such signs triggers a bell. One need scarcely add that the absence of one of
the others should not bring the investigation to a halt. Many almost
exclusively homosexual figures, for example, have been married; the giveaway
is the taunting phrase "the marriage was a failure."
Above and beyond these endeavors of detection, sexual orientation needs to be
fitted into larger contexts that will show how it molded the individual's own
personality, and in turn what are the social functions of the orientation in
the host society. The task is formidable, but conscientiously pursued it will
yield substantial rewards in understanding the inner life of the subject of
the biography.
Wayne R. Dynes
Biology
See Animal
Homosexuality,-Sociobiology.
Birds and Avian Symbolism
Human
interest in birds, both wild and domestic, and study of their behavior impinge
on sexual concerns in several ways. From ancient Greek times onwards, barnyard
fowls have provided a ready source for the observation of behavior, including
sexual acts. Principles drawn from study of these birds have sometimes been
transferred to other species, including the human. Aristotle noted homosexual
behavior in fowls, and in the eighteenth century the French naturalist Georges
Louis Leclerc de Buffon reported his own independent observations in birds. In
the present century, the social hierarchy of the barnyard formed the starting
point for the concept of the pecking order in psychology.
In 1977 a considerable stir took place in the American media over the reports
by George and Molly Hunt (University of California, Irvine) of female-female
pairs of gulls. As early as 1885 a female-female swan pair had been reported
from England, and there is now documentation of preferential same-sex patterns
among a number of species of birds living in the wild.
Birds figure in erotic metaphor and symbolism in a variety of ways. In
contemporary North America the term "chicken" circulates among
pederasts to denote an attractive teenage boy. This usage should not be
confused with the cupped form "chick" - occasionally found in older
sources in the full form, "chicken" showingthe origin - meaning
woman. The general derivation from slang chicken = child is clear (attested
from the eighteenth century onwards). The homoerotic sense may be traced back
as far as the late nineteenth century: "The Affection which a sailor will
lavish on a ship's boy to whom he takes a fancy, and makes his 'chicken,' as
the phrase is." [Congressional
Record, April 21,1890). In another bird metaphor, the pursuer of
adolescents is called the chicken
hawk in
today's street language.
Curiously, this semantic development had a forerunner in Latin, where pullus, chicken, was a general
term of endearment, especially for handsome boys. Pullarius (literally
"poulterer) meant a "kidnapper of boys" or "boy
stealer"; more generally it signified "pederast."
The male fowl, the coclc, has provided a slang term for penis, by way of the
watercock or faucet (an evolution paralleled in other languages). Once the
metaphor was created, however, it was reinforced by a natural similarity:
"The extreme erectness of the cock, straining upwards, has suggested to
many besides the Greeks the erectness of a tumid penis" (Smith and
Daniel). There is also evidence of a broader association of birds with the
penis, as seen in Italian, uccello,
bird,
penis, and German vögeln,
to
copulate (from Vogel,
bird).
Somewhat unusually, contemporary Spanish street language uses the female form polla, hen, to designate the
penis. Contrast the established French poale,
hen,
whore. In older American slang, the word capon, a castrated rooster,
served as an abusive epithet for an "effeminate man, a homosexual."
Confusingly, in a few parts of the English-speaking world, as in the southern
United States, the slang word cock refers to the female pudenda. There is no
doubt, however, that in the compounds cock-sucker and cockteaser the male organ
is meant (though the former term is usually limited to male homosexuals, the
latter to flirtatious heterosexual women).
In seduction scenes depicted on ancient Greek vases, roosters are the most
common gift presented to youths by older male suitors. In the mythological
realm the cock was associated with the bisexual god Dionysus. The noblest bird
of all, the eagle, sometimes deputizes for father Zeus in depictions of the
rape of Ganymede. A common emblem for homosexual lust in classical writing was
two male partridges, who were said to be so highly sexed they turned to each
other as easily as to the female. Another bird, the kite was linked to
homosexual behavior because of a fanciful association of its Latin name milvus with mollis, a passive homosexual. Ancient
folklore held that ravens conceived through their beaks; hence the Roman
satirical poets Martial and Juvenal styled fellators "ravens."
Finally, the ibis, a bird well known to the Egyptians, figured as a symbol of
anal preoccupations because it was reputed to employ its long beak to clean its
own bowels.
See also Animal Homosexuality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Page Smith and Charles Daniel, The Chicken Book, Boston: Little Brown,
1975; Beryl Rowland, Birds with Human Souls: A Guide to Bird Symbohsm, Knoxville: University of
Tennessee Press, 1978.
Wayne R. Dynes
BISEXUALITY
Human
bisexuality may be defined as the capacity to feel sexual attraction toward,
and to consummate sexual performance with, members of the opposite and one's
own sex. The concept needs to be distinguished from androgyny and
hermaphroditism, with which, however, it is historically affiliated.
History of the Concept of
Bisexuality. Modern thinking about bisexuality stems in part from
medical investigations in the middle decades of the nineteenth century, which
found that during the first few weeks after conception the urogenital system of
the human embryo is undifferentiated as to sex. (Bisexuality in plants had
been recognized since the beginning of the ninetenth century.) Determination of
the anatomical gender of the organs of the originally neutral being is
triggered by the intervention of mechanisms later identified as chromosomal.
This embryological discovery suggested that human maleness and femaleness is in
some sense secondary, and the puzzling duality of our natures could be
restored, at least on the level of ontogeny, to a primal unity. Almost
inevitably, these modern findings called to mind ancient Greek and Near Eastern
mythological thinking about primordial androgyny. From this fertile mix of
ideas it could be concluded that human sexual attraction should also be
undifferentiated as to gender, since our postnatal gender dimorphism is but a
secondary process superseding, but not completely effacing, an original
oneness. The result of such
research and speculation was to offer two complementary models, one of
primordial unity, the other of a comprehensive triad: neutral, male, and female.
Both the unitary and the triadic themes were to excercise their influence on
the concept of sexual orientation.
Before this medical and mythological amalgam could be applied to the
psychodynamic sphere, a conceptual apparatus had to be invented and diffused
that assigned human sexual orientation to two distinct poles - heterosexual and
homosexual - a polarity which is distinct from, yet analogous to the gender
dimorphism of male and female. In classical antiquity and the Middle Ages, as
well as in many non-Western cultures today, no such dichotomy was recognized.
The medieval sodomite was viewed as a departure, sinful it is true, from
universal human standards which form the abiding context. Thus, although the
Middle Ages had to all intents and purposes its own notion of the homosexual
(the sodomite), it lacked a concept of the heterosexual as such. The polarity
of heterosexual and homosexual attraction was formulated in Central Europe in
the 1860s by Karl Heinrich Ulrichs and Karoly Maria Kertbeny, who developed
the homosexual concept. By the end of the century it had become widely familiar,
and in the work of such writers as Richard von Krafft-Ebing, Otto Weininger,
Wilhelm Fliess, and Sigmund Freud, the heterosexual-homosexual contrast melded
with the previously discussed medical concept of primordial gender neutrality.
Hence the Freudian idea of the "polymorphous perverse," in which the
individual's attraction is freeform and undifferentiated (though in mature
individuals this state yields to full heterosexuality). From this family of
ideas descends the contemporary popular notion that "we're all
bisexual."
In the 1940s growing dissatisfaction with such notions of bisexuality led to
significant critiques. Sandor Rado's paper of 1940 signaled their abandonment
by the psychoanalytic community. In 1948 Alfred C. Kinsey faulted the
then-current concept of bisexuality on two grounds. First, in view of its
historical origins, reliance on the term bisexuality fosters confusion between
the categories of gender and orientation, which must be kept quite distinct.
Second, Kinsey averred, the triad of heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality
is too rigid, and should be replaced by his own more supple 0-6 scale. While
Kinsey effectively attacked the prevailing exclusivism, his numerical scale
presented its own problems and failed to gain widespread popular recognition.
Its legacy was to leave the term "bisexual" with a somewhat amorphous
and controversial claim to all those who could not be classified as
exclusively heterosexual or homosexual.
The countercultural and social-utopian currents of the 1960s and 70s stimulated
attempts at revision and partial restoration of the paradigm among many
innovative (or would-be innovative) thinkers, who viewed the inherited
"gender system" of fixed roles for men and women as an albatross
which kept women inferior and hindered the full self-realization of both men
and women. There was thus a trend to regard the anatomical differences of men
and women as a minor matter. If this be so, it makes little sense to be overly
concerned about the gender of the individual to whom one is attracted, and we
are all free to be simply "humansexuals."
Also in this period the vocal assertion of homosexual rights, often cast in
the minority mold, suggested to some that bisexuals too were a neglected and
victimized minority, suffering from the invisibility which had once
characterized homosexuality, and who should join together to fight for
recognition and rights (Klein, 1978). Adoption of this "bisexual
activist" view would lead to full-fledged recognition of three
orientations, as seen, for example in the 1986 New York City gay rights ordinance,
which explicitly protects heterosexuals, homosexuals, and bisexuals.
Contrasting
with this triadic scheme is a unitary futurist Utopian model which posits
bisexuality as the eventual human norm, superseding both exclusive
heterosexuality and exclusive homosexuality which would be regarded as forms
of sexual restrictiveness, and even bigotry.
In support of their contention, the advocates of bisexuality point to earlier
civilizations and contemporary tribal societies where, they claim, bisexual response
is the norm. This would be true also in advanced industrial societies, which,
it is held, would be also bisexual were it not for their sophisticated apparatus
of sexual repression. Here one should interj ect the caveat that since the
concepts of heterosexuality, homosexuality, and bisexuality are themselves of
recent Western origin, it may not be wise to impose them insouciantly on
cultures other than one's own. Still, with all due caution, one can observe
that some societies, such as ancient Greece and some contemporary Melanesian
tribes do exhibit a serial bisexuality, in which the maturing male does
undergo homosexual experience as part of initiatory rites, assuming the heterosexual
roles of husband and father afterwards. This seriality is far, however, from
the ideal of nonorientation propounded by some theorists, that is to say, the
notion that an individual is free to chose objects of sexual attraction in
total disregard of their gender.
Bisexual Liberation
Movement. In the 1970s (and to a lesser extent in the 1980s) a number
of organizations were active in support of "bisexual liberation,"
modeled on the gay liberation and the other sexual freedom movements. While
these groups did not establish a consensus definition of bisexuality, they
tended toward a broad conceptualization in which bisexuality was thought of as
a basic capacity to respond erotically and emotionally/romantically to
persons of either gender, either simultaneously or serially; the response did
not have to be equal but had to be sufficient for a bisexual to feel somewhat
alienated from identification as either homosexual or heterosexual.
Bisexuals, according to the leaders of this movement, were discriminated
against by homosexuals as well as by heterosexuals, and much of the discussion
revolved around a critique of homosexuals' attitudes toward bisexuality, and
the exclusion of recognition of bisexuals in the gay movement, which was seen
as dedicated to the fostering of an exclusively homosexual identity. Other
topics were the implications of bisexuality for such institutions as marriage
and the ghettoization which leaders decried in homosexual circles at the time.
Bisexuals, it was held, should be allies in a common struggle with gays against
discrimination, but should function as a bridge to the heterosexual world
rather than being submerged in an exclusivist subculture.
Many bisexual spokespeople advocated bisexuality as superior (for various
reasons) to either form of "exclusivism" (heterosexual or
homosexual); they also held it to be much more threatening to the prevailing
sexual norms, precisely because it potentially involved everyone rather than a
small minority which could be ghettoized.
With the AIDS crisis in the 1980s, bisexuals were targeted as the most serious
source of infection for the heterosexual majority, and "bisexual
chic" passed as quickly as it had arisen. With it, for the most part, went
the bisexual liberation movement. Its self-description as threatening had been
realized all too quickly, but in a way none of its leaders had forseen.
Bisexual Patterns. Examination of the biographies
in this Encyclopedia reveals that many of the individuals chronicled displayed
behavior patterns which today might be labeled "bisexual," whether a
wide or a narrow definition is used. It is difficult, however, to analyze and
categorize data from such a wide spectrum of eras and cultures.
Contemporary American society exhibits a number of behavior types which may be
classified as bisexual. There are, for example, macho men, basically heterosexual,
who become to some degree habituated to achieving occasional gratification -
employing the inserter role only - with men who would define themselves as gay.
Among women, the sense of sisterhood engendered by the women's movement,
accompanied in some cases by a wariness toward men, has led to lesbian contacts
involving women whose previous experience was essentially heterosexual.
The United States, together with other advanced industrial societies, reveals a
number of versions of serial patterns of other- and same-sex behavior. In what
is sometimes termed situational homosexuality, inmates of total institutions, typically
men's and women's prisons, form homosexual liaisons, only to resume their heterosexual
patterns on release. Some young men follow a career of male prostitution for a time, and then, as
their looks fade or other circumstances supervene, settle into a completely
heterosexual lifestyle. Yet another type of serial experience appears in
"late blooming" individuals, that is, men and women who have entered
into heterosexual marriages or relationships, and then find, sometimes as late
as their forties, that they are strongly attracted to members of their own
sex. It should be noted that self-reports of persons' sexual orientation are
not always fully reliable,- for understandable reasons, some men and women who
are essentially homosexual will say that they are bisexual, in the belief that
this label is less stigmatizing.
It seems that there are few individuals in today's society who have attained
the posited ideal of "gender-blindness," choosing their partners
solely on the basis of personal qualities, so that they will go with a man one
day and a woman the next. It is hard to say how many come close to this ideal,
with gender playing a relatively small role. If they are comparable with the
Kinsey "3's" (those who "accept and equally enjoy both types of
contacts, and have no strong preferences for one or the other"), they are
a substantial group, Kinsey's "3's" representing somewhere between 4
and 5 percent of all males for at least three years of their Ufe.
Those
persons who are bisexual under the definition cited at the beginning of this
article, but who have a definite preference for one side or the other, may be
compared to Kinsey's "2's" and "4's", described by him as
"predominantly" one way but "rather definitely . . . more than
incidentally" the other way. Added together, these represent about 10.5
percent of the male population at age 25, divided between 7 percent
predominantly heterosexual and 3.5 percent predominantly homosexual. Add the
"3's" and we see why it is said that, using a broad definition, about
15 percent of the American male population is bisexual for a significant part
of their lives.
As the types selectively reviewed above and the Kinsey figures suggest, most people
fall more strongly on the one side than the other, and when all is said and
done may be classified as predominantly heterosexual or homosexual with at
least as much justification as bisexual. Moreover, there seems to be a kind of
funnel effect, whereby as an individual grows older he or she tends to focus
more and more exclusively on one sex or another. Thus the number of Kinsey
"3's" declines from 4.7 percent at age 25 to 2 percent at age 45.
This trend is particularly evident if one contrasts adolescent "sexual
experimentation" with the more settled patterns of later life. The risk,
perhaps, is in sliding easily from the description "predominantly homosexual" [or
heterosexual) to just plain "homosexual" (or heterosexual), thereby
picking up the connotations of exclusivity often associated with those terms.
Conclusion. All in all, the present
status of the concept of bisexuality is far from satisfactory. As has been
noted, both learned discussions and popular thinking display a recurrent
tendency to confuse bisexual orientation with anatomical or psychic androgyny.
Further, the assembling of useful ethnographies of contemporary groups requires
a careful delimitation of the specific type or variety of bisexual behavior to
be studied. With respect to individual psychodynamics, it is essential to pay
careful attention to the depth and quality of the experience, rather than
relying on a mere quantitative assessment of "sexual outlets." It is
to be hoped that with further well-planned research, the present chaotic
amalgam of "bisexuality" will yield to a more rational spectrum of
"bisexualities," perhaps in parallel to a comparable phalanx of
"homosexualities."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Sandor Rado, "A Critical Examination of the Concept of Bisexuality," Psychoanalytic Medicine, 2 (1940), 459-67; Fred
Klein, The
Bisexual Option, New York: Arbor House, 1978; Fritz Klein and Timothy J.
Wolf, eds., Bisexuality:
Theory and Research, New York: Harrington Park Press, 1985 (with bibliog. by C.
Stear, pp. 235-48).
Wayne R. Dynes
Black Gay Americans
Thus far
the social profile and achievements of black gay Americans have not received
their due. This neglect stems from several sources. White Americans tend to
view blacks almost monolithically, through a lens of stereotypes, one of which
is that the black male is typically a macho heterosexual. The slighting of
black lesbians is part and parcel of the relative invisibility of lesbians as a
whole. Until recently, most socially conscious black gays chose to put their
energies in the civil rights movement, rather than in the gay movement.
Finally, there is the view that homosexuality is somehow alien to the black
experience. Some black nationalists claim that same-sex behavior was unknown
in Sub-Saharan Africa until European colonialists imposed it. Although
abundant evidence now exists for a variety of homosexual social patterns in
black Africa, the notion that the behavior is somehow distinctively white
fingers.
Earlier History. For countries such as
Brazil and Haiti there is evidence of direct transfer of forms of homosexual
life as part of the African cultural diaspora. For North America such evidence
is lacking, perhaps because the slave masters, observing Protestant norms of
opposition to "sodomy," ruthlessly sought to stamp the phenomenon
out. Oral tradition suggests, however, that just as white masters engaged in
sexual relations with black women, so some white men would seek the sexual
company of attractive young black slaves. After Emancipation, at the turn of
the century, there is evidence of large-scale black dance events in such
centers as St. Louis and Washington, D.C. These gatherings probably lie at the
origin of the drag balls in Harlem in the 1920s, which attracted both blacks
and whites. Not altogether dissimilar is the still surviving tradition of Mardi
Gras in New Orleans - though a more visible black-white gay presence is evident
in the carnivals in Brazil.
New York City's Harlem, originally developed as housing for the white middle
class, emerged at the end of World War I as a vital center of black culture
(the Harlem renaissance). A number of black gay writers contributed to this
flowering, including the poet Countee Cullen (1903-1946), and the prose writers
(Richard Bruce Nugent (1906- ) and Wallace Thurman (1902-1934). Other writers
such as Langston Hughes (1902-1967) were very discreet and ambiguous in their
sexuality but occasionally displayed homoerotic sensitivities. More tolerant
than Greenwich Village, Harlem's vibrant nightclub scene attracted many white
gays from other parts of the city. Here they were regaled by such bisexual and
lesbian entertainers as Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith, "Moms" Mabley, and
Gladys Bentley (1907-1960). Of these, Bentley was most easily identifiable,
with her male attire and tough, butch behavior; eventually she married her
white lesbian lover in a highly publicized ceremony. Her recording career
spanned the two decades after 1928. During the heyday of McCarthyism she was
forced to conform and denounce her lesbianism, but even that could not save
her singing career.
While the Depression of the 1930s put an end to the special brilliance of
Harlem, black gay and lesbian life continued as before. There is increasing
evidence of bars and nightspots in many American cities that were largely and
completely black. More frequently than their heterosexual counterparts, blacks
and whites entered into homosexual coupled relationships - though such
"salt and pepper" couples could attract the particular ire of white
bigots and also the disapproval of black relatives.
Toward the Present. In the 1960s James Baldwin
achieved national - and international - renown with his depiction of blacks and
gays in such books as Another
Country (1962) and Tell
Me How Long the Train's Been Gone (1968). In a more subdued way the playwright Lorraine
Hansberry lent her support to the nascent lesbian movement. Black gays such as
Bayard Rustin made important contributions to the civil rights movement.
In the years of gay liberation after the Stonewall Rebellion relatively few
black gays and lesbians participated. This reflected in part their sense of the
greater urgency of the black civil rights movement, as has been noted, as well
as the feeling of many who did attend that they were not comfortable. Heterosexual
black leaders, even radicals, tended to keep their distance from the cause of
gay liberation well into the 1980s. In 1983, after a stormy battle over gay
participation in the 20th anniversary March on Washington, a group of prominent
black leaders endorsed the national gay rights bill and put a speaker, Audre
Lorde from the National Coalition of Black Gays, on the agenda; the following
year the Reverend Jesse Jackson included gays in his "Rainbow
Coalition."
The largely white and middle class gay subculture sometimes openly discriminated
against blacks, as in the practice of "carding" whereby black patrons
of nightclubs were singled out by being required to present personal documents
to be admitted.
These and other problems led to the formation of such organizations as Black
and White Men Together (renamed Men of All Colors Together in some cities) and
the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (1978). Several little magazines
appeared featuring black writers, and such black lesbian and gay authors as
Michelle Cliff, Anita Cornwell, Larry Duplechan, Audre Lorde, and Anne Allen
Shockley took their place in America's gay bookstores. Samuel R. Delaney came
to be recognized as one of the four or five most distinguished science fiction
writers of America. New York's Blackheart Collective brought together and
published gay black poets. Other black gays became known in the worlds of
music, sports, and the church. Black gay self-affirmation in turn stimulated
similar movements among Asian-American and American Indian gays. Meanwhile,
organized black homosexuals continue towage a two-front battle against both
racism in the gay community and homophobia in the black community.
Black Perspectives on
Homosexuality. While a substantial portion of black Americans share the
dominant modern industrial-world model of homosexuality, the majority of the
black population, perhaps reflecting class differences as well as a different
ethnic tradition, seems to accept a different, more "Mediterranean"
conception. For these blacks, homosexuality tends to be equated with
effeminacy, and the penetrator is less likely to view himself as homosexual.
Thus, there are fewer inhibitions preventing a "macho" black male
from engaging in sexual activity with another male, as long as he himself
retains the "male role" and his partner restricts himself to the
"female role," than for his white counterpart. The high proportion
of young black males who pass through American confinement institutions and
absorb models of homosexuality which are normative in prisons, jails, and
reformatories may contribute to this perspective.
Complicating the American black perspective on homosexuality is the perception
that slavery represented an attack on black manhood and that continued white
(economic, political, legal) control over black men is an extension of that
attack. Thus behavior which is seen as undermining black manhood, such as
taking what is perceived as a feminine sexual role, is seen by many as a
betrayal of the race, imposing a burden on black gays which whites do not
ordinarily share.
Nonetheless, the black community, having long commiserated in the face of
common oppression and misfortune, seems to have developed an ethos which is
somewhat more tolerant of individual eccentricities, including sexual ones, and
cognizant of the pernicious effects of discrimination of all kinds. Black
culture seems to have been spared much of the anti-sexual heritage of the white
Puritans and their successors, and the sort of organized witchhunt which white
heterosexual society has from time to time inflicted on white homosexuality has
apparently been absent from black American history. It is on this community
ethos of relative tolerance that black gays must build in the future.
Kinsey Statistics. The Kinsey Institute study
of homosexuality in the San Francisco Bay Area, published by Alan Bell and
Martin Weinberg in 1978, sought to measure differences between white and black
homosexuality; the original Kinsey surveys had restricted themselves to whites.
Among the findings of this survey (which has undergone some methodological
criticism) is that homosexual blacks were more likely to be "out"
with their families than whites, were more sexually active but had fewer
partners, were more likely to cruise at private parties and on the street, were
less likely to worry about public exposure of their orientation, were less
likely to have sex with strangers, more likely to accept older partners, more
likely to engage in anal sex, less likely to belong to a homophile
organization, and were less likely to have been arrested (in contrast with the
heterosexual blacks in the study, who were more likely to have been arrested
than the heterosexual whites).
Interracial Homosexuality. Given a perspective which
frequently interprets homosexual relations as signifying dominance and
submission, interracial sexuality must often deal with racial politics. For
many heterosexual black men, it is more acceptable to take a dominant,
controlling sexual role with a white male who takes a "female" role
because this is seen as reversing and compensating for the historic political
dominance of white men, a white dominance which has frequently been expressed
(hetero)sexually, not only in slave society when white men freely appropriated
black women, but in the contemporary world where black prostitutes are seen as
having been appropriated by finanicially more powerful white male clients. This
dynamic is expressed in the most extreme form in prison rape, which often
follows racial lines.
Some gay blacks, on the other hand, being more comfortable in the submissive
role, generalize from their experience of whites as holding the major power
positions of American society to perceive white males as particularly sexually
powerful, and so are attracted to them.
Whites, too, can get caught up in this situation, seeking out black
transvestites and effeminate gays because they feel more comfortable dominating
them or placing them in roles which elicit contempt from such white males. In
the other direction, there are whites who are drawn to more "macho"
black men because they are responding to a popular belief which depicts blacks
as more virile, sexually uninhibited and forceful, with larger organs and
without the supposedly weakening qualities of cultivated white civilization.
Certainly the images of black men presented in written, photographic, and
cinematic gay pornography do nothing to dispel such notions.
Having outlined such situations, it must also be noted that there is widespread
interracial homosexuality which does not follow such Unes, but which may be affected
more by the attractiveness of the "different," curiosity, class
differences, rebellion against social custom, or a belief that race should not
be a factor in discriminating between potential sexual partners.
The San Francisco Kinsey survey found that 22 percent of white but only 2
percent of black homosexual males had never experienced interracial sex; none
of the whites reported more than half their partners to be black, while
two-thirds of the blacks reported more than half their partners to be white.
For lesbians, only 28 percent of the whites had interracial experience, while
78 percent of the blacks did, and 30 percent of those had a majority of white
partners.
Interracial couples seem to be rarer than the frequency of interracial sex
would lead one to expect, probably because the dynamics of an ongoing relationship
are more likely to trigger hostility from a society which is both homophobic
and racist than would isolated encounters.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Alan P. Bell and Martin S. Weinberg, Homosexualities, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978; J. R. Roberts, Black Lesbians, Tallahassee: Naiad Press,
1981; Michael J. Smith, Colorful People and Places, San Francisco: Quarterly
Press of BWMT, 1983; idem, ed., Black Men, White Men, San Francisco: Gay
Sunshine Press, 1983.
Ward Houser
Blackmail
Blackmail
is the popular term for what criminal law designates as extortion, which is
defined as the making of a demand for some action (the handing over of money
or secret information, or the commission of some official act) with a threat
(to reveal some compromising action committed by the victim) for one's own gain
or to the detriment of the victim. Until quite recent times the fear of blackmail
in homosexual circles was intense. Most overt homosexuals were obliged by the
moral attitude of society to lead a double life, posing as heterosexuals in
public view and engaging in forbidden sexual acts clandestinely. By contrast,
the professional criminal often cannot be blackmailed simply because he has no
facade of respectability, or else lives in a subculture in which such a demand
would be promptly met with violence against the would-be informer.
History. The origins of blackmail
lie in the practice of delation that was widespread in antiquity. Before a
modern police and detective force existed, the state power had to rely on
informers who were characteristically rewarded for the information which they
conveyed to the authorities. But if they could obtain a far greater sum from
the delinquent party than the state would pay for the information,
cost-benefit analysis pointed in the direction of extortion. It has been established
that by the end of the thirteenth century, the moral teaching of the Westem
Church had succeeded in outlawing homosexual behavior, for which the Bible and
the Code of Justinian prescribed the penalty of death. This meant that the
individual who defied the ban on sodomitical acts exposed himself to capital
punishment, and had besides to conceal even his interest in the forbidden
conduct. In practice the fact that sexual behavior tends to be relegated to the
most intimate sphere of private life, one to be hidden from all except the participants,
made it nearly impossible for the state power to uncover and punish the
culprits. But the potential blackmailer, if he discovered the homosexual
propensities of his victim, could extort major sums of money from him for his
silence.
The lifelong hypocrisy and concealment that Christian morality imposed upon
the homosexual meant that in early modern times, for the criminal underworld
blackmail of covert sex offenders was to be a lucrative source of income, as
the morals squads of nineteenth-century Europe quickly discovered. Even in
countries like France, where the Constituent Assembly had abolished the laws
against sodomy in 1791, the social ruin that would befall the homosexual whose
conduct became widely known was basis enough for the practice of chantage (although French law
prefers the term extorsión).
Leo
Taxil
even alleged that every government from that of Napoleon I to the Third
Republic had used homosexuality as grounds for political blackmail. A third use
of blackmail - after money and social control - was for purposes of espionage,
as in the case of the Austrian Colonel Alfred Redi, who was supposedly
compelled by the Russians to reveal his country's military secrets.
Arguments of the Homosexual
Rights Movement. The early homosexual rights movement made much of the danger
of blackmail in its propaganda for repeal of the notorious Paragraph 175. The threat of extortion
exacerbated the fear and misery of the homosexual who already exposed himself
to imprisonment and social ruin every time he sought sexual gratification. The
situation of the victim was made even worse by the legal practice of allowing
the blackmailer, even if found guilty in court, to testify against the other
party in turn, so that the homosexual who was subjected to extortion had every
reason to fear any judicial inquiry. English law, by contrast, confined the
proceeding against the blackmailer to the simple question of whether the
extortion had been committed. The blackmailer could be a male prostitute, but
more often a young criminal who knew that he could entice a homosexual into a
compromising situation and then obtain either money or valuable objects as the
price for his silence. The actual demand could be expressed in a letter which
stated or implied that if the recipient did not pay the sum demanded, his
conduct would become public knowledge or would be disclosed to the authorities.
If the victim or his family were wealthy, the sums extorted annually could run
into thousands of dollars. On the other hand, a petty criminal desiring only a
small sum might merely threaten the homosexual with physical violence on the
spot. More subtle forms of blackmail could turn upon the conduct of a
businessman or politician in his professional life, or take the form of threats
to reveal an individual's conduct on the pages of a newspaper or magazine.
This latter practice was a lucrative source of income for the yellow press of
the early twentieth century.
In the face of an intolerant public opinion, the homosexual threatened with
blackmail rarely attempted to seek aid from the police, and there were cities
in which the police force itself, or individuals on the margin of law
enforcement, engaged in regular shakedowns of homosexuals whom they either
entrapped or observed in known trysting places. The invention of instantaneous
photography provided the blackmailer with a convenient tool, since an
unsupported allegation of behavior that left no physical trace could far more
easily be refuted than the evidence of the culprit in flagrante delicto. Even
if the victim sought the aid of an attorney, he would find that no respectable
member of the bar would touch the case, and he would be referred toa criminal lawyer on the
fringe of the profession who for his services would demand fees that amounted
to an indirect mode of extortion. Some masochistic individuals were unable to
break out of the blackmailer's clutches, others sought to escape by fleeing to
another country, some were driven to suicide when they saw no way out of their
plight. Only rarely would a particuarly strong or aggressive individual find
the courage to intimidate or even kill the blackmailer. Of Magnus Hirschfeld's
ten thousand subjects only a small number had ever been imprisoned, but more
than three thousand had been blackmailed. A study made in Austria in the early
1970s, when homosexual conduct was still illegal, came to a similar figure:
approximately one-third of a sample group of homosexuals had been victims of
extortion.
Official Response. The arguments mounted by
Hirschfeld and other supporters of the early homosexual rights movement were
compelling enough to persuade even the National Socialist lawmakers who in the
legislation of June 28, 1935 increased the penalties for male homosexuality,
but at the same time amended the Code of Criminal Procedure to allow the
district attorney to refrain from prosecuting an individual whose criminal
conduct had subjected him to blackmail. In contrast, the subcommittee of the United
States Senate that was appointed in 1950 to investigate Senator Joseph R. McCarthy's
charges that the administration was harboring "sex perverts in government"
found that the danger of blackmail made homosexuals security risks; and since
the penal laws of the District of Columbia had no provision against homosexual
acts the subcommittee urged that the code be amended in this direction. In
other words, it created a situation in which a homosexual employee of the
Federal Government could be dismissed from his job and even prosecuted for his
sexual activity, and then used the risk of blackmail to justify the policy it
was advocating. This is a classic instance of how arguments formulated as an
appeal for toleration could be maliciously turned into justifications for further
intolerance.
Current Situation. In the debate over the
recommendations of the Wolfenden Committee in England after 1957, the issue of
blackmail played a considerable role, and the Criminal Law Amendment Act of
1885 was even dubbed "The Blackmailer's Charter" because of the
opportunity that it had given the criminal underworld to prey upon otherwise
respectable, law-abiding members of society. As the threat of prosecution faded
with the reform of the criminal laws, beginning in England in 1967, and even
more with the education of law enforcement officials in regard to
homosexuality, the danger of blackmail receded. In retrospect, blackmail was
the tribute which fear paid to intolerance. It will end only when the social
stigma attached to homosexual behavior has been eradicated. The rallying cry of
the gay liberation movement "Come out!" is an appeal for candor and
courage on the part of the homosexual community that will relegate the
eventuality of blackmail to the dark annals of history.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Magnus Hirschfeld, Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes, Berlin: Louis Marcus, 1914; Konrad
Schima, Erpressung
und Nötigung: Eine kriminologische Studie, Vienna and New York: Springer-Verlag,
1973.
Warren Johansson
Bloch, Iwan 11872-1922)
German
physician, historian, and sex researcher. One of an extraordinary group of
investigators active in Wilhelmine Berlin, Bloch perhaps surpassed all the
others in learning. Omnivorously curious, he is said to have possessed a
personal library of 80,000 volumes. In addition to the medical approach in
which he had been trained, Bloch directed his full attention to historical,
literary, sociological, and ethnographic evidence, so as to create a
multidisciplinary concept of Sexualwissenschaft |sexual science). In his own
time he viewed the problem of venereal disease as emblematic, holding that this
once overcome, humanity could look forward to a bright future.
Rejecting the degeneration theory, Bloch first held that homosexuality could
be acquired in a multiplicity of ways, but then - on the basis of first-hand
observation - accepted Hirschfeld's doctrine that "true
homosexuality," of congenital origin, was not morbid, but rather healthy
in that it was spontaneous and occurred in individuals who were able to
function as well as other members of society. He distinguished homosexuality
per se from pedophilia, pederasty, hermaphroditism, misogyny, and
"pseudo-homosexuality" [the latter largely corresponding to
bisexuality).
Some of the English translations of Bloch's works, especially those dealing
with anthropological and historical subjects, are so heavily abridged as to be
no true measure of his erudition.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Works: Das Geschlechtsleben
in England, by Eugen
Dühren [pseud.], 3 vols., Berlin: Barsdorf, 1901-03; Beiträge zur Ätiologie der Psychopathia sexualis, 2 vols., Dresden: H. R. Dohm, 1902-03;
Die Prostitution, 2 vols., Berlin: L. Marcus, 1912-25; The Sexual Life of Our Time, trans. M. 'Eden Paul, London:
Heinemann, 1908; Der Ursprung der
Syphilis, 2 vols.,
Jena: G. Fischer, 1901-11.
BLOOMSBURY
Taking
its name from the district of London where many of the members lived, the
Bloomsbury coterie influenced British thought and letters during the first half
of the twentieth century. Broadly cultural rather than academic in their
interests and affiliations, its members practiced and favored several arts,
standing for civilized tolerance as against the competitive ethic of official
Britain. Adherents were socially cohesive, but sexually varied: the salons of
Bloomsbury hosted heterosexual, bisexual, and homosexual members.
The group began in March 1905, when the Stephen family launched their "at
homes" at 46 Gordon Square. Many of the recruits were young men who had
just been graduated from Cambridge, where they had absorbed, in an atmosphere
of wide-ranging enquiry, the ethical precepts of the philosopher G. E. Moore.
At Cambridge most had belonged to a secret society, The Apostles, which was
suffused with homoeroticism (the "Higher Sodomy"). Although
Bloomsbury was not secret, the smugness and self-satisfaction stemming from
belonging to an exclusive coterie clung to members - and repelled outsiders
such as D. H. Lawrence and Wyndham Lewis. For those who had been scarred early
by life's rough-and-tumble, Bloomsbury offered a refuge. Within the protected
redoubt they freely cultivated opinions, modes of speech and conversation, and
clothing styles that struck outsiders, to the extent that they could comprehend
them, as aberrant and bizarre. The character and doings of members and friends
were tirelessly chronicled in arch and informed gossip. Blasphemy and bawdiness
flowed unstintingly. In a 1914 letter Vanessa Bell wrote: "One can talk of
fucking &. sodomy &. sucking & bushes all without turning a
hair." Social gatherings, the life support of the group, featured more
than just talk: opportunities for sexual encounters - indeed of a sexual
merry-ground - were ever present. Homosexuality was "in." As
Virginia Woolf, a member of the Stephen family, bluntly remarked: "The
society of buggers has many advantages - if you are a woman. It is simple, it
is honest, it makes one feel... in
some respects at one's ease." A sign of their sexual adaptability was the
fact that some members settled into a menage a trois.
After Clive Bell - who stood out for his "special charm of normality"
- married Vanessa Stephen in 1907, a second salon was established in which the
visual arts were favored. Later Roger Fry was to promote avant-garde modern art
through his writings, exhibitions, and above all through a collaborative
atelier, the Omega Workshops, which employed a number of
"Bloomsberries." By international standards, however, the Bloomsbury
painters - Vanessa Bell, Duncan Grant, and Fry himself - were second-rate,
never enjoying the prestige of the novelists E. M. Forster and Virginia Woolf,
not to speak of the economist John Maynard Keynes.
The public image of the group was already forming before World War I, and the
mutual support that adherents could rely on helped to advance their individual
careers. The group was generally hostile to the war, and a number of members
became conscientious objectors. In 1918 a homosexual Bloomsberry, Lytton
Strachey, published his Eminent
Victorians, which poured scorn on the icons of official Britain.
Bloomsbury discounted religion as something that educated people could not take
seriously, while politics was generally dismissed as coarse and
life-diminishing. The values of the group were frankly hedonistic: they
appreciated modernist painting largely for its "retinal" qualities,
cultivated French cuisine, and engaged in the kinds of sex that appealed to
individual taste. Although members were individualistic, their headquarters in
London gave them a cohesion that no group of academics, scattered among provincial
universities, could hope to attain. They used their access to the media to
project what they sincerely believed were the ideals of civilization and
tolerance.
To its enemies Bloomsbury stood for superficiality and self-indulgence, a
prolongation in a new guise of the aestheticism and decadence of the 1890s. In
art and literature, theBloomsberries sacrificed content to form, and indeed
their aesthetic ideas belonged to the international context of Formalism. For
their highbrow tastes "proletarian culture" was as repulsive as
"capitalist culture": both were hopelessly vulgar. For all their dislike
of the degradation brought by the industrial system, their revolt against
Victorianism seemed to depend, all too crucially, on the maintenance of the stability
secured by the sacrifices of earlier generations - not to mention their social
position and income. At Bloomsbury gatherings, servants always hovered in the
background and class privilege was taken for granted. The coming of the international
depression in 1929 and World War II seemed to lend substance to this critique/
and Bloomsbury faded in public awareness, though individual members continued
to produce.
The revival of interest in Bloomsbury coincided with the new prosperity of the
1950s, which made its lifestyle preferences available to a larger segment of
society. A further stimulus was the fascination with the early phases of
modernism. Then there was the sexual revolution of the 1960s, which Bloomsbury
was rightly seen as having anticipated. For the first time Michael Holroyd's
massive study, Lytton
Strachey: A Critical Biography (London, 1967-68) revealed to a larger public the
centrality of homosexuality to the group. All these factors turned writing
about Bloomsbury into an academic growth industry, and there was much
uncritical acclaim. Books poured from the presses, and on the art market prices
of even the shabbiest Omega workshop items increased enormously. Inevitably, a
reaction followed, but not so sharp as to exclude the consolidation of a more
balanced picture of the group's accomplishments.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Leon Edel, Bloomsbury: A House of lions, New York: Avon, 1980; J.
K. Johnstone, The Bloomsbury Group: A Study of E. M. Forster, Lytton
Strachey, Virginia Woolf and Their Circle, New York: Noonday, 1954;
S. P. Rosenbaum, The Bloomsbury Group: A Collection of Memoirs, Commentary
and Criticism, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975.
Wayne R. Dynes
Blüher, Hans (1888-1955)
German
homophile leader and scholar. His early, controversial studies on the German
youth movement (Wandervogelbewegung) emphasized the positive function of male
eroticism in the initiation of the young to collective life. Blüher was
strongly influenced by the psychoanalytic theories of Sigmund Freud, and radically
opposed to the "third sex'' theory of Magnus Hirschfeld, the leader of the
German homophile movement. In a two-volume work of 1917-19, Die Rolle dei Exotik in dei männlichen
Gesellschaft [The Role of the Erotic in Male Society], he divided
homosexuals into three types: the "heroic male," the effeminate
invert, and the suppressed homosexual. Society was in his view organized around
two institutions, the family and the state. The first was by its very nature
heterosexual, the second had its basis in male bonding - with homoerotic
overtones. He was also an anti-Semitic thinker who played a part in the
right-wing politics of homosexual paramilitary cliques under the Weimar
Republic. In later years, increasingly departing from his earlier concerns,
Blüher evolved a somewhat murky metaphysics of Christianity and nature. He was
twice married and had two children. Despite his fame as the author of two major
books on homosexuality the Nazis left him alone. At the close of his life he
composed his memoirs under the title Works
and Days.
Body Language
See Gesture and Body Language.
Bohemianism
The
expression La
Boheme first emerged in Paris in the 1840s, where it denoted a
segment of urban life characterized by a mixture of semiunderground figures -
mountebanks, fixers, petty criminals, and prostitutes along with struggling,
impoverished writers and artists - and the free use of alcohol and other
stimulants. The term derives not from the Bohemia (Boheme) that is now a part
of Czechoslovakia, but from the gypsies, to whom that geographic origin was
erroneously ascribed. The fame of the Parisian Boheme led to the detection of
others (which had probably been in existence for some time) in the major cities
of Europe and North America. A typical feature of bohemia was emancipation
from the family with its values and constraints. Contrary to outsiders' impression
of its being disorganized, bohemia had its fixed meeting places - the cafe
being of central importance - and its press.
This urban phenomenon is obviously older than the name itself. A text by
Richard of Devizes pertaining to London in the twelfth century shows homosexuals
living in the company of other denizens of the urban demimonde. At the end of
the Middle Ages a Cologne text of 1484 points to the existence of a homosexual
subculture with regular meeting places, known habitues, and the like. A group
of difficult jargon poems of Francois Villon (b. 1431) has been given an
interpretation which would reveal their author as a homosexual situated in just
such a milieu in mid-fifteenth-century Paris. Most Italian cities, including
Venice and Florence, had such groups.
The gay side of Paris under the early Third Republic is illuminated by the
classic relationship of the poets Rimbaud and Verlaine. Francis Carco's novel fesus-la-Caille (1910) paints a convincing
picture of the life of a bisexual hustler in the French capital during the
Belle Epoque. In the United States the archetypal bohemias were in New York
City: the Greenwich Village and Harlem of the 1920s. The Greenwich Village poet
Maxwell Bodenheim (1893-1954) openly admitted his bisexuality in his
autobiography, and popular journalism affords occasional glimpses of cafes and
bars frequented by homosexuals in the interwar period. Outside New York City,
the most fertile ground for imitation of the "bohemian" lifestyle was
the elite college campus, where students (and ex-students) emancipated from
the surveillance of their families could revel in the freedom of late
adolescence without adult responsibilities. Bohemian cafes, though their
patrons may have been "mixed," were clearly the ancestors of today's gay
and lesbian establishments. The nationwide Prohibition of alcohol as a result
of the passage of the Eighteenth Amendment in 1919 caused speakeasies to spring
up in every city, but with a particular concentration in the bohemian quarters.
While attracting a more varied and upscale clientele, these mob-protected bars
created a new interface between bohemia and crime. Then, when Prohibition was
repealed in 1933 much of the acquired aura of clandestinity - and the need for
payoffs - lingered in gay bars in the bohemian quarters, where the effects of
sleazy, specious glamor and the aura of the forbidden were not to disappear
until the 1960s.
The beatniks and hippies of this period sanctioned sexual experimentation along
with the use of consciousness-expanding drugs and similar avenues of secession
from the constraints of American middle-class life. To a considerable extent,
the post-1969 phase of the gay movement was launched from the social base of
an "alternative" culture in the metropolitan bohemias whose residents
were not threatened by the ostracism and economic boycott that would have
befallen known activists in Middle America.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jerrold Seidel, Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics and the Bourgeois Life,
1830-1930, New York: Viking Press, 1986; Caroline F. Ware, Greenwich Village
1920-1930, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1935.
Wayne R. Dynes
Boisrobert, Francois Le Metel de (1592-1662)
Courtier
of Cardinal Richelieu and founder of the French Academy. Born in Caen, he
practiced law briefly in Rouen, but after some legal troubles in that city he
left for Paris with letters of recommendation to highly placed personalities.
In the French capital he soon gave proof of his lifelong talent for insinuating
himself in to circles of pretty and educated women whom he flattered and
entertained. In time a sexual interest in the handsome pages who adorned the
court of Louis XHI awakened in him, and he exhibited a feminine delight in
appearing publicly in elegant and luxurious clothing. But at the same time he
evinced a wit and humor, a gift for storytelling, that made him a favorite of
Cardinal Richelieu. He knew how to wound and stigmatize some, to flatter and
cajole others. Though not high-born or brilliant, he gained access to the
highest circles thanks to the Cardinal's protection, and in spite of his
undisguised sexual proclivities. "He could have given the Greeks lessons
in how to make love," said a contemporary, and he even earned the sobriquet
of "the mayor of Sodom." His position at court he also used to intercede
on behalf of less talented and needy men of letters. As a token of his favor
Richelieu conferred the title of canon at Rouen on Boisrobert, but this in no
way changed his lifestyle.
At this time a group of writers assembled weekly in a remote corner of Paris to
discuss matters of language and literature, and out of this Boisrobert created
an association with formal membership and statutes - the French Academy,
admission to which became a coveted symbol of recognition as a litterateur of
the first rank; and at the outset it was Boisrobert's personal recommendation
that mattered, and he presided over the Academy with elegance and refinement.
An incident at the theatre cost him the favor of the monarch, and he was exiled
to Rouen, but returned as Cardinal Richelieu was dying [1642]. In favor again,
he encountered hostility from the grammarian and lexicographer Gilíes Menage, who railed at him
as "Cet admirable Pathelin/Aimant le genre masculin" [That admirable
pathic/Lovingthe masculine gender]. After a further mishap that led to a second
exile in Rouen, the courtier returned to bask in the favor of the ladies of the
court, with whom he had a feminine identification that made them overlook or
forgive his own erotic proclivity for pages and manservants. With a physique
reminiscent of a fragile statuette he combined a charm that enabled him to
empathize with the female sex and to play the role of courtier with skill and
audacity. The French Academy with its forty immortals remains a monument to his
incarnation of the homosexual affinity for literature and art.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Emile Magne, Le plaisant abbé de Boisrobert, Fondateur de l'Académie
française, 1592-1662, Paris: Mercure de France, 1909; Numa Praetorius (pseudonym of Eugen Wilhelm), "Der homosexuelle
Abbé de Boisrobert, der Grander der 'Académie française,'" Zeitschrift fur Sexualwissenschaft, 9 (1922), 4-7, 33-43.
Warren Johansson
Bondage
See Sadomasochism.
Bonding
See Friendship; Homosociality.
Bonheur, Rosa (1822-1899)
French
painter. Born into a family of artists, Bonheur was encouraged early on by her father, who sent her to the
Louvre to copy old-master canvases and urged her to visit farms and stables to
sketch. She was only nineteen when she entered her work for the first time in
the official Salon. In her twenties she frequented the slaughterhouses and
horse fairs for material. For these visits she obtained a permit to wear male
costume. At the age of twenty-six she won her first Gold Medal, awarded by a
jury that included Corot, Delacroix, and Ingres. Five years later, her reputation
reached its height in France with the display of The Horse Fair, an imposing tour de force which today adorns
The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.
Prosperity enabled her to acquire a chateau near Fontainebleau, where she kept a menagerie
of exotic animals. She traveled frequently and hobnobbed with royalty. Claiming
that the duties of her craft required her full attention, Bonheur never married.
At the age of fourteen Rosa Bonheur began a friendship with Nathalie Micas, a
sickly child whom she protected. In their blossoming relationship (which
Bonheur described as "sisterly"), Nathalie looked after the clothes
and the studio, freeing Bonheur for her work. Although it was never openly
acknowledged as a love affair, this intimate connection lasted until Nathalie's
death in 1889.
Her last years were illuminated by a passionate friendship with a young
American artist, Anna Elizabeth Klumpke, whose mother had brought her daughters
from San Francisco to Paris so that they might take advantage of European
culture. Although they had met in 1889, the very year of Micas' death, it was
not until 1898, in an imperious letter to Mrs. Klumpke, that Bonheur announced
that she and Anna had decided to share their lives. Klumpke's writings leave
little doubt of the nature of her relationship with Bonheur. In a few letters
to intimate friends the aged painter referred to her companion as "my
wife." Despite family opposition, Bonheur made Klumpke her sole heir.
Although there had been notable women painters in earlier centuries, Bonheur's
career flourished in an era of increasing assertion of women's rights and
creativity, as seen in the careers of such writers as Flora Tristan and George
Sand. Bonheur also took advantage of the interest in androgyny then current to
paint "men's" subjects, while adopting, however guardedly, a male
role in her personal relations as well. After her death Bonheur's reputation
declined, but it revived again with the late-twentieth century resurgence of
interest in academic painting.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Dore Ashton and Denise Browne Hare, Rosa Bonheur: A Life and a
Legend, New York: Viking Press, 1981,- Albert Boime, "The Case
of Rosa Bonheur: Why Should a Woman Want to Be Like a Man?" Art History, 4 (1981), 384-409.
Kathy D. Schnapper
Boston
The
capital of Massachusetts was founded in 1630 by John Winthrop and other
Puritans as "the city on a hill" to be a beacon to show the world how
true Christians should live. The religious convictions of the colonists
naturally entailed a hatred of all forms of sexual "depravity." As
early as 1636 the General Court of Massachusetts Bay asked Rev. John Cotton to
draft a law code for the colony, which included the death penalty for
"unnatural filthiness, whether sodomy, which is carnal fellowship of man
with man, or woman with woman." Although this proposal was not accepted,
another law - providing for the death penalty for male homosexuality only - was
adopted in 1641.
Because of its exceptional harbor and enterprising merchants and shipowners,
Boston achieved wealth and sophistication in the eighteenth century. Profits
from the sordid triangle trade - molasses, rum, and slaves - were not disdained
by these mercantile aristocrats. Secularizing merchants won their prolonged
struggle against dour ministers, but the Puritan strain has never been
completely eradicated. Boston's aggressive patriots, like the Adamses,
remained more puritanical than the Southern deists with whom they were allied.
After 1830 clipper ships and China trade brought new wealth and power to the
Boston Brahmins, who gave the city the particular cachet it has long retained.
The flowering of New England lifted the city - now called the Athens of America
- to the front rank of American culture. Bostonians profited in the
mid-nineteenth century from speculation in railroads, textile and leather
manufacturing, banking and profiteering from the Civil War, while
abolitionists, wrapping themselves in the mantle of moral superiority that
their Puritan forebears had worn, berated both Southern slaveowners and
Northern robber barons. President Charles William Eliot (1834-1926) raised
Harvard to a leading position among American universities and, by adopting the
German Ph.D. system, turned it into a world center of scholarship.
Prominent homosexuals as well as bars and an emerging gay subculture can be
traced to this period. The Imagist poet Amy Lowell smoked cigars and had a
long-term relationship with a lesbian lover. Katherine Lee Bates, who wrote
"America the Beautiful" in 1893 and was a professor at Wellesley
(1885-1925), was also gay. In 1907 the Monatsberichte
of the
Berlin Scientific-Humanitarian Committee printed a letter which said that
"Boston, this good old Puritan city, has homosexuals by the
hundreds," Yankees being the most numerous, but French Canadians also well
represented. Homosexuality extended into all social classes, from the North End
teeming with immigrants to the fashionable Beacon Hill and Back Bay. The grapevine
carried word of homosexual figures in the highest stratum of Bostonian Ufe. However, the anonymous
correspondent believed that the American homosexuals were "astonishingly
ignorant about their own true nature" - which amounted to saying that while
they were conscious of their physical desires, they had not yet been exposed to
European concepts of homosexual identity and militancy. The political
emancipation of the American gay subculture lay decades in the future.
With the coming of the subway, street-car, and electric tram, suburbs developed.
World War I increased the cosmopolitanism of Bostonians and loosened their
sexual mores. During Prohibition certain speakeasies, including the Napoleon
Club and the Chess Room in the Hotel Touraine, attracted a gay clientele. Irish
politicians such as James Michael Curley broke the power of the Brahmins who
retreated to Beacon Hill or the suburbs, though they still held power in the
financial district. One governer was reputedly gay, as were the son of another
and two cardinals. A gay ghetto developed on St. Botolph Street, on the border
between the Back Bay and the South End, the once-
fashionable district where George Santayana lived. Italians occupied the North
End and blacks were displaced from the back of Beacon Hill to Massachusetts
Avenue where they had their own speakeasies and jazz places, their numbers
swollen by emigrants from the South.
World War II saw more black immigration and more sexual experimentation in the
military by all classes of males and females. After the war, as the elite and
upper-middle class fled the city to the automobile suburbs, the gay movement
began with the formation of Boston's Daughters of Bilitis and the founding of
the Mattachine Society of Boston in the late 1950s by the erratic and
picturesque figure of Prescott Townsend, a scion of one of the great Brahmin
families, who summered in nearby Provincetown, now a major gay resort. Gay
bars in and near the "combat zone" and in Scolly Square continued
the prosperity they had gained during the war.
Boston declined in the 1950s and 1960s for economic and social reasons. Later,
a bitter dispute over school busing pitted Irish in South Boston and Italians
in East Boston intent on protecting their ethnic neighborhoods against blacks
and Hispanics, now the fastest growing element in Boston's mix. Economic
recovery and urban renewal began in the late 1960s and have since accelerated.
Homosexuals arrived in great numbers on elegant Beacon Hill and Back Bay and
subsequently gentrified the South End and the Fenway.
After the Stonewall Rebellion in New York City in 1969 Boston's gay movement
developed. The Mattachine Society had been replaced by the Homophile Union of
Boston (HUB).
In 1977 the Boston Boise Committee organized to demand fair trials for a group
accused of child pornography. The District Attorney was thrown out of office,
and only two of the defendants were convicted. Out of the Committee grew GLAD
(Gay and Lesbian Advocates) and the North American Man-Boy Love Association
(NAMBLA), founded in 1978 and now a national group, although the Boston chapter
disbanded subsequently.
Fag Rag, the second oldest gay
periodical still published in North America, was founded in 1970 by an
editorial group that included Charley Shively. Three years later appeared the Gay Community News, a lesbian/gay weekly
unique in being a collective equally balanced between men and women. A
successful gay book publisher, Alyson Press, was created by Sasha Alyson, who
also founded a pro-religious paper Bay
Windows.
Though
deeply divided and often cantankerous, Boston's gay community ranks as one of
the most important in North America. Its annual Gay Pride March has been held
each year since 1971 in mid-June, before the one in New York. The Good Gay
Poets was organized in 1972 and has continued to publish. If Boston has less of
a Bohemia and is more discreet in its gay life than New York or San Francisco,
as an educational center each year it attracts thousands of the brightest
American youth. With over 200,000 students in numerous colleges and
universities, large numbers of faculty, and outstanding medical and legal
institutions, the city vies with Paris, London, and New York as one of the
leading cultural centers of the world. Increasingly, it is also a tourist mecca
that lures the gay vacationer in search of erotic pleasures.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Joseph Interrante, "From the Puritans to the Present: 350 Years of Lesbian
and Gay History in Boston," Gay Jubilee: A Guidebook to Gay Boston - Its History and
Resources, Boston: Lesbian &. Gay Task Force of Jubilee 350, 1980,
pp. 7-29.
Antonio A. Giarraputo and
William A. Percy
Boston Marriage
The term
"Boston marriage" was used in late nineteenth-century New England to
describe a long-term monogamous relationship between two otherwise unmarried
women. The women were
generally financially independent of men, either through inheritance or because
of a career. They were usually feminists, New Women, often pioneers in a profession.
They were also very involved in culture and social betterment, and these female
values formed a strong basis for their life together. Their relationships were
in every sense (as described by a Bostonian, Mark DeWolfe Howe, the
nineteenth-century Atlantic
Monthly editor,
who had social contact with a number of these women, including Sarah Orne
Jewett who had a Boston marriage with Annie Fields), "a union - there is
no truer word for it." Whether these unions sometimes or often included a
sexual relationship can not be known, but it is clear that these women spent
their lives primarily with other women, they gave to other women the bulk of
their energy and attention, and they formed powerful emotional ties with other
women. If their personalities could be projected to our times, it is probable
that they would see themselves as "women-identified women, "i.e.,
what we would call lesbians, regardless of the level of their sexual interests.
Henry James intended his novel The
Bostonians (1885),
which he characterized as "a very American
tale" [the italics are
James'), to be a study of just such a relationship - "one of those
friendships between women which are so common in New England," he wrote in
his Notebook. James' sister Alice had a Boston marriage with
Katharine Loring in the years before Alice's death.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Lillian Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men: Romantic Friendship and Love
Between Women from the Renaissance to the Present, New York: William Morrow,
1981.
Lillian Faderman
Botticelli, Sandro (Alessandro di Mariano Felipepi; ca. 1444-1510)
Italian painter of the early
Renaissance in Florence. Botticelli's art matured in the cultural
efflorescence fostered by the Medici family - a milieu that was shattered by
the turbulent events of the end of the century, including the theocratic
dictatorship of Savonarola. After this break there developed the different
artistic ideals that were to crystallize in the high Renaissance.
Botticelli's paintings capture perfectly the essence of a transient era. The
remarkable beauty of the artist's style stems from a thoroughgoing fusion of
the older linear manner known as the International Style with the new sense of
formal rigor demanded by Renaissance ideals. Although most of Botticelli's
surviving works were religious - responding to standard patterns of patronage
- he also excelled in portraiture as well as mythological allegory of
classical derivation. Paintings in the latter category, above all the
celebrated Primavera
(Spring) and the Birth of Venus, were created in an atmosphere of
philosophical syncretism generated by the Neo-Platonic movement. The chief
figure in this trend, Marsilio Ficino, advocated a concept of Socratic love, a
cautious and high-minded rationalization of his own homoerotic leanings.
Moreover, the influence of another closeted homophile Humanist, the poet and
philologist Angelo Poliziano has been detected in Botticelli's works.
More concrete evidence of Botticelli's sexual orientation is available. On
November 16, 1502, someone dropped a denunciation in the box of the sinister
Uffiziali di Notte, a municipal committee concerned with morals charges. According
to this anonymous informant, the artist had been engaging in sodomy with one
of his young assistants. Perhaps because of the painter's venerable age and
high professional standing, no further action was taken. In view of the
fact that Botticelli never married, and that such liaisons with pupils [garzoni] were common, as shown by
similar accusations lodged, among others, against Donatello and Leonardo, it
seems unwise to dismiss the incident, as some modern scholars, in their zeal to
preserve Botticelli's "purity," have done.
In the last decade of his life Botticelli had the misfortune of seeing his art
come to be regarded as old fashioned, and he painted little. On his death his
artistic reputation fell into a decline that lasted some 250 years. The
triumphant revival of Botticelli, which was made possible in the light of more
inclusive nineteenth-century taste, owes much to two homophile writers: the
aesthete Walter Pater, who included an essay on the painter in his immensely
popular The
Renaissance (1868), and the scholar Herbert Home, who published his
great monograph on Botticelli in 1908.
Wayne R. Dynes
Botto, Antonio
See Pessoa, Fernando.
Bowles, Jane (1917-1973)
American
writer. Bom Jane Auer to a middle-class Jewish family of New York City, she
early had a sense of a powerful imagination together with a awareness of
standing apart from others. A childhood brush with tuberculosis resulted in an
operation that made her lame, increasing her alienation. In 1937, at a party
in Harlem, she met the bisexual American writer and composer Paul Bowles. They
soon traveled to Mexico together, and in the followingyear were married.
Janebegan work on her novel Two
Serious Ladies, which was published by Knopf in 1943. In 1947 Paul left for
Morocco, where Jane joined him the following year. Tangiers was to be her home
for the rest of her life.
Jane had had lesbian relationships before her marriage and was to have a number
afterwards, often with Europeans visiting Morocco. In 1948 Paul introduced her
to an illiterate, but charismatic young woman of Fez, Cherifa, with whom Jane
was to have a stormy relationship over the years. She suffered intermittently
from a writing block, complicated by troubles with drinking. During their stay
in Morocco Jane and Paul Bowles became acquainted with many visiting gay
literary figures, including William Burroughs, Truman Capote, Allen Ginsberg,
and Tennessee Williams.
Jane Bowles' last years were difficult, and she converted to Catholicism. She
was hospitalized on several occasions in a clinic at Málaga, where she died on May
4,1973. Her husband Paul continued to live and work in Morocco, devoting
himself to translating the work of local writers.
In the view of the poet John Ashbery, Jane Bowles was "one of the finest
modem writers of fiction, in any language." Her work stands outside the
mainstream of American fiction, and some have likened it to the Jewish mystical
tradition of the Kabbala. She had a powerful sense of women's independence
from men, which she strove to incarnate in the force and quality of her
writing.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Millicent Dillon, A Little Original Sin: The Life and Work of fane Bowles, New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1981.
Evelyn Gettone
Brand, Adolf (1874-1945)
German
book dealer, publisher, and writer. Brand is chiefly remembered for editingDer Eígene: Ein Blatt für männliche Kultur [The Exceptional: A Magazine
for Male Culture] between 1896 and 1931 - a publication that has been claimed
as the world's first homosexual periodical. It began to appear in April 1896
with the subtitle Monatsschríft
für Kunst und Leben [Monthly for Art and
Life], and only in July 1899 - that is to say, after the founding of the Berlin
Scientific-Humanitarian
Committee - did it assume the subtitle which openly identified it as
a homoerotic publication. Unlike the fahrbuch
für sexuelle Zwischenstufen [Yearbook for Sexual Intergrades], Der Eigene was devoted to literature
and art, publishing short stories on homosexual themes and drawings and
photographs of male subjects in a style that represented the best of the
printer's art of that day. The volumes for 1903 and 1906 are magnificent productions,
with illustrations in sepia and in color. In contrast with Magnus Hirschfeld
and his followers, Brand gravitated more to the faction of the homosexual movement
represented by Benedict Friedlaender, John Henry Mackay ("Sagitta"), and Gustav Wyneken, who sought to revive the pédérastie traditions of antiquity
and the cult of the erospaidagogikos,
the handsome
adolescent as protégé and love object of an older man.
To a certain extent Brand inclined politically to the right, though he
qualified himself as an "anarchist and pederast"; his interests
overlapped with the cult of the youthful athlete and with the
Wandervogelbewegung, the German youth movement, as well as with a certain
aristocratic idealization of the past and of the exclusive male bonding that
had been a feature of warrior societies. For all these reasons Brand and his
collaborators scorned Hirschfeld's notion of the homosexual as a "third
sex" and of the male homosexual as an effeminate "intergrade." Although Der Eigene did not survive the early
years of the great Depression, the volumes scattered in libraries and private
collections are a legacy of what the early twentieth century could accomplish
in explicit male homoerotic art and literature.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Joachim S. Hohmann, ed., Dei Eigene: Das Beste aus der eisten
Homosexuellenzeitschiift dei Welt, Frankfurt am Main and Berlin: Foerster Verlag, 1981.
Brazil
This vast
country, with its 140 million inhabitants, is unique in Latin America in
deriving its language and much of its culture from Portugal. It enjoys the
enviable distinction of being known internationally as the New World country
with perhaps the greatest freedom for homosexuals. Visitors concur in praising
the beauty and vivacity of Brazilian gays who may be easily encountered in the
streets, squares, and places of public accommodation. Historical and
anthropological factors underlie this phenomenon. The vibrant multiracial
character of Brazil, which blends large components of native Indians, Africans
imported as slaves, and Portuguese colonists - all groups that had then-own
homosexual traditions - explains the strong presence of male and female homosexuals
in Brazilian society.
The Colonial Era. When the Portuguese
reached Brazil in 1500, they were horrified to discover so many Indians who
practiced the "unspeakable sin of sodomy." In the Indian language
they were called tivira,
and Andre
Thevet, chaplain to Catherine de Medici, described them in 1575 with the word bardache, perhaps the first occasion
on which this term was used to describe Amerindian homosexuals. The native
women also had relations with one another: according to the chroniclers they
were completely "inverted" in appearance, work, and leisure,
preferring to die rather than accept the name of women. Perhaps these cacoaimbeguire contributed to the rise of
the New World Amazon myth.
In their turn the blacks - more than five million were imported during almost
four centuries of slavery - made a major contribution to the spread of homosexuality
in the "Land of the Parrots." The first transvestite in Brazilian
history was a black named Francisco, of the Mani-Congo tribe, who was denounced
in 1591 by the Inquisition visitors, but refused to discard women's clothing.
Francisco was a member of the brotherhood of the quimbanba, homosexual fetishists who
were well known and respected in the old kingdom of Congo-Angola. Less well
established than among the Amerindians and Africans, the Portuguese component
(despite the menace of the Tribunal of the Holy Office [1536-162].]) continued
unabated during the whole history of the kingdom, involving three rulers and
innumerable notables, and earning sodomy the sobriquet of the "vice of
the clergy." If we compare Portugal with the other European countries of
the Renaissance - not excluding England and the Netherlands - our
documentation (abundant in the archives of the Inquisition) requires the
conclusion that Lisbon and the principal cities of the realm, including the
overseas metropolises of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, boasted a gay subculture
that was stronger, more vital, and more stratified than those of other lands,
reflecting the fact that Luso-Brazilian gays were accorded more tolerance and
social acceptance. Thirty sodomites were burned by the Inquisition during
three centuries of repression, but none in Brazil, despite the more than 300
who were denouced for practicing the "evil sin." They were referred
to as sodomitas and fanchonos.
Independence. With Brazilian independence and the promulgation of the
first constitution (1823) under the influence of the Napoleonic Code,
homosexual behavior ceased to be criminal, and from this date forward there has
been no Brazilian law restricting homosexuality - apart from the prohibition
with persons less than 18 years of age, the same as for heterosexuals.
Lesbianism, outlawed by the Inquisition since 1646, had always been less
visible than male homosexuality in Brazil, and there is no record of any
mulher-macho
("male
woman") burned by the Portuguese Inquisition. In the course of Brazilian
history various persons of note were publicly defamed for practicing
homosexuality: in the seventeenth century two Bahia governors, Diogo Botelho
and Camara Coutinho, both contemporaries of the major satirical poet, Gregorio
de Matos,
author of
the oldest known poem about a lesbian in the Americas, "Nise." He
himself was brought before the Inquisition for blasphemy in saying that
"Jesus Christ was a sodomite." In the nineteenth century the
revolutionary leader Sabino was accused of homosexual practices. A considerable
surviving correspondence between Empress Leopoldina, consort of the Brazil's
first sovereign, Dom Pedro, with her English lady in waiting, Maria Graham,
attests that they had both a homosexual relationship and an intense
homoemotional reciprocity. Such famous poets and writers as Alvares de Azevedo (1831-1852), Olavo
Bilac (1865-1918), and Mario de Andrade (1893-1945) rank among the votaries of
Ganymede. The list also includes the pioneer of Brazilian aeronautics, Alberto
Santos-Dumont (1873-1932), after whose airship the pommes Santos-Dumont were named.
At the end of the nineteenth century homosexuality appears as a literary
theme. In 1890 Aluizio Azevedo included a realistic lesbian scene in O Cortigo, and in 1895 Adolfo Caminha devoted the entire
novel O Bom
Crioulo (which has been translated into English) to a love affair
between a cabin boy and his black protector. In the faculties of medicine of
Rio de Janeiro and Bahia various theses addressed the homosexual question, beginning
with "O Androfilismo" of Domingos Firmínio Ribeiro (1898) and "O Homosexualismo: A Libertinagem no Rio de
Janeiro" (1906) by Pires de Almeida - both strongly influenced by the European
psychiatrists Moll, Krafft-Ebing, and Tardieu. From 1930 comes the first and
most outspoken Brazilian novel on lesbianism, O 3o Sexo, by Odilon Azevedo, where lesbian workers founded an association
intended to displace men from power, thus setting forth a radical feminist discourse.
The Contemporary Gay Situation.
It was
only at the end of the 1970s that gays were able to realize the dream of the terceiristas of Azevedo's novel. In
1976
appeared the main gay journal of Brazilian history, O Lampiao ("The Lantern"),
which had a great positive effect on the rise of the Brazilian homosexual
movement. By 1980 twenty-two organized groups had been formed and two national
congresses had been held. Such a promising start was succeeded by inevitable
setbacks, caused mainly by the lack of political discipline of the gay
activists who had founded the groups and the material and intellectual poverty
of the participants. Four gay groups remain (Bahia, Rio de Janeiro, and two in
Sao Paulo), all of them legally recognized. Among the main victories of the
Brazilian gay movement is the freeing of homosexuals from the role of
"sexual deviants and inverts" and the ratification of several
resolutions on the part of scientific bodies protesting antigay discrimination
and calling for financial support for research on homosexuality. One of the
chief battles of gay activists is to denounce the repeated murders of
homosexuals - about every ten days the newspapers report a homophobic crime.
Recently the transvestite Roberta Close appeared on the cover of the main
national magazines, receiving the accolade of "the model of the beauty of
the Brazilian woman." In the mid-1980s more than 400 Brazilian
transvestites could be counted in the Bois de Boulogne in Paris; many also
offer themselves in Rome. When they hear the statistics of theKinsey Report,
Brazilian gays smile, suggesting through experience and "participant
observation" that in Brazil the proportion of predominantly homosexual
men is as high as 30 percent.
Since 1983, with the death of the first Brazilian AIDS victim, the
"epidemic of the century" has caused much concern in the homosexual
community. Situated in the third place in the world, after the United States
and France, Brazil was tardy in mounting a public information campaign aimed
at the prevention of AIDS. Given the general bisexuality, the spread of the
disease was particularly worrisome among less prosperous youth, who constitute
half of the population. Brazil, once the paradise of gays, has entered a
difficult path.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Peter Fry, "Male Homosexuality and Afro-Brazilian Cults," in S. O.
Murray, ed., Male Homosexuality in Central and South America, New York: Gay Academic
Union, 1987, pp. 55-91; Luiz Mott, O Lesbismo no Brasil, Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, 1987; Joao Silverio Trevisan,
Perverts
in Paradise, London: Gay Men's Press, 1986; Frederick Whitam, Male Homosexuality in Pour
Societies, New York: Praeger, 1986.
Luiz Mott
Britain
See England.
Britten, Benjamin (1913-1976)
English
composer. His works, written in a variety of media, achieved both popular and
specialist success, though with the passage of years they came to be labeled
"traditionalist" by some. Britten shared much of his life with the
tenor Peter Pears, who frequently interpreted his works. In the late 1930s he
began several collaborations with the poet W. H. Auden, including incidental
music to two plays, songs, and the operetta PaulBunyan (1941). Words have always
been an important stimulus for Britten: he has set to music poems by
Michelangelo and Rimbaud, among others. In 1976 he was named a life peer
(Baron Britten of Aldeburgh) by Queen Elizabeth.
In his dramatic compositions Britten worked with the idea of
"parable" as a means of effecting changes in existing patterns of
human relationships. The opera Peter
Grimes (1945) is loosely based on a poem by George Crabbe. Grimes,
a fisherman accused of involvement in the death of two apprentices, cannot
face social pressure and commits suicide. In this choice of subject it has been
argued that Britten was presenting, perhaps unconsciously, a parable of his own
homosexuality. The libretto of The
Turn of the Screw j1954) derives from a famous story by Henry James, which it
follows closely. Two orphaned children are placed in the care of a new
governess, who must struggle for control of the boy Miles with the ghost of
Quint, a former valet. Although she persuades Miles to repudiate Quint, the
effort is too much and he falls lifeless beside her. In the story one could
assume that the ghost is a figment of the characters' imagination - a
collective delusion - but in the opera he must appear in the flesh. Hence the
relationship takes on a more clearly pederastic character than it otherwise
would have done.
The Turn of the Screw remains shrouded in a
certain amount of ambiguity, which disappears in the case of Death in Venice (1976). Thomas Mann's
novella, which the opera faithfully follows, concerns a Central European
bourgeois, the image of respectability, who falls precipitously in love with a
teenage boy. The Britten setting, which has been successfully staged in a
number of major opera houses, offers an adroit, sometimes moving version of a
subject that at first sight would seem difficult for audiences to accept. Death in Venice is not only a fitting
climax to a brilliant career, but an example of the work of a homosexual artist
who made creative use of the opportunities that a changing social climate
provided.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Alan Blyth, Remembering
Britten, London: Hutchinson, 1981; Donald Mitchell, Britten and Auden in the Thirties, London: Faber, 1981;
Christopher Palmer, ed., The
Britten Companion, London: Faber, 1984.
Wayne R. Dynes
Brooks, Romaine Goddard (1874-1970)
American
artist. Born in Rome to a wealthy American family, Romaine had a childhood
marred by her mother's preferring her sickly brother to her. At the age of
seventeen she was sent to a girls' finishing school in Geneva, where she had
crushes on several other students. She showed a talent for both art and music,
and was able to transfer to Paris. She was briefly married to the homosexual
pianist John Ellingham Brooks, and had a stormy relationship with the predatory
Italian writer Gabriele d'Annunzio. In 1905, after study in Italy, Romaine
Brooks began a serious career as an artist in Paris, capped by her successful
show in 1910. Her specialty was portraiture, where she showed the influence of
James McNeil Whistler, though she never studied with him. Her finest single
work is probably her self-portrait, which captures a magnificent brooding
figure set against a ruined landscape (Washington, DC, National Collection of
Fine Arts). Many of her female portraits, including one of Una Lady Troubridge,
the companion of Radclyffe Hall, have an androgynous quality.
On the eve of World War I Brooks met Natalie Barney, a wealthy lesbian
expatriate. Their relationship was to last for fifty years. The two women
collaborated on Barney's book One
Who Is Legion, for which Brooks produced a series of quirky drawings of
impossibly thin figures. Some have detected a humorous side in this aspect of
her work, complementing the high seriousness of her portraiture.
The last thirty years of Brooks' long life were passed in obscurity, and she
did not Uve to see the revival of interest in women artists that
emerged in the 1970s (including a posthumous retrospective of her workin 1971).
Brooks stood apart from modernism and abstraction, pursuing a humanistic art
that gradually opened a gulf with the avant-garde. Her importance is secured,
however, by her place in the constellation of creative expatriate lesbians in
Paris in the first half of the twentieth century, which included not only
Natalie Barney, butDjunaBarnes, Gertrude Stein, and Alice B. Toklas.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Meryle Secrest, Between
Me and Life: A Biography of Romaine Brooks, Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1974.
Kathy D. Schnapper
Brothels
Because
of the clandestinity in which they have been shrouded, it is difficult to
essay a history and typology of houses of male prostitution. Where demand was
present, however, generally means would be found to satisfy it. Often male
prostitutes would be included - as they are today in Mexico - as a sideline of
the female brothel, men being the clients of both. Secular houses of
prostitution must be distinguished from locales where sacred prostitutes were
available.
Historical Perspectives. In fourth-century Athens
houses existed in which attractive boys were readily available. There seems to
have been no need for concealment, as their owners paid a special tax.
Attractive slaves were freely traded for use in such establishments. Athenian
law strictly insisted that only slaves or metics (foreigners resident in the
city), not free-bom citizens, could be inmates. Occasionally, as in the case
of the handsome Phaedrus, a well-born war captive who became a member of
Socrates' circle, a boy would catch the fancy of a client who would buy and
free him.
While male prostitutes existed in medieval Europe, their situations are hard to
assess, in part because the category of house of prostitution merged, as it had
often done in the Roman Empire and still does in many countries, with that of
the bathhouse (the "stews" or "bagnio"). The institution
flourished in medieval and later Islam, though what connections it had with
Europe is uncertain. In China boy brothels were known to exist in profusion
from Sung ¡960-1279) times. In the late nineteenth century, European travelers
report visiting a then-characteristic type of brothel situated on a junk.
Nineteenth-Century Paris. From early
nineteenth-century Paris we have an exceptionally detailed report of a male
brothel in the Rue du Doyenne, which even had its own resident physicians. This
establishment was closed by the police in 1826. François-Eugène Vidocq, in his Voleurs (1837), mentions an
establishment run by a certain Cottin for the benefit of pederasts in the Paris
of the July Monarchy. The ex-police chief Louis Canler reported in his Mémoires that an individual
nicknamed la
mère des tantes, "the mother of the queans," kept a house of male
prostitution that attracted a varied clientele. Under the Second Empire Paris
had a world-renowned male brothel kept by an elderly proprietor who had been a
hustler in his youth but was left destitute by the Revolution of 1848. Toward
1860 he organized his establishment in such a manner that clients of every
social and economic class could frequent its premises. The room corresponded
in price to the degree of luxury that it afforded, and could be rented by the
hour or by the day, as well as reserved by correspondence in advance. Likewise
a customer with a particular sexual preference could arrange to have his
desires satisfied by an appropriate partner, and if he was not pressed for
time, even without advance notice he could have a prompt search made for the
hustler of his choice. The proprietor energetically managed the affairs of the
brothel, aided by the pan-European notoriety which it enjoyed among both
potential clients and aspiring employees. Thus modem capitalist methods of
business administration filtered down to the market for illicit sexual pleasures
in the prosperous France of Napoleon III.
The Cleveland Street Affair.
Victorian
London was to be scandalized by the discovery on July 4,1889 of a male brothel
at 19 Cleveland Street in the West End. This aspect of the sexual underworld of
London had been familiar to Henry Spencer Ashbee, who had written that if
discretion did not forbid it, "it would be easy to name men of the very
highest positions in diplomacy, literature and the army who at the present day
indulge in these idiosyncrasies, and to point out the haunts they
frequent." What particularly alarmed the British authorities was that
messengers from the General Post Office were being recruited as hustlers for a
brothel that catered to "the most abominable of all vices." For the
British press of that day the sordid facts of the case were virtually
unmentionable, even by way of euphemism, and only the peripheral aspects were
publicized at the time, thanks to Henry Labouchere, who had also been responsible
for the provisions on "gross indecency" in the Criminal Law
Amendment Act of 1885. The proprietor of the house from the latter part of that
year until the scandal broke was Charles Hammond, who fled the country on July
6,1889, and a few months later took up residence in Seattle, joining a long
list of British exiles and emigres. He had kept a roster of his clients that
fell into the hands of the police when the premises were raided. The conduct of
the case revealed the inequity of class justice in the prosecution of sexual offenses,
as the wealthy and pow erful figures compromised by the disclosures found
underlings in the field of law enforcement who did their best to obstruct the
investigation.
The Contemporary Scene. The male house of
prostitution continues to exist at the present day. Its raison d'etre is the
same as that of a legitimate enterprise, that is, to make a profit by
satisfying the demands of customers who will patronize the establishment again
and again. The brothel offers the client the assurance of full protection
against being cheated, robbed, assaulted, or blackmailed during or after the
sexual encounter; furthermore, the client, who may be socially prominent or in
a sensitive position in political life or in the diplomatic or intelligence
community, is shielded from public exposure of his homosexuality, which would
make his existence impossible. In one typical establishment, the brothel owner
carefully screens applicants to exclude those with criminal records or a
history of hepatitis or venereal disease. The would-be male prostitute is
usually a model, sometimes an aspiring actor, who takes on the trade to
supplement his income. The owner interviews the candidate to determine the
character of his own preferences; to have qualms is perfectly acceptable, as he
is not disqualified for not desiring a partner of another race or refusing to
participate in sadomasochistic activities. The versatile applicant is
preferred, but one who is extremely attractive will be accepted even if he
takes the active role only. The owner asks the candidate whether he objects to
having nude photographs of himself appear in magazines or motion pictures;
such exposure usually precludes a further career as a commercial model. The
applicant is finally required to perform in a situation approximating one with
a client; if he proves impotent under these conditions he is disqualified. If
he passes the test he is photographed in the nude with his penis both relaxed
and erect. The owner carefully records the exact dimensions of the virile
member. The photographic and other data are, with additional vital statistics,
then entered in a book which is shown to prospective clients. The owner warns
his new employee not to have sexual contact with others in the house, as this
causes conflicts and undesirable attachments among the staff.
The financial arrangement consists of a fixed fee for a stated period of time,
which in certain establishments is split on a prescribed basis between the
management and the prostitute, who retains any tips that he receives from the
client. Minimum fees for first-class establishments have risen with inflation,
and may be as high as $225 for a single encounter. Prostitution is
characterized by the commercialization of the entire relationship: emotional
indifference to the customer, barter, and promiscuity. The employees of the
brothel rarely use their real names, only assumed ones; they are cautioned not
to become emotionally involved with their clients or to see them outside the
business context, and also not to give customers their real names, addresses,
or telephone numbers. For economic reasons, the house seeks to control the
channels of contact between the client and the prostitute.
The prostitute is expected to maintain a youthful and attractive exterior. The
hair must be carefully groomed and not too long, while body hair is shaved off
or removed with depilatory creams. The clothing worn by the male prostitute
must correspond to the image that he desires to project, whether as an escort
for dinner in an exclusive restaurant or as an habitue of leather bars. At the
outset the employment can be financially rewarding and emotionally gratifying,
but as time goes by it looms more and more as a dead end, financially and
emotionally, as age and the strain of the sexual routine take their toll. The
prostitute often needs drugs or alcohol or both in order to perform on demand,
and these stimulants are ruinous to the peak of physical attractiveness that
the successful provider of sexual services must maintain. The time span of a
career in this field is seldom more than three years, but as the house has a
steady supply of new applicants, it can always find replacements for those who
retire.
See also Kadesh; Prostitution.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
David J. Pittman, "The Male House of Prostitution," TransAction, 8/5-6 (1971), 21-27.
Buddhism
A
spiritual tradition founded in northern India in the sixth to fifth century b.c. by Siddhartha Gautama (known as "the Buddha," or
"Awakened One"), Buddhism places emphasis on practicing meditation
and following a spiritual path that leads from a state of suffering, viewed as
the result of attachment, to a state of enlightenment, transcendence and bliss
called nirvana. This path is seen as extending over many lifetimes. Buddhism
has exerted a major influence on the cultures of India, Nepal, China, Japan, Tibet, Korea, Mongolia, Thailand, Burma, Sri Lanka, Laos,
Cambodia, and Vietnam, and in the current century has gained a foothold in
Western countries as well. Among world religions, Buddhism has been notable for
the absence of condemnation of homosexuality as such.
Early and Theravada
Buddhism. For an account of the earliest form of Buddhism, scholars
look to the canonical texts of the Tipitaka
preserved
in the Pali language and transmitted orally until committed to writing in the
second century b.c.
These
scriptures remain authoritative for the Theravada or Hinayana school of Buddhism,
now dominant in Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka.
The Pali Canon draws a sharp distinction between the path of the layperson and
that of the bhikkhu
(mendicant
monk, an ordained member of the Buddhist Sangha or Order). The former is
expected primarily to support the Sangha
and to
improve his karmic standing through the performance of meritorious deeds so
that his future lives will be more fortunate than his present one. The bhikkhu, in contrast, is expected
to devote all his energies to self-liberation, the struggle to cast off the
attachments which prevent him from attaining the goal of nirvana in the present
lifetime.
The layperson's moral code pertaining to sexuality consists of the resolution
to avoid kdmesu
micchacara. As a "training rule" or resolution it does not
have the absolute prohibitive nature of Western religious codes (e.g., the Ten
Commandments), and is promulgated not as the desire of a God but as a practical
guide toward improving one's karma and so (eventually) attaining nirvana. The
Pali phrase cited is literally translated as "wrongdoing in the
sense-desires," and thus is thought originally to have covered misuse of
all the senses (for example, gluttony). In most current English translations,
under the influence of Victorian missionaries who did the early translations,
this has been rendered, however, as "sexual misconduct."
The lay moral code [Pañcasíla]
leaves it
up to the individual to interpret what such misconduct might be, but the
supplementary texts spell out such offenses as adultery, rape, and taking
advantage of those over whom one exercises authority. What is not included even in the supplementary canonical texts is any
condemnation of pre-marital sex or of homosexuality as such. In short, the
unmarried Buddhist layperson is free to engage in consentual homosexual acts.
This had led to a great deal of tolerance of homosexuality in modern Buddhist
countries.
The monastic code of discipline or vinaya,
however,
is aimed at curtailing all passions, including sexual ones. "Is not the
Law taught by me for the allaying of the fever of pleasures of the
senses?" explains the Buddha in a canonical vinaya text. Thus all acts
involving the intentional emission of his semen are prohibited for the monk;
the insertion of the penis into a female or male is grounds for automatic
expulsion from the Sangha,
while
even masturbation is a (lesser) offense. On the other hand, the vinaya is silent on matters which
presumably were not thought to arouse the sense-pleasures; thus there is no law
against a monk receiving a penis into his own body. While a monk is prohibited
by lesser rules from even touching the body of a female (even a female animal),
no such rule pertains to other males, and the physical expression of affection
is very common among the Buddhist monks.
The full rules of the vinaya
are not
applied to the sámanera
or novice
monk, who may be taken into the Sangha
as early
as seven years old and who is generally expected though not obligated to take
the Higher Ordination by the age of 21. In this way the more intense sexual
drive of the male teenager is tacitly allowed for. A samanera may masturbate without
committing an offense. Interestingly, while a novice commits a grave offense
if he engages in coitus with a female, requiring him to leave the Sangha, should he instead have sex
with a male he is only guilty of a lesser offense requiring that he reaffirm
his samanera vows and perform such
penance as is directed by his teacher. This may be the only instance of a world
religion treating homosexual acts more favorably than heterosexual ones.
While there is very little secondary Theravada literature (at least in English)
pertaining to homosexuality, it has been speculated that homosexual orientation
may arise from the residual karma of a previous life spent in the opposite
gender from that of the body currently occupied by the life-continuum. This
explanation contains no element of negativity but rather posits homosexuality
as a "natural" result of the rebirth cycle.
The Mahay an a and Japan ese
Buddhism. The form of Buddhism which spread northward into Tibet,
China, Japan, Korea, and Mongolia from its Indian heartland came to be known
as the Mahay
ana. It
de-emphasized the dichotomy between monk and layperson and relaxed the strict vinaya codes, even permitting
monks to marry (in Japan). The Mahay
ana doctrinally
sought to obliterate categorical thinking in general and resolutely fought
against conceptual dualism. These tendencies favored the development of
positive attitudes toward homosexual practices, most notably in Japan.
Homoeroticism was introduced to Japan, legend has it, by the Buddhist monk
Kukai, also known as Kobo Daishi, in 806 upon his return from studying with a
spiritual master in China. According to Noguchi Takenori and Paul Schalow,
while "homosexuality surely existed in Japan before then . . . the
traditional account of its origins helps explain why homosexuality became a
preferred form of sexual expression among the Buddhist priesthood."
When Father Francis Xavier
arrived in Japan in the mid-sixteenth century with the hope of converting the
Japaneseto Christianity, he was horrified upon encountering many Buddhist monks
involved in same-sex relationships; indeed, he soon began referring to
homoeroticism as the "Japanese vice." Although some Buddhist monks
condemned such relationships, notably the monk Genshin, many others either
accepted or participated in same-sex relationships. Among Japanese Buddhist
sects in which such relationships have been documented are the Jishu, Hokkeshu,
Shingon, and Zen.
Practitioners of Jishu revered Amida, the "Buddha of the Pure Land"
or of "the Western Paradise." Many of its devotees were warriors, and
Father Xavier reported that Jishu monks acted as teachers, spiritual masters,
and lovers to the sons of samurai. Practitioners of Hokkeshu (or Nichiren)
Buddhism, the "black" or "lotus" sect, revered Shakyamuni
(Siddhartha Gautama). They were well known for their sacred mantra, Namumyohorengekyo, "homage to the lotus of the good
law." While Hokkeshu monks officially disapproved of all forms of sexual
intercourse, relationships between monks and novices often appear to have been
both pedagogic and amatory. According to Xavier, despite their official
disapproval of intercourse, the monks "openly admitted" their sexual
preference for other males; moreover, Xavier reports that "the vice was so
general and so deeply rooted that the bonzes [monks] were not reproached for
it."
Shingon Buddhism is traditionally linked to homoeroticism by way of its
founder, Kukai (mentioned above). The Japanese manifestation of Tantric Buddhism,
Shingon may also have included homoerotic sex-magical practices which are now
lost to us.
Zen, that form of Buddhism perhaps most familiar to Westerners, emerged during
the ninth century. In the Zen monasteries of medieval Japan, same-sex
relations, both between monks and between monks and novices (known as kasshiki and shami),
appear to have been so
commonplace that the shogun Hojo Sadatoki (whom we might now refer to as
"homophobic") initiated an unsuccessful campaign in 1303 to rid the
monasteries of same-sex love. Homoerotic relationships occurring within a Zen
Buddhist context have been documented in such literary works as the Gozan Bungaku, Iwatsutsuji, and Comrade
Loves of the Samurai.
The blending of Buddhism and
homoeroticism has continued to figure prominently in the works of contemporary
Japanese writers, notably Yukio Mishima and Mutsuo Takahashi.
Although not specifically linked to homoeroticism, at least one Japanese
response to AIDS should be noted. In 1987, Wahei Sakurai reported that at a
fertility shrine in Kawasaki City where elements of Shinto and Buddhism are
blended, a local priest, Hirohiko Nakamura, displayed two paintings, one of a
samurai, the other of a deity in meditation, both in the process of destroying
AIDS, in the hope that these paintings, when combined with prayers, would
protect practitioners from the disease.
Tibet. Although four major traditions of Buddhism
emerged in Tibet, only one, the Gelug or d Ge.lugs.pa sect, has been
traditionally associated with same-sex love. The Gelug, or "yellow
hat," tradition was founded in the early fifteenth century by Tsongkhapa
Lozang, and it is to this tradition that the Dalai Lama (spiritual head of
Tibetan Buddhism) belongs. "Among the Gelugpas," Lama Anagarika
Govinda explains, "intellectual knowledge . . . including history, logic,
philosophy, poetry . . . medicine and astrology, was given particular
prominence . . . the Gelugpas had to qualify themselves through a long course
of studies in one of the monastic communities (like Drepung, Ganden, or
Sera)."
It is most probably in its adoption of the strictest vinaya rules regarding females that the Gelug
tradition has become linked to homoeroticism. According to these rules, no
woman may stay overnight within the monastery walls. Moreover, the Gelugpas
(at least in the past) condemned heterosexual intercourse for monks, believing
that the mere odor resulting from heterosexual copulation could provoke the
rage of certain deities. Such misogy nistic and anti-heterosexual notions may
have encouraged same-sex bonding. A number of writers have suggested that
homoerotic relationships were until recently quite commonplace in Gelug
monasteries, especially those relationships between so-called
"scholar" and "warrior" monks. In the early twentieth
century, E. Kawaguchi, describing the monks of the monastery at Sera as "descendents
of the men of Sodom," reported that the monks "scarcely fight for a
pecuniary matter, but the beauty of young boys presents an exciting cause, and
the theft of a boy will often lead to a duel. Once challenged, no priest can
honorably avoid the duel, for to shun it would instantly excommunicate him from
among his fellow-priests and he would be driven.out of the temple."
Buddhism in Ameiica. Among those who may be credited with introducing
the West to Buddhism are Walt Whitman and Henry David Thoreau, both of whom are
thought to have loved members of the same sex and both of whom blended
elements of Buddhism with elements of other spiritual traditions in their
work. In the latter half of the twentieth century, many American gays are
practitioners of Buddhism, and the blending of homoeroticism and Buddhism may
be found in the work of a number of gay American writers and musicians including
Allen Ginsberg, Harold Norse, Richard Ronan, Franklin Abbott, and Lou Harrison.
Of these, Ginsberg has perhaps been the most vocal in terms of claiming Buddhism,
especially in its Tibetan manifestation as taught by the late Chogyam Trungpa
Rimpoche, as a source of inspiration. A number of Buddhist organizations have
also begun to focus on the specific concerns of gay people, as, for example,
the Hartford Street Zen Center of San Francisco, whose co-founder,
IssanDorsey, is a gay Zen monk. Other organizations, like the Buddhist AIDS
Project of Los Angeles, while not addressing the specific concerns of gays, have
been established to provide services for persons with AIDS.
While some practitioners of Buddhism maintain that the practice of same-sex
love runs counter to the moral precepts set down long ago by Buddhist monks,
many others, both gay and non-gay, maintain that if one accepts one's gayness
and attempts to dwell in harmony with and to care for one's fellow creatures,
then one is indeed following in the steps of the Buddha.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Ron Bluestein, "Zen and the
Art of Maintenance in Mecca," The Advocate, April 2, 1985; Martin
Colcutt, Five Mountains: The Rinzai Zen Monastic Institution in Medieval
Japan, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981; Saikaku Ihara, Comrade Loves of the
Samurai, E. Powys Mathers, trans., Rutland, VT: Tuttle, 1972; Matsuo
Takahashi, Poems of a Penisist, Hiroaki Sato, trans.,
Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1975,- Noguchi Takenori and Paul Schalow,
"Homosexuality," in Kodansha Encyclopedia of Japan, Gen Itasaka, ed., Tokyo
and New York: Kodansha Ltd., 1983, vol. 3, pp. 217-218; Allen Young,Aiien Ginsberg: Cay Sunshine
Interview with Allen Young, Bolinas: Grey Fox Press, 1974.
Randy P. Conner and Stephen
Donaldson
Buggery
By the early eighteenth
century buggery had become the universal signifier in English law for intercourse regarded as
criminally unnatural, whether man with man, man with woman, or man or woman
with beast. That is to say, it had come to encompass male homosexuality (anal
and oral), deviant heterosexual conduct (anal and oral), and bestiality. Lesbianism,
which was never criminalized in England, is not included in this list.
Curiously, after homosexual offenses between consenting adults were
decriminalized in 1967 in England and Wales, a few cases were still prosecuted
subsequently for male-female buggery.
Although the legal definition is broad, attention tends to focus on anal
relations, as shown by the verb "to bugger," which almost always
refers to anal penetration. Once invested with an aura of taboo - the word
bugger was considered unprintable outside of legal statutes and commentaries -
it has undergone considerable banalization in popular speech, as seen in such
expressions as "the old bugger" = "the old guy." Note also
"bugger up" (mess up) "buggered out" (tired), and
"bugger-all" (nothing). All these expressions are much more common
in Great Britain than in North America, where the word family is obsolescent.
There is no etymological link with "bug" or "bogeyman,"
though these words may enter into the outer zones of the term's semantic penumbra.
Historical Background. The history of the word bugger displays a
number of revealing bypaths of popular prejudice. Ultimately it stems from the
Old Bulgarian bülgarinü,
the ethnic name of the
Slavic people inhabiting the southeastern part of the Balkan peninsula.
Although the Bogomil and Paulician (dualist) heresies emerge in Bulgaria - on
the periphery of the Byzantine empire - as early as the tenth century, it was
only in the wake of the Fourth Crusade (1204) that medieval Latin búlgaras (and its vernacular congeners) came to be
associated with these heresies. In the West the principal reflex of the dualist
systems was the Cathar or Albigensian heresy in southern France.
And so in the thirteenth century bougre
appeared in Old French with
two meanings: (1) Albigensian heretic; ^(sodomite. Sexual depravity had, in
fact, been charged to certain Gnostic sects as early as the time of Irenaeus of
Lyon (late second century). In the Middle Ages heresy and "unnatural"
sexual activity were both traced to the instigation of the Devil, since neither
could presumably have occurred to anyone spontaneously. At all events the
ascription of sexual irregularity to the Albigensians seems wholly unfounded,
albeit the perfecti - the inner circle of rigorists - did abstain
from all types of intercourse. Thus what might at most be termed a case of
sexual exceptionalism, chastity, was slanderously converted into its opposite,
sexual licence. Such accusations no doubt helped to rationalize the bloody
suppression of the Albigensian heretics.
The English derivative of bougre
is bugger, which in the medieval texts has the sole
meaning of "heretic." The first occurrence of "buggery" in
the legal sense of "sodomy" is in the fateful law of 1533 (25 Henry
Vffl c. 6). In his commentaries on the laws of England, Sir Edward Coke
(1552-1634) defined buggery as "a detestable and abominable sin amongst
Christians not to be named, committed by carnal knowledge against the
ordinance of the creator and order of nature by mankind with mankind or with
brute beasts, or by womankind with brute beast" [Third Part of the Institutes of the Laws of
England, 1644,
pp. 58-59). All that is lacking in this catalogue of capital crimes (for which the penalty specified was
execution by hanging or drowning) is heterosexual buggery. That is supplied in
the comprehensive definition found in G. Jacob's Law Dictionary of 1729: "Buggery... is defined to be carnalis copula contra Naturam et hoc velper
confusionem Specierum, sc. a
Man or Woman with a brute Beast; vel
sexuum, a
Man with a Man, or Man with a Woman."
An additional factor is the Old French use of bougre to mean "usurer," a moneylender who profits from interest. This
association (heretic - sodomite -usurer) derives from the ancient notion that
interest is "unnatural" because money, unlike land, is intrinsically
sterile, just as homosexual activity is doomed to sterility. Lexicographers
have noted the curious
fact that the three areas of human experience that generate the greatest amount
of slang are money, sex, and inebriation. Though it is now obsolete, the
sodomite-usurer link united the first two.
In France the word bougrerie
never gained status as a
term of art in law codes, though it sometimes makes its way into reports of
executions ("sin of buggery"). In the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries a contrast developed between bougre
for the active homosexual
partner as against headache
for the passive one. Modern
French retains the old,word( together with the female counterpart bougresse, mainly
as a jocular term of pity or mild abuse; the sexual content has almost entirely
faded away. As has been noted, the English enshrined the term buggery in the
statute books and legal commentaries, tying the meaning to the sexual aspect,
but broadening it to include a whole spectrum of carnal offenses (excepting
only lesbianism and masturbation).
In southern Europe forms prevailed in which the second consonant is soft;
hence Spanish bujaridn
and Italian buggeione (cf.
the French variant bougezon).
At the end of the fifteenth
century the Italian word was carried northwards to German-speaking countries by
travelers and mercenaries in the adapted form paseian(t), with
devoicing of initial 'b.' Thus Albrecht Durer labels his 1504 drawing of the
Death of Orpheus "Der erst puserant" (the first bugger). Although the
word has disappeared in modern German, variants linger as loan words in several
neighboring Slavic tongues. Thus when the American gay poet Allen Ginsberg
visited Prague in 1965 his popularity among Czech students provoked the ire of
the Communist authorities and he was roughed up by a plainclothesman who yelled
the epithet buzezant
at him [see "Krai Majales," Collected Poems,
1947-1980, 1984,
p. 353).
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Claude Courouve, Vocabulaire de I'homosexualiti masculine, Paris: Payot, 1985.
Wayne R. Dynes
burchiellesque poetry
This term denotes a type of
Italian poetry {alia
buichia-, "haphazardly") utilizing "
Aesopic" or coded language, and bristling with obscene double meanings
which offer a certain parallel to the famous poems in jargon of
Francois Villon (1431-ca. 1463). Burchiellesque poetry flourished from the
early years of the fifteenth century through the sixteenth. The leading
practitioner of the mode was Domenico di Giovanni, known, because of his
facility, as "II Burchiello" (1404-1449).
Among the followers and successors of II Burchiello, one should note Antonio
Cammelli (1436-1502) and Bernardo Bellincioni (1452-1492), who wrote many
compositions on homosexual themes. Various other writers also wrote alia buichia,
notably Domenico di Prato
(ca. 1370-ca. 1432), Rosello Roselli (1399-1451), and the great architects
Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446) and Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472).
Burchiellesque language also appeared in prose: for Tuscan Renaissance writers
it was standard practice - when they wrote euphemistically on sex (as in
private correspondence, for example) - to have recourse to Burchiellesque
"cypher," as did Niccold Machiavelli and Francesco Berni.
Burchiellesque poetry faded away in the sixteenth century, giving life to the
less exuberant variant of burlesque known as Bernesque. Yet elements of Burchiellesque
language lingered for a long time, for example in the Roman pasquinades satirizing
the popes.
Often innocent nonsense, foreshadowing the later limericks, Burchiellesque
language consists entirely in double meanings, which usually stem from riddles
or puns; these are almost always obscene, and often homoerotic. To the
uninitiated burchiellesque poems can seem complete in themselves in terms of
their surface meaning, so that they seem harmless if somewhat
eccentric. In other instances they are hermetic at the surface level also, and
indecipherable to anyone who does not possess the key.
Interpreting burchiellesque language is difficult, inasmuch as often the
solution is ariddle leadingto anotherriddle. For example, it is possible to
read the verb tagliare
(meaning
"to cut" in standard Italian) as "to sodomize" because it
echoes the word tagliere,
"chopping
board." In former times these boards were round, not square; hence the
meaning "anus." The metaphorical meaning of tagliere parallels that of tondo ("round" and, by extension, a round sculpted or
painted relief), which also means "anus."
Burchiellesque jargon is generally constructed through symmetrical contrasts: asciutto, "dry" -
"sodomy" vs. umido,
"humid"
= "heterosexual coitus"; valle,
"valley"
= "vulva" vs. monte,
"mountain"
= "anus. In other comparisons the counterpart of the penis is not the
vagina, but usually the anus.
Penetration is not usually expressed in the heterosexual sense, but commonly
in terms of anal copulation with a man as object. This prominence of
sodomitical coitus probably reflects the "transgressive" intent of
burchiellesque poetry, for which anal relations are more suited than
"banal" heterosexual contact.
The difficulty of burchiellesque language, and the "scandalous"
subject matter, have combined to discourage scholarship. Even today there is
no critical edition of the works of II Burchiello, the founder of the trend,
nor has a key been worked out that would enable one to recover all the hidden
meanings.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Works:
Sonetti del Burchiello, del Bellincioni e d'altri poeti fiorentim alia burchiellesca,
"London"
(actually Lucca and Pisa), 1757; II Burchiello, Sonetti inediti, M. Messina, ed., Florence:
Olschki, 1952.
Giovanni Dall'Orto
Burma
A
southeast Asian republic of about 40 million people, Burma is an agricultural,
mountainous country. Conquered by Great Britain in the nineteenth century, it
achieved independence in 1948. Knowledge of homosexuality in Burma is
complicated by the fact that the country has been largely closed to tourists
since independence (except for brief tourist visas of up to seven days), by
the dominant language, Burmese (which is tonal and part of the Sino-Tibetan
group), by the Burmese script (which derives from south Indian scripts), and by
the plurality of cultures and cultural influences. More than one hundred indigenous
languages are spoken in Burma. Besides Burmese, Mon, Shan, Karin, Chinese, and
Kachin are spoken by large numbers of people, though at the time of the British
occupation only Burmese, Mon, and Shan had written alphabets.
Animism, which preceded Buddhism, introduced in the fifth century, is still
practiced by the hill tribes in the northeast such as the Shans, Karins, and
Kachins. Among the Kachin, the Gashadip, according to Joel M. and Ester G.
Maring, is "conceptualized as a bisexual human being who controls the
fertility of the soul and of human beings. The Kachin chief makes periodic
offerings to the gashadip."
Such
bisexual mythic beings appear widely across southeast Asia, in Indonesia and in
northern Australia.
Burmese Buddhism, like that of Thailand, is of the Theravada School dominant in
Sri Lanka and in Southeast Asia and has been compulsory in large parts of the
country since King Anawaratha conquered Thatori in the south in 1044 and
forcibly removed the entire population, including Buddhist monks, to Pagan in
the north. It has been tolerant of homosexuality. Monks are said to be highly
sexed and tourists are warned to be careful of sexual advances - though such
reports may be exaggerated. Transvestism is also known. The first Western report
of homosexuality in Burma stems from Jan Van Linschoten's (1563-1611) visit to
Pegu.
Homosexuality is said to be portrayed in puppet plays in a comic way as in
Indonesian puppet theatre, in Asia as far west as Turkey and in Europe.
Homosexuals no doubt existed and exist in Burmese theatre - especially
probably in Burmese dance - as they certainly do in the closely related dance
traditions of East Java. Dance in Burma is largely based, as in Indonesia, in
East Java and Bali, on the epics of India, the Ramáyana and Mahabhazata. The greatest oil painter
of modern Burma, U Thein, was almost certainly homosexual; for example, in the
painting "Best Friend" in the National Museum in Rangoon, the
artist's Friend is portrayed as the Loving Buddha, an icon suggestive of
homosexuality.
Homosexual references or writings have not been found in Burmese,- but as
Burmese literature is based on Indian literatures - which are highly erotic
without, especially in south India and in Tantrism, distinguishing between hetero-
and homoeroticism - it seems reasonable to look for them. Homosexual writing in
Thai - also tonal and written in a similar script with a common south Indian
origin - has been reported; so, given the close interrelationship of the two
bordering cultures (the Burmese conquered Thailand in the eighteenth century
and sacked the capital Ayutthaya), this also points to the fact that homosexual
references and homoerotic writings may exist in Burmese. The issue is
complicated by the massive destruction of Burmese culture both by wars (such as
the British conquest in the nineteenth century and scorched earth policies in
World War II) and by nature (a ferociously hot climate in the north which led
to the destruction of the wooden palace of Burmese rulers and its contents in
Mandalay after it survived World War II - and high humidity in the south).
Manuscripts in Rangoon and in London at the British Library and the University
of London, School of Oriental and African Studies (the main repositories
outside Burma) have not been assessed for homosexuality so far as is known.
With over 2,000 monuments, the great archeological site of Pagan sacked by the
Mongols in 1287 (but not destroyed), should be examined (particularly its wall
reliefs and frescoes) by someone familar with Buddhist iconography and its possible
homosexual references. The erotic symbolism of the stupa and the spire needs to
be considered - especially in regard to the great Shwedagon pagoda in Rangoon
and such masterpieces as the Ananda pagoda in Pagan and also in relation to
Tantric Buddhism which is highly influential in Burma. The underplaying of
eroticism is a serious handicap. I. B. Homer in translating the Pali
scriptures in the early twentieth century left out many references to
sexuality at the time of Christ, including the split among Buddhists in Sri
Lanka over five theses, one of which concerned nocturnal emissions by monks.
The influence of Chinese culture - also tolerant of homosexuality - on Burmese
culture must also be considered. For much of its history Burma, like Thailand,
Vietnam, Korea, and Japan (though only culturally for Japan), was a vassal
state of China where the ruler had absolute power until 1908. In the matter of
sexuality this meant that he - or she - could do as he - or she - pleased
sexually. Burmese rulers, like Thai, Korean, and Vietnamese, modeled themselves
on Chinese. Their sexuality needs to be examined in detail by a competent
scholar as does the art and literature, both written and oral.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J.H. Luce, Old Burma, Eazly Pagan, Locust Vally, NY: J.J.
Augustin, 1969; Maung Htin Aung, Burmese Drama, new ed., London: Oxford University Press, 1957; idem, A History of Burma, New York: Columbia
University Press, 1967.
Paul Knobel
Burns, John Horne (1916-1953)
American
novelist. Bom into an Irish Catholic family in Andover, Massachusetts, Bums
was educated at Harvard University. He taught English at the Loomis School from
1937 to 1942. During World War II Burns served in the Army in North Africa and
Italy. There he gathered the material for his book The Gallery 11947), a series of
brilliant episodes unified by the passage of the characters through the
Galleria Umberto in Naples. Many readers have regarded the section entitled
"Momma" as the most vivid account of the special atmosphere of a
classic gay bar that has ever been written. The characters, several of whom are
campy queens, are sharply delineated, and the author showed a remarkable ear
for argot and the rhythms of gay speech. Other parts of the novel contain gay
allusions, but these are generally too subtle to be picked up by most readers.
The overarching presence in the novel is the freedom and sensuality of Italy,
and the book is thus another document in the attraction of the northerner for
fabled Mediterranean lands, though in this instance refracted in the turmoil of
war.
Sensing a change in the American literary climate signaled by critical attacks
on writers who allegedly belonged to the "fairy Freudian" school,
Burns sought to direct his talent into more conventional paths. Although the
main character of Lucifer
with a Book {1949) is heterosexual, the novel contains a number of minor
gay characters. Its main purpose was to indict the hypocrisy of American
secondary education, which Burns knew well. A Cry of Children (1952) also has a
heterosexual hero, a pianist named David Murray. Although homosexuality enters
into this book as well, it is much more negatively presented. This shift
reflects not only the hostile climate of the Cold War years, but Burns' own
confusions stemming from his growing alcoholism. The writer died of sunstroke
during a visit to Leghorn, Italy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. John Mltzel, John Home Bums: An Appreciative Biography, Dorchester, MA: Manifest
Destiny, 1976.
Burton, Richard Francis, Sir (1821-1890)
British
explorer, geographer, adventurer, writer, anthropologist, translator, and
sexologist. Although married unhappily to the beautiful but obtuse Isabelle
Burton, by whom he had no children, he led a life that was eccentric and
scandalous. In his youth, he visited boy-brothels in Karachi, which led him to
have a lifelong interest in homosexuality, although this interest bore fruit
only toward the end of his life. Burton was famous for his explorations in
Arabia and Africa, and he traveled to every part of the globe, often being the
first white man to visit the regions which he explored. He wrote a long series
of thick volumes on Africa and other places, and translated several books.
The later part of Burton's life was devoted to translation of the The Thousand and One Nights and other works of
oriental eroticism, which created a stir at a time when such writings were
considered to be outrageously pornographic and unspeakable. He added insult to
injury by appending a notorious "Terminal Essay" to the Nights which included a long
article on pederasty, one of the first (and the first published in English)
extended discussions of this taboo theme in modern times. Burton believed that
there was a so-called Sotadic Zone in the equatorial regions of the world in
which pederasty was widespread and tolerated, while the northern and southern
regions tended to outlaw pederasty and limit it to a minority. He said that the
hot weather was the factor which determined all of this, a theory which now
appears unlikely but which was taken seriously in the early days of sexology.
It now appears that this division into two zones has some validity, but is due
to folkways, morality, and economic factors rather than the weather. This essay
has sometimes been mistaken for a "gay lib" apology ahead of its
time, but a close reading reveals that Burton looked upon sodomy as a lurid
vice suitable for shocking Mrs. Grundy when Burton was in a mischievous mood.
There is no proof that he ever had sexual relations with any woman (including
his wife) or boy, although the visit to the brothels of Karachi has naturally
led to suspicions that he did more than just look at the catamites.
The final years of Burton's life were spent in Trieste, working on'a massive
erotic masterpiece which supposedly included much information on homosexuality,
information supplied to him by Symonds, Ulrichs, Henry Spencer Ashbee, and Guy
de Maupassant. However, the manuscript was destroyed after Burton's death by
his widow as part of her sanctification plans for her husband's memory. This
work was supposedly an annotated translation of the Perfumed Garden of the Sheikh Nefzawi (or
Nafzawi), but the French translation had no references to pederasty. The Glory of the Perfumed Garden is a recent work claiming
to be the "missing" half of this work, with chapters on pederasty and
lesbianism, but this may be a fraud.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Stephen W. Foster, "The Annotated Burton," in The Gay Academic, Louie Crew, ed., Palm
Springs, California: ETC Publications, 1978, pp. 92-103; Brian Reade, ed., Sexual Heretics, New York: Coward-McCann,
1971.
Stephen W. Poster
Butch-Fem (Lesbian) Relationships
Butch-fem(me)
relationships are a style of lesbian loving and self-presentation which can in
America be traced back to the beginning of the twentieth century; historical
counterparts can be found even earlier. Butches and ferns have separate sexual,
emotional and social identities, outside of the relationship. Some butches
believe they were born different from other women; others view their identity
as socially constructed.
While no exact date has yet been established for the start of the usage of the
terms "butch" and "fern," oral histories do show their
prevalence from the 1930s on. The butch-fem couple was particularly dominant in
the United States, in both black and white lesbian communities, from the 1920s
through the fifties and early sixties.
Basic Features. Because the complementarity
of butch and fern is perceived differently by different women, no simple
definition can be offered. When seen through outsiders' eyes, the butch appears
simplistically "masculine," and the fem, "feminine,"
paralleling heterosexual categories. But butches and fems transformed
heterosexual elements such as gender attitude and dress into a unique lesbian
language of sexuality and emotional bonding. Butch-fem relationships are based
on an intense erotic attraction with its own rituals of courtship, seduction
and offers of mutual protection. While the erotic connection is the basis for
the relationship, and while butches often see themselves as the more aggressive
partner, butch-fem relationships, when they work well, develop a nurturing
balance between two different kinds of women, each encouraging the other's
sexual-emotional identity. Couples often settle into domestic long-term
relationships or engage in serial monogamy, a practice Kennedy and Davis trace
back to the thirties, and one they view as a major Lesbian contribution to an
alternative for heterosexual marriage. In the streets in the fifties, butch-fem
couples were a symbol of women's erotic autonomy, a visual statement of a
sexual and emotional accomplishment that did not include men.
Butch-fem relationships are complex eroticand social statements, filled with a
language of stance, dress, gesture,
and comradeship. Both hutches and fems carry with them their own erotic and
emotional identities, announced in different ways. In the fifties, butch
women, dressed in slacks and shirts and flashing pinky rings, announced their
sexual expertise in a public style that often opened their lives to ridicule
and assault. Many adopted men's clothes and wore short "DA" hair cuts
to be comfortable and so that their sexual identity and preference would be
clearly visible. As Liz Kennedy and Madeline Davis, authors of a study of a
working-class black and white butch-fem community inBuffalo,New York, 1940-60,
have pointed out, the butch woman took as her main goal in love-making the
pleasure she could give her fern partner. This sense of dedication to her
lover, rather than to her own sexual fulfillment, is one of the ways a butch is
clearly distinct from the men she is assumed to be imitating.
The fem woman, who can often pass as a straight woman when not with her lover,
actively sought to share her life with a woman others labeled a freak. Before
androgynous fashions became popular, many fems were the breadwinners in their
homes because they could get jobs open to traditional-looking women, but they
confronted the same public scorn when appearing in public with their butch
lovers. Contrary to gender stereotyping, many fems were and are aggressive,
strong women who take responsibility for actively seeking the sexual and
social partner they desire.
Community Aspects. Particularly in the
fifties and sixties, the butch-fem community became the public face of
lesbianism when its members formed bar communities across the country, and thus
became targets of street and police violence.
In earlier decades, butch-fem communities were tightly knit, made up of couples
who, in some cases, had longstanding relationships. Exhibiting traits of
feminism before the seventies, butch-fem working-class women lived without the
financial and social securities of the heterosexual world, caring for each
other in illness and death, in times of economic depression, and in the face
of the rampant homophobia of the fifties. Younger butches were often initiated
into the community by older, more experienced women who passed on the rituals
of expected dress, attitude, and erotic behavior. This sense of responsibility
to each other stood the women in good stead when police raided their bars or
when groups of men threatened them on the streets.
Bars were the social background for many working-class butch-fem communities
and it was in their dimly lit interiors that butches and fems could perfect
their styles and find each other. In the fifties, sexual and social tension
often erupted into fights and many butches felt they had to be tough to protect
themselves and their women, not just in the bars but on the streets as well.
Butch-fem is not a monolithic social-sexual category. Within its general
outline, class, race, and region give rise to style variations. In the black
lesbian community of New York, for instance, "bull dagger" and
"stud" were more commonly used than the word "butch." A
fem would be "my lady" or "my family." Many women of the
lesbian literary world and of the upper classes also adopted this style of
self-presentation. In the 1920s, Radclyffe Hall, the author of The Well of Loneliness, called herself John in her
marriage to Lady Una Troubridge. Butch-fem style also shows the impact of
changing social models and politics. Feminism, for instance, as well as open
relationships and non-monogamy, have been incorporated into butch-fem life of
the seventies and eighties.
With the surge of lesbian feminism in the early seventies, butch-fem women
were often ridiculed and ostracized because of their seeming adherence to
heterosexual role playing. In the eighties, however, a new understanding of
the historical and sexual-social importance of butch-fern women and communities
has begun to emerge. Controversy still exists about the value of this lesbian
way of loving and living, however. Members of such groups as Women Against
Pornography depict butch-fem as a patriarchal, oppressive, hierarchical way of
relating. The American lesbian community is now marked by a wide range of
relational styles: butch-fem is just one of the ways to love, but the butch-fem
community does carry with it the heritage of being the first publicly visible
lesbian community. Related
Terms.
"Stone
butch": a butch woman who does not allow herself to be touched during
lovemaking, but who often experienced orgasm while making love to her partner.
This was a sexual style prevalent in the forties and fifties.
"Baby butch": a young-looking butch woman with a naive face who
brings out the maternal as well as sexual longings of fem women.
"Kiki": a term used from the forties through the sixties for a
lesbian who could be either butch or fem. A publicly kiki woman in the forties
and fifties was often looked upon with suspicion though in the privacy of
butch-fem homes, different sexual positions were often explored.
"Passing woman": a woman who works and dresses like a man; this style
of self-presentation was often used in the past to transcend the gender
limitations placed on women. Many working-class women "passed " in
order to hold down the jobs they wanted without harassment; in earlier decades
passing women often married other women. Passing women have their own sexual
identity.
(The author wishes to extend special thanks to Deborah Edel, Lee Hudson, and
the New York Butch Support Group for help in preparing this article.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Madeline Davis and Elizabeth Lopovsky Kennedy, "Oral History and the Study
of Sexuality in the Lesbian Community: Buffalo, New York. 1940-1960," Feminist Studies 12
(Spring 1986), 7-28; Jonathan Katz, Gay American History, New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell, 1976; Audre Lorde, Zami, Trumansburg, New York: The Crossing Press, 1982; Merril
Mushroom, "How to Engage in Courting Rituals, 1950 Butch Style in the
Bars: an Essay," Common Lives/Lesbian Lives (Summer 1982), 6-10; Joan
Nestle, "The Fem Question," in Pleasure and Danger, Carole S. Vance, ed.,
Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1984; idem, A Restricted Country, Ithaca: Firebrand Books,
1987; idem, "An Old Dyke's Tale: An Interview with Doris Lunden," Conditions 6 (1980), 26-44.
Joan Nestle
Byron, George Gordon, Lord (1788-1824)
English
Romantic poet, born in London. The most influential poet of his day, with a
world-wide reputation, Byron became famous with the publication of Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (1812-18), an account of
his early travels in Portugal, Spain, Albania, and Greece. The proud, gloomy,
guilt-ridden, alienated Harold defined the "Byronic hero" who was to
reappear in various guises in Byron's later poems, notably in
"Manfred," "The Corsair," and "Lara." The type
became a defining image for European and American romanticism. Forced into
exile in 1816 because of the scandal caused by his wife's leaving him, Byron
settled in Italy, principally in Venice. There he wrote his sparkling satire
on cant and hypocrisy, Don
Juan. He
spent the last months of his life in Greece, trying to help the Greeks in their
struggle to gain independence from the Turks.
Notorious in his lifetime for his many affairs with women, Byron at 17 fell in
love with a Cambridge college choir boy, John Edleston, two years his junior.
This love is expressed in such early poems as "To E - ," "The
Cornelian," and "Stanzas to Jessy," but most fully in the
"Thyrza" elegies written after Edleston's death in 1811 and published
(in part) with Childe
Harold. Because
of the intense homophobia of English society these poems were ostensibly
addressed to a woman, as the name "Thyrza" and Byron's use of feminine
pronouns implied.
During his first journey to Greece (1809-11) Byron was involved in several
liaisons with Greek boys. One of them, Nicoló
Giraud, he made his heir
when he returned to England. Details of these affairs appear in letters to his
friend John CamHobhouse, sometimes in aLatin code. Rumors about Byron's
homosexual adventures, circulated in London by Byron's ex-mistress Lady
Caroline Lamb after Byron's wife left him, were a principal reason for Byron's
being forced to go into exile; publicity about his love affair with his
half-sister, Augusta Leigh, compounded the scandal. We know nothing more of the
homosexual side of Byron's life until his final return to Greece. There he fell
in love with the fifteen-year-old Loukas Chalandritsanos, a young soldier in
the Greece resistance movement, whose family he had befriended. Byron's last
three poems, "On This Day I Complete
My Thirty-Sixth Year," "Last Words on Greece," and "Love andDeath," poignantly
describe his love for Loukas, which was not reciprocated.
Byron died at Missolonghi attempting to provide financial and military aid for
the Greeks while under the spell of this "maddeningfascination," as
he called it.
Byron's bisexuality remained a secret from the general public until 1935, when
Peter Quennel broached the subject in Byron:
The Years of Fame. A
surreptitiously published erotic poem, Don
Leon, purporting to be
Byron's lost autobiography, probably written in 1833, had set forth many of
the facts about Byron's homosexuality but was dismissed as an unwarranted
libel. An edition appeared in 1866 but it remained unknown to all but a few
specialists. When the Fortune Press reprinted it in 1934, the publication was
confiscated by the British police.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Louis Crompton, Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th-century England, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1985; Leslie A. Marchand, Byron: A Biography, 3 vols., New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1957; Doris Langley Moore, Lord Byron: Accounts Rendered, London: John Murray, 1974
(Appendix 2: Byron's Sexual Ambivalence).
Louis Crompton
Byzantine Empire
Like China and Egypt this
Greek Empire was known for its stability and conservativism. Held together by
fidelity to Orthodox Christianity and Roman law, the Byzantine Empire evolved
over eleven centuries. This development falls into three distinct formations:
330-711, 711-1071, 1071-1453, each about half the size of the previous.
Beginning in 641 the empire lost Asian and African provinces to Islam; in 1071
half of Anatolia fell to the Turks. Byzantium defended Europe from invaders in
spite of bitter religious squabbles involving monks and heretics.
Basic Features. The beginning of the Byzantine empire, also
known as the Eastern or East Roman Empire, is usually placed at a.d.
330, when Constantine the Great founded his new capital, Constantinople, on
the ancient site of Byzantium (now Istanbul). From the first the new city was
Christian, but many of its institutions, including the Senate arid the law
code, continued the traditions of ancient Rome. Latin was the official language
until the reign of Justinian, but Greek was from the start the language of
commerce and intellectual life. The imperial administration, which never
wavered in its policy of antihomosexual repression, managed largely to drive
same-sex love underground. Yet some of the dearth of current knowledge of
Byzantine homosexuality is probably owing simply to inadequate attention by
modern scholars.
Byzantine monks and scholars did copy and transmit many ancient Greek pédérastie texts, including the twelfth book of the Greek Anthology. Although lexicographers
and antiquarians recorded rare ancient terms for homosexual acts, and some
original heterosexual erotica are also known from the empire, homosexual erotica
of this kind have not yet come to light. From the time of Constan tine nude figures
disappeared from art, and nothing is heard of gymnasia after 380. The
pre-Justinian period was nonetheless one of some ambiguity: those who overthrew
him alleged that Constans, Constantine's son, was an exclusive homosexual who
surrounded himself with barbarian soldiers selected more for looks than for
military ability.
The Cappadocian Fathers, Sts. Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Gregory of Nazianzen, and
most of all John Chrysostom, harshly condemned homosexuality. Uninfluenced by
Latin Christianity, they set the tone for the official attitudes of the
Orthodox church.
The Byzantine terms for male homosexuality are paiderastia, arrhenomixia ("mingling with
males"), and arrhenokoitia
("intercourse
with males"). The general designation for sexual immorality in Byzantine
law codes is aselgeia
("lasciviousness").
Malakia, which had meant
"effeminacy" in Classical Greek, came to mean
"masturbation," so that in the Byzantine cultural sphere the translation
of I Corinthians 6:9 reads "masturbators . . . shall not inherit the
kingdom of God." Homosexual behavior is also styled the "sin of the
Sodomite" (e.g., Macarius the Great, Patrologia Graeca, 34:2243).
Justinian. The reign of Justinian
(527-565) constitutes what is sometimes termed the Flist Golden Age of Byzantium.
Justinian's military campaigns succeeded in recovering Italy and other areas
of the empire that had been lost to the barbarians in the preceding century,
and he adorned the cities of the empire with splendid buildings, above all the
cathedral of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. He also reorganized Roman law in
the Corpus Juris Civilis,
the
ultimate basis of the civil law tradition that today dominates legal systems in
a large part of the globe.
Even before assuming full power in 527, Justinian seems to have been implicated
in an anti-homosexual trial of 521. The chronicler John Malalas describes the
trial of two bishops, Isaiah of Rhodes and Alexander of Diospolis in Thrace;
the former was exiled after being subjected to cruel tortures, the latter
castrated and publicly dragged in an ignominious procession.
Not surprisingly, the Corpus
retains
the antihomosexual
laws
promulgated by his predecessors in 342 and 390. Justinian shrewdly perceived,
however, that just as in the case of divorce, the hated practices could not by
extirpated by a stroke of the pen. Initiating a more tenacious and extended
series of steps, he issued two new antihomosexual laws in 538-39 and 559, which reiterated the death penalty
already prescribed by the Theodosian Code 9.7.3. In the first of the novellae
(no. 77) he ascribed homosexual lust to diabolical incitement and claimed that
"because of such crimes there are famines, earthquakes, and
pestilences," inferring that homosexual behavior endangered the very
physical basis of the empire. Enough of the seismological literature of
antiquity had survived into his reign to make such reasoning clearly a
superstitious regression, a point conveniently ignored by Christian apologists
who would have Justinian act only out of "sincere concern for the general
welfare." The second (no. 141) was the first law ever to refer explicitly
to Sodom, where the land supposedly still burned with inextinguishable fire.
Seeming to combine magnanimousness with severity, Justinian appealed to such
sinners to confess themselves humbly and penitently to the Patriarch of
Constantinople, consigning them to the avenging flames if they did not repent.
In fact Justinian and his consort Theodora conducted a kind of witch hunt among
homosexuals of the city, several of whom were publicly disgraced, whether
penitent or not. The rulers used the imputation of homosexuality to persecute those "against whom no
other crimes could be imputed," (Edward Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire) or whose fortunes offered a tempting adjunct
to the imperial treasury (Procopius, Secret
History, 11:34-36).
Later Byzantine Times. Needless to say, these measures, though
reaffirmed in later codes such as the Basilica,
did not stop same-sex
activity. A number of emperors themselves are believed to have been
homosexual. Successful in military campaigns against the Arabs, Slavs, and
Bulgars, the iconoclast Constantine V (r. 741-775) sought to limit the power of
the monasteries. Theophanes the Confessor lists the "impious lust for
males" among his crimes. A particularly tragic case, the alcoholic Michael
HI (r. 842-867), fell in love with a macho soldier-courtier, Basil the
Macedonian, whom he made coruler in 866. Basil promptly murdered his patron,
and founded the Macedonian dynasty. Also thought to be homosexual were Basil H
(r. 976-1025), a great campaigner against the Bulgarians, Constantine VIII
(joint ruler with his brother 976-1025, sole r. 1025-1028), and the Empress
Zoe's husband Constantine IX (r. 1042-1055). Eunuchs played a major role at the
imperial courts, reaching their zenith under the Macedonian dynasty
¡867-1057).
Accusations of homosexual vice became a standard device of Byzantine polemics.
After the ninth century such charges become rarer probably after the
consolidation of Christian family values and emergingmasculine ideals. In the
field of law the Basilica
do not repeat the old
regulations but only something of secondary importance from the Pandects, a
change that might be significant in view of the foregoing circumstance. In the
last centuries of the Eastern Empire, however, complaints about homosexuality
again surface (e.g., in the Patriarch Athanasius I and Joseph Bryennius). The
vice flourished in both male and female monasteries [typicon of Pródromos
tou Phoberou, 80.31-82.1);
the typica denied access to the monasteries to beardless
youths and eunuchs in an effort to shield monks from temptation.
The Later Byzantine Empire. Beginning in 1071 the Comneni created a new
state. After the Byzantines expelled the Latins, who ruled the Eastern empire
from the time of the Fourth Crusade (which captured Byzantium in 1203-04) until
their expulsion in 1261, the Palaeologi restored a decentralized state ruled by
"feudal" magnates on the Western model with the commerce dominated by
the Italian maritime republics. Cities shrank, Turks from the East and
Bulgars, Serbs, and Franks in the Balkans encroached and barbarized the
provinces, and culture declined so precipitously that by the time the capital
fell in 1453 the dwindling elite had less knowledge of Plato and Homer than
did the Renaissance Italian humanists, who had mastered as well the Corpus Juris Civilis and the Orthodox fathers.
An eleventh-century text offers evidence for homosexual clergy in the Orthodox
church. The Penitential
of pseudo-John IV the Faster
instructed the confessor to inquire about the sin of arrhenokoitia, which in this text means "anal
intercourse" in general. Ecclesiastical law punished the "sin of the
Sodomite" with two or three years of epitimion, while civil law (the Eclogues) established decapitation by the sword as the
penalty.
In the Orthodox church priests, the "white clergy," could marry, but
not monks or bishops, the "black clergy." Still a staple of reading,
the texts of the Cappadocian Fathers, whose admonitions to those who could not
resist sex to marry young probably lowered the age of marriage, denounced
homosexuality as the most heinous of sins, but nothing could prevent its spread
in the monasteries. At the most famous monastic establishments, those on Mount
Athos, from which even female animals were banished, homosexuality must have
flourished from early times; certainly it became notorious there in later
centuries.
In 1453
Byzantium fell at last to the Ottoman Turks, and Mehmed the Conqueror
immediately sent his agents to requisition the most beautiful boys of the
Christian aristocracy for his harem. Mehmed tried to rape the fourteen-year-old
son of the noble Lucas Notaras; father and son both perished for their
resistance. Likewise the sons of the historian George Phrantzes were killed for
refusing to yield to the Sultan's lusts.
These episodes suggest a cultural contrast that was probably less acute in
practice, for interface with Islamic homosexuality must have begun centuries
earlier. Officially, the greater vigilance of the Byzantine authorities against
"the vice" would have served to distinguish them from their
adversaries; in practice, there was undoubtedly a good deal of borrowing from
Islamic pederastic customs. This cultural interaction awaits further study.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality, Chicago: Chicago
University Press, 1980, pp. 137-66, 335-53, 359-65; Eva Cantarella, Secondo natura, Rome: Riuniti, 1987;
Danilo Dalla, "Ubi Venus mutatur": omosessualita e diritto nel
mondo romano, Milan: Giuffre, 1987; Phaidon Koukoules, Byzantinon Bios kai
Politismos, Athens, 1948-55, vol. 6, pp. 506-15; Spyros N. Troianos, Ho "Poinalios"
tu Eklogadiu [Forschungen zur byzantinischen Rechtsgeschichte, 6], Frankfurt am Main:
Klostermann, 1980, pp. 16-19.
William A.
Percy