H
Haan, Jacob Israel de (1881-1924)
Dutch
novelist, poet, and scholar. De Haan was born in the small village of Smilde in
the northern part of the Netherlands, where his father was a rabbi. In 1885
the family moved to Zaandam near Amsterdam. After preparing to be a schoolteacher
in Haarlem, he moved to Amsterdam to work and study law. There he met Arnold
Aletrino, a novelist and medical practitioner who had specialized in criminal
anthropology and, though not himself homosexual, had written unambiguous
defenses of homosexual love. The encounter inspired de Haan to write his first
novel, Pijpelijntjes
(1904),
which was naturalist and clearly homosexual. It was a thinly veiled and rather
sexual autobiography in which Aletrino figured prominently. The latter was
instrumental in having the first edition destroyed because it seemed to imply
that he himself was a homosexual.
De Haan was a member of the Socialist Workers' Party and wrote the children's
column for its daily, Ret
Volk ("The
People"). After publication of his novel, his column was terminated but he
was not expelled from the party; he also lost his teaching job. Nevertheless,
he wrote a second novel, Pathologieén
(1908),
which describes in even more explicit terms a homosexual sadomasochistic relationship.
The protagonist is driven by his lover to commit suicide after a series of
sexual degradations. The book is written in the spirit of literary decadence,
which also dominated short stories of the period. In one of the latter, de Haan
homosexualizes the Faust theme: the protagonist abuses Jesus sexually on
Satan's instructions. Both novels received very little critical approval, not
surprisingly, considering the times.
De Haan wrote no more novels. He married, received his doctorate with work on the
problem of criminal responsibility (1915), and concentrated on poetry,
publishing Libertijnsche
liederen (1914, "Libertine Songs"), Liederen (1917), and Kwatrijnen (1924). Many of the poems
have gay content, for example the life and sufferings of Oscar Wilde.
Before World War I, de Haan became an orthodox Jew, and after it he left
Holland for Palestine. He joined the Zionist movement, but because he could
not find his place there, he soon quit it. Then he supported Agudat Yisrael,
the most important orthodox Jewish and anti-Zionist movement of the time, for
which he immediately became an important spokesman with his Western
intellectual background. From Jerusalem, he wrote articles for the Dutch daily
A lgemeen Handelsblad and the English Daily Press in which he ventured his
anti-Zionist opinions. For the Dutch daily, he also described his attraction
to Arab boys.
De Haan had maneuvered himself into a very strange situation: an unrepentant
pederast with a socialist and "decadent" background, defending Orthodox
points of view against Zionism. In the tumultuous early twenties in Palestine,
his was a dangerous position; after defending the Orthodox case with the
British as well as with King Hussein of Jordan, he was murdered by extreme
Zionists of the Hagana movement who were never apprehended. Zionists spread
the rumor that it was a homosexual murder by Arabs.
De Haan is now considered one of the most accomplished Dutch poets. A complete
edition of his poems was published in 1952, and many of his works have been
reissued in the 1980s.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Jaap Meijer, De zoon van een gazzen, Amsterdam: Atheneum, Polak
& Van Gennep, 1967.
Geit Hekma
Hadrian (76-138)
Roman
emperor from 117 to 138. Protected and adopted by the emperor Trajan, Hadrian
had a military and political career before ascending the throne upon his
protector's death. Hadrian traveled extensively throughout the Empire, undertook
extensive administrative reforms, built cities, roads, public buildings, and
aqueducts. He withdrew the Roman armies from Assyria, Armenia, and Mesopotamia
to reduce the cost of maintaining the eastern frontier of the Empire, but
fought a war against Bar Kochba's uprising in Palestine that ended with the
devastation of the country and its decline as a center of Jewish cultural
life.
Though married to Sabina, Hadrian is remembered most of all for his attachment
to the youthful Antinous (ca. 111-130), whose beauty, perpetuated in countless
busts and reliefs, won the emperor's affection. During a voyage up the Nile
Antinous was drowned under circumstances that gossip enveloped in romantic
legend, even to the point of asserting that the youth had sacrificed his life
for his lover. In his grief Hadrian ordered the boy deified as god and hero,
and even authorized the belief that Antinous had ascended to the firmament as a
new star, though it was only in the Renaissance that Tycho Brahe confirmed the
emperor's wish by assigning the name to a heavenly body.
In Egypt Hadrian founded a new city named after Antinous, and elsewhere in the
empire the youth was commemorated by cult, festival, and statues. Surviving
are numerous inscriptions in his honor, and Pancrates and Nicomedes composed
poems to celebrate his qualities. Scandalized by these actions of the emperor,
the early Christians contrasted their reverence for the saints and martyrs
with this object of an "impure" passion.
A great patron of the arts, Hadrian brought the Roman revolution in architecture
that had commenced under Nero to its fulfillment, as seen in the Pantheon,
which still survives in the Eternal City. Outside Rome, at Tivoli, Hadrian's
villa displays a series of innovative pavilions recalling places he had
visited, so that he could revive the happy memories at his leisure. Hadrian may
be deemed the archetype of the wealthy homosexual traveler and connoisseur.
Hadrian's reign was marked by the flourishing of the neo-Greek manner in art,
one of whose most frequent themes was the Antinous type of male beauty, echoed
in scores of coins and statues that can be seen today in museums. The aura of
mystery that enveloped the death of Antinous has inspired modern literary
treatments of the liaison, some explicit in their analysis of the homosexual
motif, such as Marguerite Yourcenar's Hadrian's
Memoirs |New York, 1954). Antinous remains the archetype of the
handsome youth protected by a noble lover that was the ideal of Greek paiderasteia, and the embodiment of the
beauty of late adolescence immortalized by untimely death, while Hadrian stands
out as one of the "good emperors" under whose enlightened rule
Greco-Roman civilization flourished throughout the Mediterranean world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Royston Lambert, Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous, New York: Viking, 1984.
Warren Johansson
Hafiz (ca. 1320-ca. 1390)
Persian
poet. Hafiz was the title of Shams al-Din Muhammad, whose tomb remains a
pilgrimage site near Shiraz in southern Iran. While every detail of his life
can be contested, no one can question his mastery otiham - Persian for ambivalence.
Politically, Haf iz lived in a troubled time. The Arab ascendency over Persia
had broken and at the end of his life was replaced by Mongol rule. Hafiz never
became a court poet, but neither did he suffer martyrdom, and, despite the
changes in rulers, he was able to spend most of his life and to be buried in
Shiraz, the city of his birth. The legend of his meeting with the Mongol
Tamerlane (Timur) demonstrates Hafiz' subtle diplomacy. The conquerer
challenged the poet's offering of two of Tamerlane's cities for a boy. (Emerson
translates the verse: "Take my heart in thy hand, o beautiful boy of
Shiraz! I would give for the mole on thy cheek Samarcand and Buchara!")
Hafiz responded that "because of such generosity I now come before you a
poor beggar." Tamerlane rewarded the poet, but the conquerer may not have
shared the poet's love of roughs - in Persian rends or vagrants who loved wine, poetry, and boys. Muslims who,
like Hafiz, favored rough trade found support in the tradition that Mohammed said,
"I saw my Lord in the shape of a beautiful young man with his cap
askew."
Religiously, Hafiz' name suggests Islamic orthodoxy: in Arabic, hafiz means "protector"; it was one of the names of
Allah and was a title given those who had memorized the entire Koran. For a
time Hafiz earned a living copying theological works; a copy in his hand of
Sufi Amir Khusrau is dated 1355. Iranians now read Hafiz as a Sufi mystic; in
1979 the Ayatollah Khomeini (using the pseudonym "Hendi") published a
collection of Haf izian verses. During his life Hafiz attacked the orthodox and
praised Mansur al-Hallaj (d. 922), a Sufi martyr beheaded in Baghdad as a
heretic. Hafiz spurned mosques in favor of taverns where he found men, who led
him to ecstasy: "With mussed-up hair and sweating brow, bright lips,
intoxicated smile, shirt torn open to the waist, singing a sonnet softly, his
cup contains an overpowering joy." Legend held that at his death the
orthodox disputed Hafiz' right to burial, but he was granted honors after a
youth by chance drew the following line from his work: "Dance joyfully by
Hafiz' grave; buried in sin, he's carrying on in Paradise."
Poetically, Hafiz has endured many interpretations. In Urdu-, Turkish-and
Persian-speaking societies, only his collected verses and the Koran are used
for divination. His work has survived but not with any accepted canonical text;
collected works range from 152 to 994 poems. But virtually no one questions
that Hafiz is the greatest writer of Persian ghazals, a form which he perfected.
Like the sonnet, the ghazal was often a love song. Among predecessors, Sa'di
(also from Shiraz) had a strong influence; at least thirty of Hafiz' ghazals
use the same end rhymes, metrical pattern and subject as Sa'di's. And Hafiz
shared some of Omar Khayyam's love of the moment as well as Rumi's intensity.
Like Rumi, Hafiz paired divine beauty [jamal)
with
divine terror {jalal),
nightingale
[bulbul] with rose [gal). The complexity of his verse
can be seen in his lines about the first letter of the Arabic alphabet [aMf): "Only the alif [i. e., penis] of my lover standing scratches my heart
slate." Here the blend between the body and a mystical monotheist are
combined ingeniously in writing.
Pederasty, which lies at the center of Sa'di, Rumi, and Hafiz' work, is
censored even today from English translations. Joseph von Hammer translated
Hafiz into German in two volumes in 1812-13, with male-male lovers (as in the
Persian) because he was "afraid of getting entangled in contradictions by
praising girls for their green-sprouting beards." Friedrich Ruckert
published even finer translations of Hafiz in 1822 which were shared with his
friend Count Platen. In 1908, Friedrich Veit wrote a thesis, "Des Grafen
von Platen Nachbildungen aus dem Diwan des Hafis," which celebrated the
homoerotic aspects of Hafiz. Goethe, Emerson, and Nietzsche were among the most
famous who wrote poems from Hafiz based on German translations.
Contemporary Muslims like Khomeini angrily reject European interpretations of
Hafiz as an unrestrained libertine, drunkard, and pederast. Europeans can be
faulted for projecting their desires on people they have defined as aliens, but
the rising nations of Asia have themselves been tricked into suppressing their
own customs to please missionaries. In his own time Hafiz had to struggle
against the Islamic proscription of drinking; he struggled to go beyond good
and evil, God and Satan, the body and spirit by transcending dualities. In his
quest he searched for boys who wore their caps askew.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Annemarie Schimmel, "Hafiz and his Critics," Studies in Islam (January 1979), 1^33.
Charley Shively
Haiti
This
French- and creole-speaking black republic of over six million people occupies
the western third of the island of Hispaniola. Although handicapped by poverty
and political discord, Haiti is a remarkable cultural amalgam, retaining many
hallmarks of the African diaspora.
In the early 1980s claims were made that male homosexuality is such a tabooed
topic in Haitian culture that dying AIDS patients would necessarily deny any
homosexual involvements. Yet earlier observers such as the anthropologist Melville
Herskovits, who studied rural Haiti, were able to elicit information about attitudes
toward local homosexuals. The attitudes reported - bemused denigration - and
the lack of any attempts to extirpate homosexual behavior do not differ from
those known throughout Latin America. If anything, less prominent machismo in
Haiti connects with greater toleration of homosexuals in voudon cults than is imaginable
in any Spanish-speaking Latin American societies. Bahia, in one of the most
Afro-American partsof Brazil, which was similarly populated from Dahomey (now
Benin), is the closest cultural analogue. There, cross-gender possession and
homosexuality are prominent parts of Xango cults. The literature on voudon contains many mentions of
possessions by loas
(spirits)
of a sex other than that of the person possessed. No particularly notable taboo
on homosexuality was reported in pre-AIDS ethnographic literature. This claim
would seem to have been concocted to protect tourism in Haiti. Explicit gender
non-conformity in the folk religion, which was sanctioned by the Duvalier
regime between 1957 and 1986, was notable; the homosexual taboo is not found
there.
Any serious assertion that it is particularly difficult to elicit information
about homosexuality from Haitians must be comparative, but no one has compared
elicitation in Haiti with elicitation in the Dominican Republic (the
Spanish-speaking other portion of the island of Hispaniola), Bahia, or any
other point for comparison. In the United States itself, one observer has
noted, "except for three cases of AIDS in admittedly homosexual Haitians,
none of the other cases reported have admitted to homosexual activity despite
intensive questioning in both French and Creole by both American physicians and
by Haitians."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Melville J. Herskovits, Life in a Haitian Valley, New York: Knopf, 1937,-
Stephen O. Murray and Kenneth W. Payne, "The Social Classification of
AIDS in American Epidemiology," Medical Anthropology, (1989), 115-28.
Stephen O. Murray
Hall, Radclyffe (1880-1943)
English
novelist and poet. Bom to a well-to-do family in Bournemouth, Hall was left a
good deal to herself as a child, developing her own identity under her favorite
name of "John." Throughout her life she was to affect a strikingly
masculine appearance. At the age of 27 she fell in love with the 50-year-old
Mabel Batten, whom she had met at the resort of Homburg. The two took up
residence together and, influenced by her lover, Hall converted to Roman
Catholicism. In 1915 the two women attended a tea party in London, where Hall
met Una, Lady Troubridge, the wife of an admiral. When Batten died soon after,
the way was clear for Hall and Troubridge to live together - much to the
admiral's puzzlement. The two women were destined to remain together for
thirty years.
Hall published several volumes of poetry during this period, but it was only
with the appearance of her novel Adam's
Breed in
1926 that she achieved popularity. In this work she transposed her own
personality into that of a man, Cian-Luca. Two years later, however, she
launched her bombshell, the openly lesbian novel The Well of Loneliness. This work, though it seems
mild and lacking in explicitness today, was declared "obscene" and
the British courts ordered all copies seized. After this point Hall and
Troubridge judged it prudent to live abroad, retaining however the
conservative political and social views characteristic of their class.
Inevitably The
Well of Loneliness strikes readers today as a time-bound work, inasmuch as
Hall subscribed to current theories of "sexual inversion," which she
popularized. Indeed as a role model she may have led many women into an unnecessary
cultivation of stereotypes. Nonetheless, the notoriety of her work helped to
move lesbianism into the consciousness of a public which in the Anglo-Saxon
world at least had managed until 1928 to ignore the phenomenon almost entirely.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Michael Baker, Our Three Selves: The Life of Radclyffe Hall, New York: William Morrow, 1985; Gillian Whitlock,
'"Everything Is Out of Place': Radclyffe Hall and the Lesbian Literary
Tradition," Feminist Studies, 13 (1987), 555-82.
Evelyn Gettone
HANDBALLING
This
sexual practice involves the insertion of one partner's hand - and sometimes
much of the arm - into the rectum of the other. Before attempting such
insertion the nails are pared and the hand lubricated. Sometimes alcohol and
drags are used by the receptive partner as relaxants. This practice acquired a
certain popularity - and notoriety under the name of fistfucking - in a sector of the gay
male leather/S & M community in the 1970s. A few lesbians have also
reported engaging in it. A medical term, apparently uncommon, has been
proposed for handballing: brachiproctic eroticism.
It need scarcely be stressed that handballing is dangerous in all its variations,
as puncturing of the rectal lining may lead to infection and even death.
Although handballing does not directly expose the passive partner to AIDS or to
sexually transmitted diseases, by scratching or scarring the rectal wall it
may create tiny portals for the invasion of microbes during a subsequent
penetration. With the new emphasis on safe sex in the 1980s, handballing has
greatly declined, and it will probably be relegated to history as one of the
temporary excesses of the sexual revolution.
Historical precedents are elusive. It may be conjectured that the recent resort
to the practice is due to medical knowledge of operations in which the anus is
dilated, since the ordinary individual scarcely credits that such enlargement
is possible or desirable. In a late Iranian version of the binding and riding
of the god of darkness Ahriman by the hero Taxmoruw, the demonic figure breaks
loose by means of a trick and swallows the hero; by pretending to be
interested in anal intercourse the brother of Taxmoruw manages to insert his
arm into Ahriman's anus and retrieve the body from his belly. The brother's
arm - the one that entered the demon's anus - becomes silvery white and stinking,
and the brother has to exile himself voluntarily so that others will not become
polluted. The myth is interesting as linking the forbidden sexual activity
with stigmatization and outlawry of the perpetrator.
There seems to have been no term for handballing in the Creek language, though siphniazein (from the island of Siphnos)
has been defined as to "insert a finger in the anus." This harmless
practice has long been known, and it may have served as a kind of modest
precedent.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jack Morin, Anal Pleasure and Health, 2nd ed., Burlington, CA:
Yes Press, 1986.
Harlem Renaissance
Harlem is
a section of northern Manhattan originally developed as housing for the white
middle class. As New York's blacks were gradually excluded from residing in the
southern part of the island, however, from 1915 onward it became the chief
Negro center of the city - and of the nation. New York City's black community
was reinforced by thousands migrating from the South in search of freedom from
discrimination and lynching. In the 1920s, sometimes termed the Jazz Age,
Harlem's black culture and intelligentsia enjoyed a golden age. Harlem was the
center of Marcus Garvey's nationalist movement, and also an entertainment mecca
for blacks and whites alike.
Probably the most important achievement of the Harlem Renaissance was the
emergence of new writers whose works could appear under the imprint of major
publishers. The writings of the gay poet Countee Cullen (1903-1946) were to
become widely known. Cullen's marriage to Yolanda Du Bois, daughter of the
famed black scholar and journalist W. E. B. Du Bois, proved a disaster, but his
homosexuality was hushed up. To this day conflicting opinions are heard on
the possible homosexuality of Langston Hughes (1902-1967), one of the major
figures of the group. Either he was particularly successful in covering up or
repressing his homosexuality, or it did not exist at all - though the latter
seems unlikely. There is no doubt of the orientation of the experimental writer
(Richard) Bruce Nugent (1906- ), who lived into gay liberation days, when he gave
informative interviews. Nugent wrote what may have been the first fictional
account of American black homosexuality, the short story "Smoke, Lilies,
and Jade, " published in the little magazine Pue! (1926). The bisexual Wallace Thurman took a more sardonic
view of the Harlem Renaissance, as seen in his novel Infants of the Spring (1932).
White enthusiasm for the achievements of black America's "talented
tenth" was heavily laced with stereotypes - including the one that made
the Negro the symbol of heterosexual virility. The creative contribution of
blacks was still held to be circumscribed by their "more elemental"
approach, in contrast to the cerebral logic attributed to the white tradition.
This perception encouraged a stream of chic whites north of 110th Street, where
they attended speakeasies and nightclubs. Here they could see a series of
bisexual and lesbian entertainers, notably Ma Rainey, Bessie Smith,
"Moms" Mabley, and Gladys Bentley. Carl Van Vechten, a blond gay novelist from Iowa, became
the unofficial publicity agent for this side of Harlem. Other, more ordinary
gays flocked to Harlem night spots where they found a more tolerant atmosphere.
It was not just a Bohemia like Greenwich Village, it was a place where the
homosexual visitor could be more relaxed and uninhibited. Huge drag balls were
given at the Rockland Palace and the glittering Savoy Ballroom. This side of
Harlem is sensitively reflected in Blair Niles' novel Strange Brother (1931).
The deepening Depression of the 1930s caused all these activities to fade.
Until the black cultural revival of the sixties and seventies, the Harlem
Renaissance was almost forgotten. Although even today its homosexual component
tends to be slighted, the trend made areal contribution to American gay life
and culture.
See also Black Gay Americans; New
York City.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Eric Garber, "T'aint Nobody's Business," Advocate, no. 342 (May 13, 1982),
12-13, 15; David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue, New York: Knopf, 1981.
Ward Houser
Hartley, Marsden (1877-1943)
American
painter, poet, and essayist. Bom Edmund Hartley in Lewiston, Maine, he was
raised there and at his father's home in Cleveland. While working as a clerk
in a marble quarry, he started formal study of art at the Cleveland School of
Art. A scholarship sent him to New York City to complete his training. In 1904
he began an important friendship with Horace Traubel, the biographer of Walt
Whitman. After producing a number of impressionist and neoimpressionist
paintings, he launched his public career as an artist under the name of Marsden
Hartley (Marsden was his step-mother's maiden name). Through Alfred Stieglitz,
who gave him his first one-person show at his 291 gallery, Hartley gained entrée into New York's
avant-garde.
After experimenting in the style of Picasso, Hartley went to Paris (1912),
where he became an intimate of Gertrude Stein. He also absorbed Central
European influences, including the abstractionism of Franz Marc and Vassily
Kandinsky. In 1913 he settled in Berlin, entering into a love affair with
Lieutenant Karl von Freyburg. His lover was killed in battle on October 7,
1914, and Hartley created several of his finest paintings to memorialize the
relationship. These works, which feature regalia of the German officer corps,
did not stand him in good stead when he returned to New York in 1915. In the
fall of 1916 he began to share a house in Provincetown with Charles Demuth, an
artist of a similar modernist style who was well acquainted with the gay scene
of New York and environs. Hartley also was friendly with the lesbian writer
Djuna Barnes.
In 1921 he returned to Europe, where his book Twenty-Five Poems was issued by Robert
McAlmon's Contact Publishing Company in Paris. The Great Depression forced
Hartley to return to the United States, though a Guggenheim Fellowship enabled
him to spend 1932 in Mexico, where he became close friends with Hart Crane.
After learning of Crane's suicide, Hartley painted Eight Bells-, Folly. In the mid-thirties he
supported himself in New York through participation in the Public Works of Art
Project. He struck up a friendship with the Francis Mason family in Nova
Scotia, and he was to live with them for much of the rest of his life.
Hartley's work is now seen to belong to a native American current of
expressionism in which he was a pivotal figure. During his lifetime, however,
his seeming shifts of style, combined with the relative immaturity of the
American art world, prevented him from receiving full recognition. This neglect
augmented a loneliness that his shyness about his homosexuality induced in him.
In 1980, however, a full-scale retrospective at the Whitney Museum of American
Art in New York restored his reputation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Barbara Haskell, Marsden Hartley, New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1980.
Wayne R. Dynes
HELIOGABALUS (ALSO KNOWN AS ELAGABALUS; 204-222)
Roman
Emperor from 218 to 222. Born at Emesa in Syria as a descendant of the royal
family of King Samsigeramus, he became priest of Elagabal in that city in 217.
His grandmother Julia Maesa arranged to have him declared emperor by the Tenth
Gallican Legion on April 14, 218. The legions sent against him deserted and
killed their commanders, and as sole ruler of the Empire he traveled to Rome in
the winter of 218/19. Here he reigned in a style of luxury and effeminacy
unprecedented even in the history of Rome. He sent out agents to comb the city
for particularly well-hung partners for his couch, whom he made his advisers
and ministers. His life was an endless search for pleasure of every kind, and
he had his body depilated so that he could arouse the lusts of the greatest
number. His extant portraits on coins suggest a sensual, even African type
evolving through late adolescence. The refinements which he innovated in the
spheres of culinary pleasure and of sumptuous interior decoration and household
furnishing are mentioned by the historians of his reign as having survived him
and found emulators among the Roman aristocracy of later times. For what Veblen
called "conspicuous consumption" he set a standard probably
unequaled until the Islamic middle ages.
His sexual personality cannot be reduced to a mere formula of passive-effeminate
homosexuality, although this aspect of his erotic pleasure-seeking is the one
stressed by his ancient biographers. He loved the role of Venus at the theatre
and the passive role in his encounters with other men, yet he was married
several times and even violated a Vestal virgin, but remained childless. This
facet of his sexual life has enabled the more dishonest classical historians to
write of him as if he were just another heterosexualruler, when in fact he
seems to have desired an operation that would gratify his fantasy not of
changing into a member of the opposite sex (transsexual in the modern sense)
but of becoming truly androgynous - having the functioning genital organs of
both. As high priest of the Syrian deity Elagabal he sought to elevate the cult
of the latter to the sole religion of the Empire, yet he did not persecute the
Christians. Family intrigues ultimately cost him the favor of the soldiers who
murdered him and his mother on March 11, 222. Unique as he was in the history
of eroticism and of luxury, he has inspired writers from the third-century
biographer Aelius Lampridius in the Scriptores
Historiae Augustas through the later treatments of Jean Lombard, Louis
Couperus, and Stefan George to Antonin Artaud and Alberto Arbasino.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J. Stuart Hay, The
Amazing Empeioi Heliogabalus, London: Macmillan, 1911; Robert Turcan, Heliogabale et le sacze da Soleil, Paris: Albin Michel, 1985.
Warren Johansson
Hellenism
This
trend in Western civilization is part of a larger preoccupation with
idealizing a privileged era of the past as a source of cultural norms for the
present. Sometimes this idealization engenders Utopian longings. In this
case classical antiquity, or a portion of it, occupies the place of honor as
model and guide. Examples of prescriptive precedents from ancient Greece include
the three orders in architecture (Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian), Platonism in
philosophy, and Homer as a pattern for epic poetry.
Permutations of the Hellenic
Image. Although Christianity retained selected elements of Greek
culture and philosophy, it tended to treat the whole phenomenon as part of
the discarded pagan model of human development. Clearly unsalvageable, the
institution of pederasty figured as one of the most reprehensible survivals of
the Hellenic heritage. This rejection persisted for a thousand years after the
adoption of Christianity as the state religion of the Roman empire in the
fourth century of our era. Hellenism as a norm reemerged during the Italian
Renaissance,- although this word is modem, it captures the central notion of
rebirth of classical ideals and standards of beauty. The Renaissance also saw
the first tentative beginnings of an apologetic literature for homosexual
behavior. The Florentine thinker Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), who contributed
to this apologetic endeavor,
was interested not only in Greece but equally in Egyptian (or what he believed
to be Egyptian) thought: the Hermetic corpus. Other humanists were more
attracted to ancient Rome than to Greece.
A more exclusive focus on Greece began to emerge in the course of the eighteenth
century, reflecting the consolidation of a Europocentric mentality that had
become contemptuous of the cultures of other continents which colonialism was
engaged in subduing. In 1752 the Góttingen scholar Johann Matthias Gesner (1691-1761) gave a
lecture in which he cautiously explored the evidence for Socrates'
homosexuality. The text, Socrates
Sanctus Paederasta, was only published eight years after the author's death and
not in Germany but in Utrecht in Holland with its much greater freedom of the
press. In 1759 Johann Georg Hamann, the precursor of the
Counter-Enligltfenment, issued his Sokratische
Denkwürdigkeiten, emphasizing the sensual
element in true friendship between males. Toward the end of the century franker
discussions were offered in the Netherlands by Frans Hemsterhuis and Cornelis
de Pauw.
A new purified Hellenism triumphed in the artistic movement known as
neo-classicism. The homosexual archeologist Johann Joachim Winckelmann
(1717-1768), for example, rejected Egypt as a source of ideal beauty, saying
that short, stocky people with snub noses could never inspire great figural
art. Although he was not able to visit Greece in person, knowing it only from
art and literature, he insisted that only the physical type of that country
could serve as a paradigm. Winckelmann had a major influence not only over the
rise of neo-classical painting and sculpture, with their emphasis on the male
nude, but also over the trend toward "aesthetic paganism" in German
literature. Greek ideals, though sometimes anachronistically conflated with
Roman ones, played a major role in both the American and French Revolutions.
In the nineteenth century, cultural Hellenism foundparticularfavorwith English
homosexuals, such as Walter Pater and John Addington Symonds. This ethos of
aestheticism was grounded in part in the all-male public schools that combined
the officially approved reading of Greek texts with a clandestine, but pervasive
subculture of homosexuality. Matthew Arnold, though not himself homosexual,
had posited a fundamental contrast between the stern morality of Hebraism and
the more permissive and beauty-loving Hellenism. Toward the end of the century
a group of minor pederastic poets appeared in England (sometimes termed the Calamites), who went back to the Greek
Anthology for much of their inspiration.
In Switzerland Heinrich Hoessli, whopublished the first major modern work on
homosexuality (1836-38), took much of his material from ancient Greece, as did
his successor Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. In his Birth of Tragedy (1872), the philosopher
Friedrich Nietzsche effected a major correction of the conventional wisdom
about the Greeks. He showed that the ideal of "nothing in excess," of
rule by reason and good sense, was but one aspect of the Greek ethos, which he
termed the Apollonian side. Its complement was the Dionysian element, which
was emotional, intuitive, and irrational. Beginning with the Gottingen
professor Karl Otfried Müller (1797-1840), German philologists strove to distinguish
separate strands of pederasty, as those of Sparta, Thebes, and Athens. The
contemporary French scholar Bernard Sergent has sought to relate Greek homosexual
traditions to a putative Indo-European pederasty. Although their findings have
remained controversial in detail, the labors of these writers have served to
show that Hellenic pederasty was not monolithic.
The great modern Greek poet Constantine Cavafy chose as his two central themes
Greek history, though more the Hellenistic period than the Golden Age, and his
own homosexual experiences in Alexandria, a city whose very existence attested
to the expansive capacity of Hellenism. In the early twentieth century Andre
Gide could still appeal (in Corydon,
1924) to
Greek pederasty as his model, saying that it was hypocritical to honor the
Greeks for their philosophy and art, while ignoring or condemning a central
feature of their civilization. This approach lingered in J. Z. Eglinton's Greek Love (New York, 1964).
The fame of an ancient Greek poet, Sappho of Lesbos, assured that she was
synonymous with female same-sex love: sapphism. Laterthathonorwas transferred
to the island on which she lived. In the twentieth century such writers as H.
D. (Hilda Doolittle) and Natalie Barney made a cult of ancient Greece, striving
to recapture qualities of purity and concision that they found in surviving
texts. Significantly, Barney was known as "the Amazon," after that
legendary women's tribe.
Outlook. The same-sex component of
Greek culture has been subject to various procedures of censorship and
emendation. Until recently, more popular treatments of "the Greek
miracle" simply omitted any discussion of the prevalence of homosexuality.
Some mentioned it only to chide the Greeks for their tragic flaw. In recent
decades some homophile scholars have seen the Greeks in their own image - one
of adult-adult love or androphilia - and neglected to acknowledge that the
normative form of Greek same-sex love was pederastic, the love of a male adult
for an adolescent youth. In keeping with the male-centered character of Greek
society as whole, there was no generally accredited lesbian counterpart of the
pederastic institution.
Today's rapid pace of social and technological change has dimmed the appeal of
the Greek model. Feminists and others have flayed Hellenic civilization as
sexist and elitist. More broadly, the contemporary mainstream, discounting the
idea of inspiration from the past, has become present-minded and future
oriented. In gay studies, the social const met ion trend has branded
investigation of eras before the nineteenth century irrelevant, claiming that
"homosexuality" is a recent innovation. Even disregarding this
prohibition - as scholars should - more careful study of ancient Greece
suggests that it was not as sex positive as earlier idealized views had
claimed. Sexual freedom was hedged with formidable taboos of class and gender.
Acknowledging these restrictions and qualifications, there is no doubt that
continued scrutiny of the well documented sexual behavior of the ancient Greeks
can provide insights for the understanding of such distant societies as Japan
and Melanesia. Ancient Greece was the focus of the last works of the
influential French social philosopher Michel Foucault. Using both time-honored
and distinctively modern techniques of investigation, other scholars are at
work in a new effort to wring the full meaning from the extensive body of Greek
texts on human sexuality. In the present context the enduring significance of
ancient Hellas is that its civilization cherished an attitude toward the
pederastic form of male homosexuality standing in diametric opposition to that
of the Judaeo-Christian tradition. This chapter of the collective memory of
mankind encapsulates a behavioral norm which institutionalized Christianity
and other opponents could reject but never wholly suppress.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, Berkeley, University of
California Press, 1973; Henry Hatfield, Aesthetic Paganism in German Literature, Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1964; Richard Jenkyns, The Victorians and Ancient
Greece, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980.
Wayne R. Dynes
Hellenistic Monarchies (323-31 b.c)
Alexander the Great's generals, known in the first generation as diadochoi {successors), who presided
over the new cultural synthesis, half-Greek and half-Oriental, founded by
Alexander, seized the fragments of his empire. Ptolemy took Egypt, Antigonus Greece and
Macedonia, and Seleucus Asia after the decisive battle of Ipsus in 301 ended
the wars that broke out on Alexander's death. They established bureaucratic
monarchies, with the Ptolemies becoming the wealthiest from irrigated
agriculture and Alexandria's central position in
world trade. The Seleucids recreated the Persian Empire with variegated
ethnicities loosely supervised from Antioch and Seleucia - new foundations
rivaling Alexandria - while the relatively poor Antigonids relied on Hellenic
homogeneity.
Basic Chaiactei and
Histozical Development. Inspired by the examples of Philip of Macedon and
Alexander, the Hellenistic monarchs and their Greek or Hellenized subjects in
newly founded or Hellenized cities as far east as India and Bactria practiced
pederasty, patronized gymnasia,
secluded
women, and held symposia.
Eventually
Pergamon, under the Attalids, and the island of Rhodes managed to secure
independence as buffer states in the Aegean, where Ptolemaic navies contested
Antigonid and Seleucid claims. In Alexandria, Ptolemy I established the Museum,
subsidizing its learned symposia frequented by leading scholars, and the
Library, created by Demetrius of Phaleron on the model of his teacher Aristotle. Aristotle had first
systematized the collections of books begun by the sixth-century Polycrates of
Samos and Hipparchus of Athens, both pederasts. Other cities, notably
Pergamon, Beirut, and Athens, which also created libraries, took the lead in
science, culture, and philosophy.
Weakened by internecine rivalries, the Hellenistic monarchies fell one by one
to Rome - Macedonia in 147,
Syria, its easternmost provinces in Parthia, Persia, and Mesopotamia long
since independent, in 78, and Egypt in 30 b.c. at the death of Cleopatra, last of the Ptolemies. It was Hellenistic
rather than Hellenic pederasty that the Romans absorbed, and this more often
involved relations between masters and slaves or rich men and poor boys than
the classical model of one aristocrat training another, younger one. Further,
effeminate boys and transvestites of the type long popular in the East, even
eunuchs like Bagoas, seized with the rest of King Darius' harem by Alexander,
became fashionable in the Hellenistic cities even among Greeks. The Hellenic
institutionalization of pederasty passed into Asia and Africa before it began
to penetrate Rome
during
the middle and late Republic. In the East, as in Rome and in Greece itself,
this later pederasty spread to the lower classes, which teemed in the urban
slums, separated from families or village stability. The independent citizen
hoplite (foot soldier) from the classes wealthy enough to afford their own
heavy armor and hence able to fight in the phalanx was replaced by the
mercenary recruited abroad or drawn from the lower classes. The new
"volunteer" soldiers often regarded the barracks as their homes and
the regiment as their family, and were hired by the monarchs who snuffed out
the liberties of the Greek city-states.
Sexual Aspects. The following monarchs
became famous for homosexuality: Demetrius Poliorcetes; his son Antigonus
Gonatas; Antiochus I, who loved three boys at the same time,- Ptolemy IV;
Ptolemy VII, who kept a harem of boys; Ptolemy XIII; and Nicomedes of Bithynia,
who paid the 16-year-old Julius Caesar
to
sodomize him.
Ptolemy II Philadelphus imitated the Pharaonic practice of marrying his sister
as did some of his descendants such as Ptolemy Xffl, XIV, and XV, each of whom
in order married their sister Cleopatra. She was the last of the line and
after their deaths Cleopatra became mistress of Julius Caesar and then wife of
Mark Anthony. Even members of the lower classes began to marry their sisters,
but many in vast city slums and in the countryside were doubtless too poor to
marry: like slaves unable to secure regular access to women they must have
often turned to homosexuality. Poets such as Theocritus and Callimachus,
scholars at the Library of Alexandria, testify to the ready availability of
boys. Pederasty was a subject for Alexandrian as it had been for Athenian
tragedians. Beginning with Rhianus of Crete (floruit ca. 275 b.c.), Aristides of Miletus (ca. 100b.c.), Apollonius of Rhodes (ca. 295 b.c.), Diotimus (third
century b.c.),
Moschus
(ca. 150 b.c.), Bion (ca. 100 b.c.), and Meleager of Gadara (ca. 100 b.c.) number amongthe pédérastie poets. Phanocles [ca. 250 b.c.) composed his garland of elegies entitled Love Stories of Beautiful Boys (ca. 250 b.c.). The Musa
Paidike, Book XII of the Greek Anthology, contains poems mostly
composed in this era exhibiting a frankly sensual pederasty without even a
pretext of paideia
(education).
This attitude continued in the Greek-speaking east until the Christian sexual
counterrevolution of the fourth century, contemporaneous with the
establishment of the Byzantine Empire.
Instead of recommending civic virtue as their classical predecessors had done,
philosophers argued how one should best inure oneself against the changing
fortunes controlled by the goddess Tyche
or
arbitrary despots. These philosophers included: Epicurus; Zeno of Citium,
founder of Stoicism; Peripatetics, who continued Aristotle's tradition in the
Lyceum; and members of the Academy of Plato. Jews, like Philo, especially in
Alexandria, where their largest colony lived, and in Jerusalem, where under
the Maccabees they revolted against Antiochus IV, condemned pederasty and some
other aspects of Hellenism which they found morally repellent, while absorbing
still others.
The lasting importance of the Hellenistic monarchies lies in the interface
which they created between Judaic and Hellenic cultures,- this setting fostered
the new syncretistic religion of Christianity which was destined to embrace
the entire Greco-Roman world - with tragic consequences for homosexuality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Claude Préaux,
Le Monde Hellénistique, 2 vols., Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1978.
William A. Percy
Hemingway, Ernest (1899-1961)
American
novelist and short story writer. Hemingway first achieved fame as a member of
the "Lost Generation" in Paris in the 1920s. His trademark, a lean,
almost laconic style, was widely imitated. Noted for his exploration of "supermasculine"
subject
matter - war, bullfighting, safaris, deep-sea fishing - Hemingway became a
veritable icon of heterosexuality.
Yet careful readers could note hints of sexual unorthodoxy. The short story
"Mr. and Mrs. Elliott" (1925) concerns lesbianism, and in fact
Hemingway was fascinated with the expatriate world of lesbian Paris typified by
Natalie Barney, Sylvia Beach, Gertrude Stein, and then-associates. In The Sun Also Rises (1926) the hero is unable
to consummate a sexual relationship because of impotence. The material for the
novel derives from a trip to Spain financed by his traveling companion, the
bisexual writer Robert McAlmon.
Hemingway's mother, Grace, who may have been a lesbian, dressed the boy in
girl's clothes to make a twin sister of him for the older Marcelline. The Garden of Eden, a novel published in
abridged form only in 1986, reveals homosexual and transsexual fantasies.
Rumors that his suicide was the result of an unhappy gay affair have not been
substantiated.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Kenneth Lynn, Hemingway: His Life and Work, New York: Simon and
Schuster, 1987.
Henri III of France (1551-1589)
French
king, the son of Henri II and Catherine de' Medici. Elected to the throne of
Poland in 1573, he left the country on the death of his brother Charles IX of
France to ascend the throne at the age of 23. Because he refused to adopt the
measures for extermination of the Protestants advocated by the Catholic party
under the leadership of the Due de Guise (which had in 1572 perpetrated the
massacre of St. Bartholomew's Eve), he found himself at war with its
supporters, and even Paris and other cities rebelled against him. He made
common cause with the Protestant Henri of Navarre, but in his camp at St. Cloud
he was assassinated by a fanatical Dominican monk and died at the age of 38.
Seldom has the homosexuality of a ruler been so public and undisguised, or have
the favorites of a monarch been so clearly identified as in the life of Henri
HI. Though exhibitingmany traits of the stereotypical homosexual, and that of
the effeminate variety, he is indicated by reliable sources to have felt
passionate attraction to women as well. If he remained childless, it was in
the opinion even of his foes because an incurable gonorrhea had left him
sterile. Many writers have tried to ascribe his homosexual leanings to a stay
in Venice in 1574, where satiated with the charms of the opposite sex which he
had known only too well, he succumbed to the pederastic vice so rampant in
Italy, or to the syphilis which he contracted in the city on the Adriatic. The
most that he could have learned was how many others shared his proclivities,
and the moment Henri became king of France, he gave free rein to his homosexual
urges and also to the fondness for luxury and extravagance which the ancients
equated with effeminacy.
Henry was well-built, charming in looks, and gracious in manner; his hands were
especially beautiful. His character was marked by the feminine traits of tenderness
and religiosity. In 1583 an anxiety-provoking dream even caused him a crisis of
piety in which he founded a brotherhood called the Penitents that staged processions
in which the king, his mignons, and other dignitaries of the court participated
in masks. Other feminine traits of his were a fondness for lapdogs, for childish
games and toys, and for elegant costumes. He loved to wear women's clothing
and even to appear at public events clad in the style affected by the ladies of
his court. Not long after ascending the throne he surrounded himself with
handsome young men in their early twenties - the mignons, who used all the
feminine arts to ape the king's own proclivities in dress, speech and walk. Two
categories of mignons can be differentiated: the mignons de coeui, who shared his pleasures
and erotic passions - Quelus, Maugiron, Livarol, Saint-Megrin and others, and
the mignons d'etat, who played a military and
political role and acquired a real influence over the affairs of the reign -
notably Joyeuse and d'Epemon. Henri cemented his ties with the mignons not just
by showering them with favors and gifts of all kinds, but also by arranging
marriages for them that were celebrated in a lavish and fabulous manner. He
was not troubled by jealousy when they took an interest in the opposite sex.
A contemporary satire entitled L'He
des Hermaphrodites (The Isle of the Hermaphrodites) depicts the life of the
mignons and their protector in a quite perceptive manner. The author describes
how entering the palace of the hermaphrodites he sees them beautifying their
persons to enter the inner sanctum of their lord for sensual mysteries in
which he cannot follow. The walls of one room are hung with tapestries
depicting Hadrian's passion for Antinous, another with scenes from the life of
Heliogabalus, a third cham
aggressive part in the Seven Years War and was particularly renowned for his
role in the battle at Friedberg (October 29,1762), which he won, ending the
war. He retired early from active duty and lived thereafter as a dilettante in
castle Rheinsberg, a few hours distant from Berlin. Like Frederick, he used the
French language exclusively for his literary compositions. An enthusiastic
admirer of Voltaire and of French philosophy, Henry loved uninhibited discussions
of morality and metaphysics. He took particular pleasure in the theatre, while
maintaining his own troupe of French performers. His friends fell into two categories:
one group satisfied his intellectual and literary needs, the other his
homoerotic passions and sensual cravings.
Henry's personality was profoundly masculine: reflective and calculating,
endowed with firm will and extraordinary memory, real talent for literature,
and outstanding ability as a military strategist. But with these qualities he
combined a feminine sensitivity and antipathy to cruelty and brutality in any
form, compassion for the weak, and nobility and generosity toward his foes,
especially the French. Physically he was small, his face unattractive, his
whole figure somewhat ill-proportioned, so that one author remarked that seldom
has such a beautiful soul and great talent had such a wretched exterior. All
authors who dealt with the sexual side of his character agreed that he felt no
love for women, and the compulsion which his older brother exercised on him to
marry only strengthened his aversion to the opposite sex. He scarcely concealed
his passion for young men and effeminate homosexual types, and he even had a
temple of friendship built whose walls were decked with French inscriptions
glorifying friendship - which in his case often meant a sensual passion for his
youthful adjutants. Some of his favorites were of quite inferior station in
life and unworthy character, yet possessing a coarse male attractiveness which
the prince could not resist. One of these, aMajorKaphengst,
ber has a bed whose roof depicts the marriage of Nero and Pythagoras. The
mignons join in the praises of their master and his fair hands. The
significance of this work has not been fully appreciated, as it owes its title
to the misunderstanding of the phenomenon of the berdache in accounts of the
New World; the berdaches were mistaken for genuine hermaphrodites rather than
as individuals who had adopted a culturally prescribed cross-gender role.
Given the attitude toward homosexuality that had prevailed in Latin Christendom
since the thirteenth century, the conduct of Henri and his mignons inevitably
provoked enormous hostility and indignation, and a considerable literature
defaming the king and his court was composed that formed the basis for later
treatments of the period by historians who gave vent to their homophobia. Only
in modem times has it been possible to form a truer picture of the virtues and
foibles of a monarch whose public and private life was molded by the homosexual
and effeminate in his personality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Maurice Lever, Les
büchers de Sodome, Paris: Fayard, 1985; Numa Praetorius (pseudonym of Eugen
Wilhelm), "Das Liebesleben des Königs Heinrich III. von Frankreich," Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft, 18 (1932), 522-531; L. S. A. M. von
Römer, "Heinrich der Dritte, König von Frankreich and Polen," Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen, 4 (1902), 572-669.
Warren Johansson
Henry, Prince (1726-1802)
Brother
of Frederick ii (the Great) of Prussia.
Less distinguished than his brother, who occupied the throne for forty-six
years, Henry was another homosexual member of the House of Hohenzollem. The
portrait of him drawn by historians varies according to the degree of sympathy
or aversion which they feel for him. A great lover of the military, Henry took an exploited the
prince's interest in him to lead a dissipated, wasteful life on an estate not
far from Rheinsberg. Others, such as the actor Blainville and the French émigré Count La Roche-Aymon, were
better able to reciprocate his affection for them. Subsequently German
novelists such as Theodor Fontane in Stechkn
and
Alexander von Ungem-Stemberg in Der
deu tsche Gil Bias alluded to the prince's character in works that indirectly
furnish additional details about his private life.
Of interest is one detail of his political career: At the moment when Americans
were considering the possibility of a constitutional monarchy, and George
Washington had indignantly declined the honor, Henry's name was put forward as
that of a cultured and liberal-minded soldier who would make an excellent
king. On November 2, 1786 his old friend Baron von Steuben wrote to convey the
support of his candidacy by many prominent Americans, but Henry waited until
April 1787 to reply and then refused to commit himself until he could be assured
of the sentiment of his future subjects.
If less renowned than his brother Frederick, Henry was still one of the
homosexual members of the high nobility who, sympathizing with the ideas and
ideals of the Enlightenment, put their rank and wealth at the service of the
movement for political and ideological change in the closing decades of the Old
Regime.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Numa Praetorius (pseudonym of Eugen Wilhelm), "Die Homosexualität des Prinzen Heinrich von Preussen, des Bruders Friedrichs des Grossen," Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft, 15(1929)465-76.
Warren Johansson
Heresy
Defined
as willful and persistent departure from orthodox Christian dogma, heresy
forced the church progressively to refine the formulation of its doctrines and
to anathematize deviant theological opinions. At times heretical movements
such as Gnosticism, the mystical belief that the elect received a special
enlightenment, and Arianism, greatest of the Christological heresies, seemed
almost to overshadow the universal church. From Constantine the Great (d. 337)
onward, the church used state power to impose uniformity of belief. In both
eastern and western halves of the Roman Empire law subjected pertinacious
heretics to branding, confiscation of property, exile, and even death. The
assumption that the church had the right to call upon the secular power to
suppress heresy survived the Empire itself. In the early Middle Ages in the
West, few heretics were noticed or prosecuted from the sixth through the tenth
century. When prosperity returned after 1000, however, ecclesiastical and
secular authorities noted and persecuted heretics who multiplied particularly
at first in the reviving cities of southern France and Italy. The iconoclastic
controversy of the eighth and ninth centuries nearly destroyed the Byzantine
Empire where other heresies such as dualistic Paulicianism flourished
continuously.
The Image of the Heretic. Modern hypotheses on the
causes of heresy were foreign to the churchmen of late antiquity and the Middle
Ages, who simply considered heresy the work of the devil. Author after author
repeated stereotypical descriptions and denunciations and often applied such
beliefs and practices with scant discrimination to later heretics. These
cliches were assembled into a type-figure of the heretic with conventional
traits: his pride, since he has dared to reject the teaching of the official
Church; his superficial mien of piety, which must be meant to deceive, since he
is in fact an enemy of the faith; and his secrecy, contrasted with the teaching
of the Church, which is broadcast to the four winds. Most significantly, the
heretic is often accused of counterfeiting piety while secretly engaging in
libertinism - and the form of sexual libertinism most often imputed to him is
homosexuality, or sodomy, as the term generally used from the end of the
twelfth century onward.
Late Antiquity. Even before the end of
antiquity, Western Christian controversialists, using a charge pagans had once
leveled against them, had accused members of dissident sects of engaging in
unmentionable orgies "for the sake of pleasure." Not satisfied with
their promiscuous intercourse with women, some of them, in the words of the
Apostle, "were consumed with their lust for one another." A sect
called the Levites, after the members of the tribe who officiated in the
Temple in Jerusalem, were reported by Epiphanius of Salamis not to have intercourse
with women, but only with one another. It was these who were held in
distinction and honor by other libertine Gnostics, because they "had sowed
no children for the Archon," that is to say, had begotten no offspring
whose souls would like theirs be trapped in the lower, material world and could
not ascend to heaven. Such charges were also hurled against the Manichaeans,
who derived from Zoroastrianism the dualistic doctrine that an evil god created
matter and human reproducf ion in the sense of having more bodies to rule.
The Middle Ages. It was at the end of the
eleventh century that the so-called Bulgarian heresy became known in Western
Europe. It was also known as the Albigensian or Cathar heresy. This was a
dualistic ideology that had flourished in the kingdom of Bulgaria, which some
ascribed to a priest named Bogomil, who combined the beliefs imported from the
Byzantine Empire (Paulician and Manichaean) into a new system. From the reign
of Tsar Peter (927-969) onward these doctrines were propagated throughout
Europe. The Bogomils believed that the Devil was the creator of the visible,
material world and that Christ was a phantom who had no ordinary body, was not
born of Mary, and did not truly suffer on the cross. They rejected the
sacraments, including baptism and the eucharist, in favor of initiation rites
that included the laying on of hands, and identified the Devil with the Jewish
god, the demiurge whose revelation in the Old Testament they accordingly
repudiated. In their rejection of the Greek Orthodoxy propagated from Byzantium,
the heretics were as radical as one could imagine. They subjected the Gospel
narratives to an exegesis that made all the miracle stories symbolic and
allegorical.
From the
"Bulgarian" Heresy to Buggery. Since the Bulgarian heresy
was the religious deviation par
excellence of the later Middle Ages, all heretics in Western Europe
came indiscriminately to be labeled bulgari,
which
became bougres
in Old
French and buggers in Middle English. But in addition to heresy, the term
gained the meanings of sodomite and usurer. It has been claimed that this was
only the church's way of defaming unbelievers and provoking hatred for them.
In fact, however, as Catholics claimed, they advocated chastity because they
retained the dualist notion of the wrongfulness of procreation, and may have
tolerated sterile promiscuity, at least in the lower ranks of their sect. It
is also quite possible that their highest ranks, the so-called perfecti, included more than their
share of homosexuals, given the affinity of a certain homosexual character
type for leadership in religious communities. The anti-homosexual doctrines of
the Catholic Church, grounded in the prohibitions of the Old Testament which
the Cathari rejected, may have added to the alienation of such types from its
fold. The oft-repeated allegations of homosexual conduct were not without
foundation: a promiscuous sodomite, Arnold of Verniolle of Pamiers, was caught
in a heretic hunt in 1323. After careful examination of the evidence most
modern historians have concluded that the accusations of debauchery and sodomy
against the Cathars had some justification and corresponded to the survival of
the mores of pagan Mediterranean antiquity in the folkways of Provence.
The further association of buggery with usury stemmed from the fact that
medieval economic doctrine held money to be sterile, so that the earning of
interest was equated with "unnatural" -non-reproductive forms of
sexual expression. But all these factors coalesced to make bougie and buggei, Ketzei and kettei mean not only heretic but
also sodomite. German even distinguished the sodomite as the Ketzei nach dem Fleisch, while the heretic proper
was the Ketzei
nach dem Glauben. In texts of the thirteenth century, it is true, the
general meaning of "heretic" still prevails. Then also, however,
scholastic theologians such as Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas defined the
"crime against nature by reason of sex" as second only to murder in
its heinousness, and the social intolerance of homosexual expression rose to a
point where everyone under the authority of the church was obliged to profess
heterosexual interests alone. Moreover, the ecclesiastical courts gained the
authority to try persons suspected of sodomy, as a crime under canon law, and
then to relax them to the civil authorities for execution. Contrary to the
modern belief that the term faggot for "effeminate homosexual" drives
from the practice of burning such offenders at the stake, in England the
penalty for both sodomy and witchcraft was hanging. As the significance of the
Albigensian heresy receded, the meaning buggei
= "sodomite"
remained, and in the statute 25 Henry Vni c. 6 (1533), the word buggery is attested for the first time in
English in the unequivocal sexual meaning. In German such terms as Bubenketzei for "pederast"
retain the same association of ideas. Some writers even brand sodomy as worse
than murder, because the murderer kills only one human being while the sodomite
aims at the death of the entire human race, which in line with dualistic
thinking would perish if one and all ceased to procreate so as not to enslave
their offspring in the bonds of matter.
Latei Middle Ages. In Cologne Meister
Johannes Eckhart (d. 1327) began a pantheistic mysticism that often became heretical
among his Rhenish followers. Partly inspired by the Rhenish mystic, Beguines
and Begards, lay groups living communally in celibacy, concentrated in the
Flemish towns, were accused of lesbianism more often than of sodomy with
males. The general disruption of order by famines, endemic after 1314, the Black Death, which
returned every ten years for a century after 1347, and the Hundred Years War
led to both flagellants and dissipation as well as anti-Jewish outbursts,
witch trials, and intensified persecution of sodomites.
Afteieffects. Certainly the theological
overlap of heresy and sodomy served to magnify the hatred and aversion with
which homosexuality was regarded by the masses of the faithful in Western
Europe from the late thirteenth century down to modern times. In later medieval
law codes heresy and sodomy were both capital crimes, and the accusation of
"unnatural vice" was one of the charges brought against the Templars
in a series of trials the objective basis of which remains disputed among
medieval historians. Again, there is a real possibility that sexual
non-conformity was the initial impetus that distanced the heretic from the
Church, both then and in later times, when skepticism and unbelief replaced
heresy as the chief foes of Christian dogma. It is noteworthy that in Great
Britain buggei
has,
apart from the slightly archaic legal usage, been an exceedingly obscene taboo
word that could not be used in polite company because of the images and
emotions which it evoked.
A final consequence of the association of heresy and sodomy was the positive
one, that both crimes were ultimately seen as expressions of the religious
intolerance decried by antitrinitarians in the seventeenth century and by
deistic thinkers in the eighteenth. The antithesis of the doctrine of the
medieval Church was the conviction that crimes against religion and morality,
which included heresy and sodomy par
excellence, should not be the object of criminal sanctions unless they
harmed third parties or the interests of society in general. It is therefore
all the more regrettable that in the English-speaking world, where freedom of
conscience and toleration of sectarianism in religion came comparatively early,
the place of buggery in the scheme of medieval intolerance was overlooked and
the statutes adopted from canon law were perpetuated as bulwarks of morality.
See also Christianity; Patristic
Writers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Michael Goodich, The Unmentionable Vice: Homosexuality in the Later Medieval Period,
Santa
Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio Press, 1979; Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular
Movements from Bogomil to Hus, London: Edward Arnold, 1977.
Warren Johansson
Hermaphrodite
The
hermaphrodite, a human being fusing male and female characteristics, is the
physical embodiment of the principle of androgyny. In mythology and art,
hermaphrodites may be divided horizontally (where developed breasts may signal
the female on top, with a complete penis below) or, more commonly, vertically
(one side containing a breast and half of a vulva, the other side flat-chested
with half of a penis). Sometimes hermaphrodites are regarded positively,
standing for a désirable equality and balance between the sexes. Other traditions
despise them as symbols of an unacceptable blurring of categories. In some
instances the fusion seems relatively successful; in others, presenting a mere
juxtaposition of forms, the result is grotesque. In behavior the hermaphrodite
may be predominantly male or predominantly female. Cross-cultural data suggest
that "male" hermaphrodites, who are likely to be viewed favorably,
are much more frequent than "female" hermaphrodites, whose image is
generally negative. With respect to their origin, some hermaphrodites result
from the merger of a separate male and female person; others come into the
world in a fused form, only splitting later into a separate male and female.
Scientific Research vs.
Cultural Traditions. Early in the twentieth century the work of Franz Ludwig von
Neugebauer demonstrated that in nature true human hermaphrodites, with fully
developed male and female organs, are extremely rare - virtually nonexistent.
What does occur is a situation where an individual is born with more or less
complete organs of one sex and rudimentary or vestigial ones of the other. In
other instances both sets may be undeveloped. For the first few weeks the human
embryo is undetermined as to sex, and the hormones that effect the determination
sometimes do not fully accomplish their task. Since our society dislikes the
ambiguity of any anatomical intermediacy, the perceived flaw is usually
surgically corrected and the individual takes his or her place as a
"real" man or woman. In contrast with the sexual dimorphism of
mammals, true hermaphroditism is the rule in many lower animal species, such as snails
and worms, and in many kinds of flowers.
Cross-culturally there is no close link between physical and cultural hermaphroditism:
the Greeks, who had a well-developed concept of the mythological hermaphrodite,
were accustomed to kill hermaphroditic babies after birth. What is of greatest
interest is in fact the cultural (that is imaginary) aspect of hermaphroditism,
for it is a vehicle of feelings and speculation about gender, gender roles, and
sexual orientation.
European Mythological Traditions.
In Greek
the word hermaphroditos
stems
from a fusion of the name of a male god, Hermes, with the goddess of love,
Aphrodite. According to a story in Ovid's Metamorphoses (IV, 285-388), the god
Hermaphroditos was in fact the son of the union of Hermes and Aphrodite, but he
was originally male. The nymph Salmacis fell in love with him. Repulsed, she
successfully beseeched the gods to unite her body forever with his. Immersion
in the waters where this fusion took place reputedly turned the bather into a
hermaphrodite.
In another myth Kainis was a maiden who formed a liaison with Poseidon. At her
request he turned her into a powerful warrior, Kaineus. After his death, he
became a woman once more.
Another case of serial hermaphroditism is that of the blind seer Teiresias.
Chancing one day on a pair of coupling snakes, he disturbed them, wounding the
female. He was punished by being turned into a woman. Seven years later he repeated
the experience, and became a man once more. On being asked by the gods whether
sex was more pleasurable as a man or a woman, he said that nine parts out of
ten belonged to the woman.
In the Symposium
Plato
sets forth a myth in which human beings were originally double beings: the
man-man, the woman-woman, and the man-woman. When split the last, the
hermaphrodite, yielded heterosexual men and women who yearn to reunite with a
"better half" of the opposite sex. According to homiletic
commentators, the first man Adam in the Hebrew creation myth of Genesis was
androgynous until Eve was extracted from his body. Since the creator made Adam
in his own image, the implication is that Yahweh was himself androgynous.
Later Greek and Roman art shows many representations of hermaphrodites, most
notably in monumental sculpture. These images stem ultimately from age-old
concepts of fertility, but their enhanced popularity in the Hellenistic age
(323-30 b.c.) probably reflects the
fact that this was an age of changing sex roles. The androgynous features of
these statues served to pose the question without offering a specific answer.
In medieval travel lore Hermaphrodites lived in their own country in Asia,
where European visitors claimed to have observed them. Anatomically, these exotics
were divided vertically, with one set of organs on the left and the other on
the right, so that copulation face to face was an easy matter. This notion of a
nation of a civilization of hermaphrodites has inspired some modem science
fiction writers; the most notable example is Ursula Le Guin's Left Hand of Darkness (New York, 1969), which
works out the cultural consequences in considerable detail.
Modem Visions. The hermaphrodite or
androgyne became common in French nineteenth-century writing. Inspired by
Emanuel Swedenborg,
Honoré de Balzac wrote a novel, Séraphita (1835), about a
double-sexed being. The most consistent theoretician of the androgynic vision
was probably Joséphin Péladan, who influenced artists as well as writers. In fact the
androgynous figure - usually depicted as an effeminate youth - is a recurrent
figure in the iconography of the so-called decadent painters, from Simeon
Solomon to Leonor Fini. In the twentieth century Carl Gustav Jung's interest in the
matter sparked a rediscovery of hermaphroditic beings in alchemical imagery of
the sixteenth and seventeenth century.
Cross-dressing can sometimes give the impression that the wearer is a true
androgyne, and in the popular imagination cross dressers and effeminate
homosexuals are physically hermaphroditic. This confusion has probably been
unwittingly abetted by the fashion of tum-of-the-century psychologists to refer
to bisexuals as "psychosexual hermaphrodites," and more recently by
some spokespeople for the gay movement who emphasize getting in touch with the
"submerged" half of one's personality. The late twentieth-century
fashion among men of wearing a single earring is probably a muted version of
the vertical hermaphrodite.
Tribal Cultures. Among the North American
Indians the Trickster is a figure of ambiguous sexuality. Primarily a male, he
not only wears female dress but gives birth to children. He carries his detached
penis in a box, and is thus self-castrating. When he wishes to have intercourse,
he sends it separately to the woman. In real life the berdache type is
sometimes called "he-she" or "man-woman" in Indian
languages, but is not regarded as a true hermaphrodite but as a man who has
abandoned the male gender role for the female.
Among the Dogon in West Africa, a mythical figure draws outlines of a male and
a female on the ground before the newborn baby, who touches the outlines and is
possessed by two souls. If the child retains the foreskin or the clitoris he
remains two-souled and androgynous, with no inclination to procreation. In
order to join the proper sex the male must be circumcised, the female must
undergo a clitoridectomy. Among the Australian aborigines, subincision in the
male achieves the opposite result: the creation of a "male vagina,"
which may be reopened and bled in later life.
India. The mythology of India
abounds in androgynous and hermaphroditic beings. The great Hindu deities usually
have an accompanying female manifestation; thus in art Shiva is often shown
partially fused with his female alter ego, Parvati. In some traditions a
primordial hermaphrodite has been replaced by twins (e.g., Yami and Yama).
Folklore abounds in tales of men who were made womanish by the curse of a god
and of male child bearing. There are also legends of individuals were
alternated from month to month as king and queen. In Tantrism the male adept or
yogi must activate the female principle within himself that is personified by
the dormant goddess Kundalini. Only by this means can he experience full
wholeness, the internal union of the male and female divine principles. In
Buddhism the male Bodhisattva Avalokites'vara becomes a female, Kuan Yin, in
China.
A central feature of the Hindu belief system is transmigration of souls, so
that an individual can be reborn as a member of the opposite sex or an animal.
This idea was already known to Plato who describes cowardly men being reborn as
women in the Theatetus.
Some
Hindus today hold that male homosexuals are individuals whose immediately
previous life was that of a woman.
In north India today there is a distinct social grouping of some 100,000
homosexuals known as Hijra or Hinjra. These men wear female dress and perform
female tasks, including prostitution. They are commonly believed to be eunuchs
or physical hermaphrodites. While medical data are lacking, it is unlikely that
many qualify in the anatomical sense. Rather the Hijra myth of self attests to
the persistence of the androgynous ideal in Indian civilization.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Hermann Baumann, Das doppelte Geschlecht: ethnologische Studien zur
Bisexualitat in Ritus und Mythus, Berlin: Reimer, 1955; Marie Delcourt, Hermaphrodite: Myths and
Rites of the Bisexual Figure in Classical Antiquity, London: Studio Books,
1961; Wendy Doniger O'Flaherty, Women, Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts, Chicago: Chicago
University Press, 1980.
Wayne R. Dynes
Heterosexuality
The word heterosexual was invented by the same
man who coined homosexual:
the
publicist and translator Karoly Maria Kertbeny. The words appear for the first
time (as far as is known) in Kertbeny's German-language draft of a private
letter to Karl Heinrich Ulrichs of May 6, 1868. Although Kertbeny subsequently
wavered in his choice of heterosexual,
the
contrasting pair was popularized some years later by Gustav Jaeger, supported
by the analogy of such pairs as homogeneous/heterogeneous. At the close of the
nineteenth century the terms migrated from German into other major European
languages.
Sources of the Concept. While the word
heterosexual may be relatively new, the ingredients of the concept are of
venerable antiquity. The late coinage of the word reflects the fact that, until
recently, "heterosexual norms" were silently assumed and discussion
seemed superfluous. Hence the sources of the concept are sometimes elusive.
Moreover, in the ensuing account one should bear in mind that the entrance of
the pair homosexual/ heterosexual into the dictionary presupposes a binary
contrast - even a stark opposition - which may be absent in older
approximations of the notion.
Historically, the core of the concept of heterosexuality has been linked with
procreation and its consequence - the family. Whether we think in terms of the
modem compact nuclear family or the extended family found in many societies,
the members are typically related by lineage which is established by
procreation. (While the custom of adoption is well attested historically, this
procedure works by the assimilation of the adopted children to the dominant
pattern established by those procreated by the "natural" parents.)
Yet although all human beings come into the world by procreation, not all need
practice it: many cultures have provided niches for individuals who wished to
dedicate themselves to ritual celibacy or priestly homosexuality (as seen in
the berdache and kádésh traditions).
Plato. In hindsight we may detect
a first attempt to give a theoretical formulation to the distinction between
heterosexual and homosexual in
The Laws, a late work (ca. 380 b.c.) of the Greek philosopher Plato. "When the male sex
unites with the female for the purpose of procreation the pleasure so
experienced is held to be according to nature, but when males unite with males
or females with females, to be considered contrary to nature." (1636b-C;
cf. also VHI836B-839A). From this passage we can see that "according to
nature" equates in effect with heterosexuality. In proposing that same-sex
acts be labeled as unnatural, Plato also merges, for the first time in recorded
history, male and female homosexual conduct, which up to this time had been
categorized separately. The behaviors are combined because the overarching
contrast natural vs. unnatural. No doubt Plato was influenced by a pervasive
Greek tendency to look for purpose. What is the purpose of copulation? The only
answer that appeared was the engendering of offspring.
Christianity. Reappearing in highly
charged language in Paul's Epistle to the Romans (1:26), Plato's rejection of
same-sex relations as unnatural echoed through the subsequent history of Christian
ethics. Yet if Christian tradition agreed that homosexual behavior was
unnatural per se, this exclusion did not mean that all heterosexual behavior was permitted.
Fornication and rape, though "natural," were nonetheless sins.
Logically, the Christian approach entails four categories: (1) marriage; (2)
celibacy, which are both permitted; as against (3) illicit (heterosexual)
copulation,- (4) same-sex conduct, both forbidden. In this analysis what we
would call heterosexuality appears on both sides of the ledger (1 and 3). In
order to reach the modern contrast reclassification was needed, extracting two
contrasted behaviors from the scheme and fusing them into a single positive
concept: heterosexuality.
Another vexed question has recurred in many different guises over the
centuries. Is it appropriate to discuss same-sex conduct exclusively in terms
of behavior - same-sex acts - or are there persons whose identity or character
is homosexual, regardless of the frequency of this or that act? In medieval
times this ambiguity lurked in the term sodomite, which could refer either to a
basically faithful "son of the church" who had fallen into such sins,
but who could confess and be returned to the fold, or to one who was
obstinately and seemingly irremediably immersed in such practices - the
sodomite with a capital S. In the former view heterosexuality is in effect
universal and can only be disregarded on an occasional basis; in the latter
situation it has a nemesis - homosexuality.
The Enlightenment and the
Rise of Modern Psychiatry. The eighteenth-century Enlightenment grappled with these
problems by attempting to secularize the concept of the natural. But earlier confusions
lingered. Nineteenth-century psychiatrists, however, took a more radical step
with their doctrine of perversions, which implicitly defines what later came to
be called heterosexual normality by contrasting it with the abnormal. The
procedure might be compared to paring a cheese: the mouldy and inedible
"abnormal" parts are stripped away revealing the nutrient substance
within. What remains after the subtractions is that which is mandatory: sexual
normality. Since this healthy core was by definition nonpathological, it was
not a legitimate object of psychiatric concern. To vary the metaphor, shoe
fetishism, coprophilia, necrophilia, and homosexuality are, so to speak, so
many obscure bypaths ("deviations" or "perversions") from
the great highway of normality. The majority, who are already traveling this
main road, should simply continue to do so. As for the bypaths, closer
inspection revealed a significant criterion of difference. Most of the perversions
observed by Krafft-Ebing and others of his ilk did not involve persons as objects.
Such behaviors as shoe fetishism and umbrella fetishism could be separated off
from the rest; they were later to be dubbed "paraphilias."
This double sequence of separations left standing, when all was said and done,
a fairly straightforward contrast between heterosexuality and homosexuality as
forms of sexual conduct between two or more consenting adults. Moreover,
increasing acceptance of birth control and abortion made it possible to begin
to separate heterosexuality from procreation.
Heterosexuality could in fact become more like homosexuality: an avenue of
pleasure and personal fulfilment. So matters stood for decades. In the 1940s
Alfred Kinsey attempted a new formulation in a seven-step scale from exclusive
heterosexuality to exclusive homosexuality. Insisting that we speak of these
patterns as behaviors rather than fixed character types, Kinsey looked forward
to a dissolution of the binary contrast between heterosexuality and
homosexuality in favor of a behavioristic approach, one inherently pluralistic
and nonjudgmental. Whatever the other merits of Kinsey's work, which are
considerable, this hopeful outcome has not been attained.
Doubleness of the
Heterosexual Concept. For those who reject psychic androgyny (as most do
reflexively) another problem looms. In keeping with the postulate of
psychosexual dimorphism, two
norms are
needed: an aggressive, dominant one (male); a yielding, receptive, nurturant
one (female). Thus contemporary traditionalists who defend obligatory
heterosexuality must grapple with the fact that it articulates itself into two
norms, according to the genitalia of the individual. If two, then why not
three or four permitted patterns?
Cay Liberation Views. For the most part theorists
of the gay liberation movement contented themselves with asserting the parity
of homosexuality with heterosexuality: "gay is just as good as
straight." The two were to be viewed simply as different lifestyles. In
the early 1970s, however, some radical feminists argued that all
heterosexuality signified complicity with male domination, and sought to
persuade, with some (mostly temporary) success, even their straight sisters to
abandon the questionable practice. Other voices, holding that feminism means
empowerment, spoke in favor of the right of each woman to make her own choices,
even if they be heterosexual.
In the 1970s some gay radicals j
adopted
the term heterosexism
(modeled
on sexism). The new word apparently serves as a pejorative label for
"straight chauvinism," an excessive prizing or favoring of
heterosexual persons and values. The term had little success in the United
States, but was taken up in the 1980s by some sectors of the British Labour
Party. Unfortunately, the label hcterosexism suggests hostility to
heterosexuality itself, alienating many Britons who might otherwise have been
sympathetic. The matter has been exploited by Conservatives as part of their
campaign against the "loony left."
Conclusion. By and large normality (=
"heterosexuality") remains an unspoken assumption underpinning much
popular thinking. There are few considered explorations or defenses of heterosexuality
as such; none seems required. Thus the suggestion of one Southern clergyman
that libraries and bookstores contain "heterosexual sections" to
help the public rally to its norms has not been taken up. Moreover, the AIDS
crisis has probably given new Ufe to the folk certainty that heterosexuality is best. Battered
but unbeaten, this belief survives as part of the inherited social amalgam that
makes up the deep structure of modern societies, the tacit body of unexamined
postulates that form a kind of coliective "operating procedure." But
as many converging forces in modem international civilization push toward cultural
pluralism, a more explicit analysis of the place of this pivotal yet still
obscure concept is sure to appear, situating it within a constellation of
ideas about sex and gender.
Wayne R. Dynes
Hiller, Kurt (1885-1972)
German
writer and political figure active both on the left and in the homosexual
movement. In the published version of his doctoral dissertation (1908), Hilier
formulated arguments for the control over one's body that were to become
important for supporters of homosexual and women's rights. As a journalist,
essayist, and poet he evolved an aphoristic style reflecting the strong
imprint of Friedrich Nietzsche's work and possessing affinities with early
Expressionism. A coliaborator of Magnus Hirschfeld's on the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in Berlin, he also sought to influence
socialist politics through his Activist Movement. At the close of World War I
he pioneered in applying the topical notion of (national) minorities to
homosexuals as a group. As an independent thinker and writer under the Weimar
Republic, he represented almost the mean of opinion on the German left. In 1933
he was arrested by the Nazis and beaten almost to death in the Columbia Haus in
Berlin. Escaping to Czechoslovakia and then to England in 1938, he returned
to Germany after the war, where he settled in Hamburg and attempted without
great success to revive the homophile movement and the famous petition for
abolition of Paragraph 175 of the Penal Code. His collected essays and articles
brandish a style virtualiy untranslatable into English, so that his literary
fame is confined to the German-speaking world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Lewis D. Wurgaft, The Activists: Kurt Hiller and the Pohtics of Action on the
German Left, 1914-1933, Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1977.
Warren Johansson
Hippies
See Beatniks and Hippies; Bohemia.
Hippocratic Corpus
The Greek
Corpus Hippocraticum is the collection of approximately 60 medical treatises
ascribed to Hippocrates of Cos (460-circa 370 B.C), about whose biography
little is known for certain, though in his lifetime and afterward he en joy ed
the renown of a great physician. In fact the Hippocratic writings are the legacy
of two different schools of medicine, the Coan and the Cnidian, over several
centuries. The former school had a generalized conception of disease with
individual variations, while the latter preferred to localize specific
diseases and then insert them in af ixed but comprehensive schema. The actual
dates of composition of the various treatises range from 500 b.c. to the first century of our era; the early second century
saw the beginning of editions of the Hippocratic corpus and of the writing of
glossaries and commentaries.
Homosexual behavior appears only occasionally in the corpus, perhaps most
notably in the original text of the Hippocratic oath, where the apprentice
physician swears that in the course of his professional visits he will abstain
from "sexual acts on the persons of women and of men, of freemen and of
slaves." The causes of sexual characterology figure in the work Peri diaites, 28-29: If both father and
mother secrete "male bodies," the offspring will be men
"brilliant in soul and strong in body." If the secretion from the man
is male and that from the woman is female, the former still dominates, so that
the offspring turn out less brilliant, but still brave. But in case the man's
secretion is female and the woman's is male, the fusion of the two creates a
"man-woman" [androgynes),
the
equivalent of the modem notion of effeminate homosexual. The same is true of
girls: if the man's secretion is female and the woman's male, and the female is
predominant, the offspring will be "mannish." Hence by the fourth
century b.c. the Hippocratic school
saw factors of procreation as determining sexual constitution.
The treatise On
Airs, Waters and Places discusses the infertility and impotence of the Scythians
(21-22). "The men have no great desire for intercourse because of the
moistness of their nature and the softness and coldness of their abdomen,
which are the chief barrier to the sexual urge." Moreover, the vast
majority of the male Scythians "become impotent and perform women's work
and behave like women," a condition ascribed to their constant horseback
riding, which causes swellings at the joints, in severe cases lameness and
sores on the hips. To cure themselves they cut the vein behind each ear, but in
so doing they cause the impotence from which they suffer. The author of the
treatise deems this an attribute of class: the upper-class Scythians suffer
from the disease but not the lower class, which does not ride horses.
The writers whose work was later ascribed to Hippocrates because of his general
renown take no offense at homosexuality, but see it as part of the totality of
sexual behavior on which, however, they acknowledge certain ethical limitations.
The medical science of antiquity was aware of the problems posed by differences
in sexual constitution and sought to explain them in its own theoretical terms.
See also Medical Theories.
Warren Johansson
Hirschfeld, Magnus (1868-1935)
Leader of
the homosexual emancipation movement in Germany.
Life. Magnus Hirschfeld was bom
in Kolberg on the Baltic coast of Prussia (today KcJfobrzeg in Poland) on May
14, 1868. His father, Hermann Hirschfeld, had distinguished himself by making
the town a popular resort; for this service his fellow citizens erected a
monument to him that stood until 1933. The son at first studied languages and
philosophy at Breslau and Strasbourg, then medicine at Munich and Berlin, where
he took his degree. After traveling in the United States and North Africa, he
settled first at Magdeburg in Saxony and then in Charlottenburg, a district of
Berlin.
The suicide of one of his patients, a young officer who ended his life on the
eve of a marriage demanded by his family, awakened Hirschfeld's interest in the
problem of homosexuality. The subject was also topical, as contemporary publications
by Carpenter, Ellis and Symonds, Krafft-Ebing, Raffalovich, and Aletrino
attest. Hirschfeld's first book, under the pseudonym Th. Ramien, was entitled Sappho und Sokrates (1896) and put forward a
bold argument that the homosexual form of love is part of human sexuality,
that both its causes and its manifestations should be the object of scientific
investigation, and that the penal laws against homosexuality should be changed
in society's own interest. In regard to the etiology of homosexuality
Hirschfeld outlined a complex theory which he was to modify and expand over the
next four decades without ever coming to a satisfactory formulation.
On his twenty-ninth birthday, May 14, 1897, Hirschfeld founded the
Wissenschaftlich-humanitäre Komitee (Scientific-Humanitarian Committee), the
world's first organization dedicated to the aim of ending the century-long
legal intolerance and social opprobrium that homosexuals had suffered in
Western civilization. Its first activity was to prepare a petition "to
the legislative bodies of the German Empire" calling for the repeal of
paragraph 175 of the Imperial Penal Code of 1871 which imposed a maximum of two
years' imprisonment for "lewd and unnatural conduct" between males.
In the decades that followed this petition was to be signed by some six
thousand individuals prominent in all walks of German life, including members
of the high intelligentsia whose names are still world-famous.
In 1899 the Committee began the publication of the Jahrbuch für sexuelle
Zwischenstufen, the world's first journal devoted to scholarship on all
aspects of homosexual behavior. Edited by Hirschfeld, its 23 volumes are in
some respects a still unsurpassed collection of materials of all kinds on the
subject, from questionnaire studies and articles on homosexuality among
primitive peoples to biographies of the great and near-great and analyses of
theoretical problems in law and biology.
Hirschfeld also composed a questionnaire with 130 separate items which was
filled out by more than 10,000 men and women. The data which he thus assembled
served as the basis of major articles and of the book Die Homosexualitdt des Mannes und des Weibes (1914), which summarized
all that the Committee and its supporters had learned in the sixteen years
since its founding, and remains one of the major works on the subject from the
pre-1933 period.
In 1919, with film censorship temporarily abolished, Hirschfeld and the
Committee accepted an offer from Richard Oswald to produce a film about homosexuality.
The result was Anders
als die Andem (Different from the Others), which had its premiere on May
24,1919. It was a breakthrough in the dramatic presentation of an unorthodox
subject, and as such provoked bitter controversy, as its express aim was to
expose the injustice of paragraph 175. When censorship was restored in 1920,
the film was promptly banned, in no small part because of the unfavorable
judgment of Albert Moll, who had by then become Hirschfeld's bitter opponent.
No less critical was an article by Moll that appeared in the Zeitschrift fur Sexualwissenschaft ¡1927) in the wake of the
International Congress for Sexual Research held the previous year, to which
Hirschfeld was pointedly not invited because Moll resented the propagandistic
element in the latter's activity, and also because of conduct which Moll branded
as unethical, such as publicly exhibiting individuals who suffered from various
psychosexual abnormalities and unabashedly discussing them in the presence of
an audience.
For his part, Hirschfeld presided at one conference after another of the World
League for Sexual Reform on a Scientific Basis, the first in Berlin in 1921,
the second in Copenhagen in 1928, the third in London in 1929, the fourth in
Vienna in 1930.
These conferences featured papers on the whole spectrum of problems of sexual
life, together with vigorous pleas for the abandonment of laws and practices
inspired by the ascetic beliefs of the medieval church: on sex education, birth
control, law reform, sexual perversions and abnormalities, and eugenics.
Hirschfeld's campaign on behalf of homosexual emancipation had far less
success, although he did effectively persuade the district attorneys in the
larger German cities to refrain from enforcing paragraph 175 where private,
consensual adult behavior was concerned. Germany was the only country in the
world with an extensive network of homosexual organizations and of bars, cafés, and other meeting places
which individuals seeking partners of their own sex could casually frequent.
However, the Committee itself never had more than 1500 supporters, and
Hirschfeld was obliged to admit, toward the end of his life, that the vast
majority of homosexuals were unwilling to fight for their legal and political
rights, and that the bourgeois parties were unable or unwilling to reform the
penal law to bring it into conformity with the findings of modem science.
Furthermore, Hirschfeld's propaganda for repeal of paragraph 175 so alienated
the conservative and clerical elements of German society that he became the
target of attacks by the Nazis even while they were a comparatively small party
on the far right, and as their movement grew, they persecuted him relentlessly,
terrorizing his meetings and closing his lectures, so that for his own safety
and that of his audience, he could no longer appear in public. In November 1931
he left Germany for a lecture tour around the world, during which he collected
material that he shipped to the Institute for Sexual Science in Berlin. The
Nazi accession to power on March 7, 1933, was followed by the destruction of
the Institute and its unique files and library, and the dissolution of the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee to preclude its banning by the new regime.
Hirschfeld settled in France and attempted to recreate his research institute
on a smaller scale, but the Depression and mounting dissension within the
sexual reform movement limited what he could accomplish. He died in Nice on his
sixty-seventh birthday, May 14, 1935.
Evaluation. Hirschfeld's less public
behavior motivated severe criticism, not to mention outright scandal. He is
reputed to have been not just homosexual but a foot fetishist who had male
prostitutes perform a ritual that involved pressure on his toes. There is
evidence that the accusations printed in the Berlin Vorwärts, the Social Democratic
daily, which led to the suicide of the industrialist Alfred Krupp came from
Hirschfeld himself, after he had unsuccessfully tried to extort the sum of
100,000 marks from him with the assistance of a young engineer. During the
Harden-Eulenburg affair his expert testimony as to the homosexuality of Count
Kuno von Moltke indirectly played into the hands of those who wished to label
homosexuals in high places as a peril to the fatherland.
Worst of all, although Hirschfeld made the issue of blackmail central to his
propaganda for repeal of paragraph 175, he sought to wrest monies from
individuals who had in good faith furnished him with questionnaires and other
material revealing the intimate (and incriminating) sides of their personal Uves. His willingness to profit
from his reputation as one of the world's leading experts on sexuality led him
to endorse patent remedies of questionable value, such as aphrodisiacs and
drugs for restoring potency.
In intellectual matters he was guilty of serious lapses from professional
ethics that resulted in a complete breach with the school of thought
represented by Benedict Friedlaender and Hans Blüher. The former led a
"secession" from the Scientific-Humanitarian Committee that
culminated in the formation of a rival group, the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen
(Community of the Exceptional), which united the virile, pederastic type of homosexual in contrast to the effeminate male and
viraginous female which Hirschfeld was trying to palm off on the learned world as a
biological "third sex." Bliiher in turn accused Hirschfeld of falsifying the text of his work of 1912 The Wandervogel Movement as an Erotic
Phenomenon, stressing as it did the role of male comradeship in mass organizations and public life.
Hirschfeld's life and work represent at best an ambivalent legacy for
the homophile movement of today. He never succeeded in formulating a coherent scientific
explanation of homosexuality, and the Nazi seizure of power in 1933 spelled the tragic end of the organization he had founded. His career
presents in retrospect as many errors and failings to be shunned as achievements to be emulated.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Magnus Hirschfeld, Von einst bis jetzt: Ceschichte einer homosexuellen
Bewegung, James Steakley, ed., Berlin: Verlag Rosa Winkel, 1986,-
James D. Steakley, The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany, New York: Amo Press, 1975; Charlotte
Wolff, Magnus Hirschfeld: A Portrait of a Pioneer in Sexology, London: Quartet, 1986.
Warren Johansson
History
The word history refers both to the events of the past and to the systematic study of them; the practice of the latter is sometimes termed historiography. The Greeks, who invented the
word, used historia
to refer to any sort of organized study or inquiry; under the Romans,
however, the word assumed the meaning it has today. Examples of Roman history are the continuous narratives of Tacitus and the
biographies of Suetonius.
During the Middle Ages history was largely subsumed under the category of sacred history, though
there were national and local chronicles and biographies of rulers. The Middle Ages
adopted the idea of progress, both as a narrative device and an ideology,- the
idea persisted in later secular historians of the Whig type, who emphasized the
concomitant growth of technical, moral, and intellectual progress.
The Renaissance and the Rise
of Historicism. The beginnings of modern historiography lie in the
Renaissance, when a revival of models derived from classical antiquity combined
with the idea of fame to foster local and national histories. Although
classical scholars became familiar with homosexual aspects of ancient history
and my tliology, these were commonly discussed in learned volumes of Latin
commentary rather than made available in narratives for the lay reader.
From about 1550 to 1750 European historiography was dominated by an ideal
known as the Exemplar Theory. This approach concentrated on the commanding
role of great figures, some of them deserving emulation and veneration, others
meriting only scorn. In this perspective history was magistra vitae, the great compass of how
we should live, linking the experiences of the reader to those of the great
protagonists of earlier times. One of the favorite models of this mode of
history writing was the Lives
of the Noble Greeks and Romans of Plutarch which mentions homosexual behavior as an aspect
of the lives of a number of heroic individuals. Needless to say, this feature
was not imitated in the officially sanctioned writings of Christian Europe.
Suitably updated, this was a preeminently "elevating" (and
judgmental) view of the past, which was not only usable, but peremptory.
Moreover, as there have been good and bad people, there have been good and bad
eras. Outstanding among the happy eras of human history were Periclean Athens,
Augustan Rome, and Medici Florence. The supreme instance of a bad era was, of
course, the Middle Ages, the "Dark Ages."
New ideas came to the fore in the historiographic revolution that occurred in
Germany during the second half of the eighteenth century with such writers as
Justus Moser, Johann Gottfried Herder, and J. W. von Goethe. When the standard
bearers of the new view appeared in the second half of the eighteenth century,
the Exemplar Theory was already fading - though it never completely died out,
exacting tribute even today in journalistic treatments of "Great
Men" of the past. The new view is often called Historicism (or in German Historismus). Its outlook stressed the
fundamental difference between the phenomena of nature and those of history.
Nature, in this view, is the theatre of the stable and eternally recurring,
while history comprises unique and unduplicable human acts. In the summary of
George G. Iggers, "The world of man is in a state of incessant flux,
although within it there are centers of stability (personalities,
institutions, nations, epochs), each possessing an inner structure, a
character, and each in constant metamorphosis in accord with its own internal
principles of development. . . . There is no constant human nature; rather the
character of each man reveals itself only in his development."
In its emphasis on subjective uniqueness the new orientation of Historicism
accorded in part with romanticism. Yet the individual was not seen as
alienated and atomic, but was rather immersed in that ongoing stream that is
Process. With regard to epochs it insisted that sympathetic understanding must
always precede judgment.
The Emergence of Homosexual
History. Building on these foundations the ninenteenth century has
been termed the age of history. Yet when Heinrich Hoessli and K. H. Ulrichs
began their pioneering homosexual scholarship, they found little in the way of
comprehensive historical data, except for material from ancient Greece and
Islam. Some other information was added by the English scholars Richard Burton
and Havelock Ellis. In German Albert Moll published a volume collecting lists
of famous homosexuals. By the end of the century, however, when the Berlin
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee was formed it was realized that a
comprehensive bibliographical search must be undertaken. The results of this
inquiry were incorporated into the volumes of the fahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen and the monumental tome of
Magnus Hirschfeld, Die
Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes (1914). After World War I
similar, though somewhat shorter attempts at synthesis were made in the Iberian
peninsula, by Arlindo Camillo Monteiro (1922), Asdrübal Antonio d'Aguiar (1926),
and Alberto Nin Frias (1932). The world Depression and the rise of Nazism put a
stop to most serious homosexual research.
In 1950 the contemporary gay movement began in Southern California, at first
with little consciousness of its European predecessor. Gradually a certain
number of historical articles made their way into such movement periodicals as The Ladder, MattachineReview, One, and One Quarterly. In France Arcadie, thanks to one of its
editors, Marc Daniel (Michel Duchein), published a considerable amount of
historical material. Almost without exception, university scholars were afraid
to touch the subject - even under a pseudonym. As a result much of the work
was done by autodidacts toiling under less than ideal conditions. Since most of
this scholarship was done under movement auspices, it tended to reflect
relevant concerns: compiling a brief of injustices (histories of oppression)
and biographical sketches of exemplary gay men and women of the past.
In the 1960s this atmosphere began to change. The sexual revolution itself made
human sexuality an appropriate object of research. Then a new emphasis on
social and intellectual history appeared, stemming in large measure from the
group around the French periodical Anuales.
Yet
standards for homosexual and lesbian history continued to be contested, as
seen in the quarrel in the 1980s over the Social Construction approach.
Although several useful syntheses of the world history of homosexuality have appeared,
much material, especially from Islam, China, and other non-Western cultures
has not yet been properly studied and published, so that undoubtedly these will
be superseded.
Conclusion. Without attempting to
forecast the content of particular future researches, it may be worthwhile to
offer a tentative scheme of how this research will be allocated. Here is a
five-level model for the investigations of sexual meanings and behaviors in
historical context.
(1) The universal level grounded in biology. This most general level recognizes
that in human beings the libido emerges forcefully in adolescence and is
capable of direction to a single gender. Further investigation of biological
parameters is not to be discouraged but encouraged. There is also the
possibility of detection of universals that are not, in any obvious sense,
biological, as the universals of language, some of which are governed by
principles of logic which must also be observed by thinking machines, which are
not biological. They are suprabiological.
(2) Kultuikieise (supraregional cultural
entities). As employed by some Central European ethnologists, the Kulturkreis
is a large complex of societies in which certain cultural constants can be
observed. Examples would be the Bantu-speaking peoples of southern Africa and
the Paleo-Siberian peoples. The berdache phenomenon, which is historically recorded
not only in North America but also in Western Siberia and Madagascar, would be
a good example of a same-sex Kulturkreis. Another is the kadesh (cult prostitute
type), found in many cultures of classical antiquity. The possibility of
"submerged Kulturkreise," where only a few islands survive of once
much larger complexes, must be entertained. If Bernard Sergent is right, the
institution of pederasty, known from the record for only a few Indo-European
peoples, is the relict of a once-vast family.
(3) Migration of individual motifs across cultural boundaries. For example, the
category of the "unnatural" was first applied to same-sex behavior by
Plato and his circle in classical Greece. It found its way into the Pauline
corpus of the New Testament, being transmitted by medieval Scholasticism to
the present. Of course such "unit-ideas" undergo modification
according to context, but continuity must also be recognized. If one is
studying the unnatural in, say, nineteenth-century texts it does not suffice to
limit one's horizon to that century, especially since reading of the classics
was still widespread during that period. The history-of-ideas methodology
developed many years ago by Arthur O. Lovejoy offers guidance in this approach.
(4) Cultural epochs. There are attitudes that are specific to particular
periods, such as the later Western Middle Ages and the early Renaissance. In
investigating these care must be taken not to overinsulate them from what came
before and what followed after in the manner of Michel Foucault's epistemes.
One must also beware of a too-easy acceptance of economic and social
determinism, where "superstructure" attitudes are simply derived from
the supposedly all-determining base or Unterbau.
The
detection of a pervasive pattern of such determinisms is the holy grail of the
historical materialists of the Marxist tradition. Without denying such
relationships in this or that case, one must be sceptical of the overall
validity of such a research program, especially in view of levels 1-3.
(5) Temporary fashions lasting
only one or two generations. The "beatnik" organization of sexuality
of the 1960s and 70s (though it has roots and successors like anything else)
seems a relatively limited phenomenon. So perhaps was the molly subculture of
early eighteenthcentury England, which was snuffed out before it had much
chance to develop.
The advantage of such a scheme is that it encourages scholars to pursue
investigations in all time frames, from the longest (humanity itself) to the
shortest (a single generation). It does not anticipate constants, but allows
one to correlate those that seem to be emerging, however tentatively.
See also Typology.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Vem L. Bullough, Sexual Variance in Society and History, New York: John Wiley,
1976; Wayne R. Dynes, Homosexuality: A Research. Guide, New York: Garland, 1987;
David F. Greenberg, The Social Construction of Homosexuahties, Chicago: Chicago
University Press, 1989.
Wayne R. Dynes
Hoboes
The hobo
subculture of the United States is now largely a thing of the past, as it
flourished when the railway was the only means of travel over long distances,
and began to decline when the automobile and the truck shifted America's transport
to the roads and highways. The best studies of this marginal subculture were
done at the end of the nineteenth century and in the first two decades of the
twentieth. There seems to be no precise European counterpart, though the
vagabonds known from late medieval times constitute an anticipation.
The hobo was a permanently unemployed vagabond who lived by begging and had
mastered the art of life "on the road" with a variety of schemes and
tricks. Characteristically the hoboes lived along the railway lines, taking
refuge in unguarded freight cars or nestling in the grass near watering tanks.
The hobo subculture originated in the western United States and spread
eastward. Recruited at first from the ranks of Civil War veterans who could not
adjust to peacetime existence, the hoboes were joined by adolescents who had
left home in search of freedom and adventure, by unsuccessful criminals
reduced to beggary, and also by alcoholics who had lost their jobs and
families and had reached "the bottom of the heap."
In this society of the lower depths - vividly, though reticently recalled in
Jack London's memoir The
Road (1907)
- homosexuality largely took the form of pederastic relations between adult
hoboes and their teen-aged companions. The youth, known as a
"prushun," was obliged by the unwritten law of the hobo fraternity to
be the virtual slave of the "jocker," his protector. The
"prushuns" were generally between 10 and 15 years of age,
occasionally older or younger. In every town the pair visited the "prushun"
had to beg for their keep, and lack of success brought him harsh punishment
from the older male. The boy was periodically beaten by his protector in a
manner that was but an exaggerated form of the discipline then customarily
meted out to the young, though the modern observer would perceive
sado-masochistic undertones in the liaisons.
The sexual aspect of the relationship usually consisted of interfemoral intercourse, sometimes of
anal. The passive partner is described as enjoying the physical side of the
contact. Men who engaged in these relations generally preferred a
"prushun" to a woman. Those who had served in the army or navy and
then made their way into hobo life are mentioned as likely to be exclusively
homosexual in their preferences. A few hoboes are said to have adopted homosexuality
because of the scarcity of women in their milieu, as they were outnumbered by
men a hundred to one. The gruff masculinity of the older partner was usually
matched by a femininity in the younger one - a phenomenon of the sexual culture
of the lower class in general. The male hustler also appeared as a denizen of
this underworld. The jails of the period reflected this side of hobo life, and
boys incarcerated in them were forced to submit to the older inmates. When the
boy grew old enough to fend for himself, he would be emancipated from the
"jocker" and would then seek a boy of his own in turn. On the other
hand, if a boy became a source of embarrassment or jeopardy for his protector,
he could be abandoned or simply murdered.
The hobo subculture had its own argot, changing from year toyear but always
kept alive by the oral tradition of the "old timers" in its midst.
This language was a colorful commentary on the mores of the hobo, and ignorance
of it instantly betrayed the newcomer. So the novice would sit by the campf
ire, listening quietly while absorbing the unfamiliar words and expressions.
The onset both of the criminal subculture spawned by Prohibition and of the
modern welfare state in America led to the end of the hobo as he was known
before the 1920s. The casual young traveler was more likely to hitchhike by
automobile, a mode of travel not exempt from sexual opportunity, but lacking
the element of camaraderie that rail yards and freight cars had offered. Yet
the homoerotic side of hobo society, as one part of the American underclass,
was perpetuated in the mores and practices of the prison subculture, where
forms of homosexual dependence and subordination thrive at the present day.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Neis
Anderson,
The Hobo:
The Sociology of the Homeless Man, reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961; Josiah
Flynt (pseud.), "Homosexuality Among Tramps," in Havelock Ellis, Sexual Inversion, 3rd ed., Philadelphia: F.
A. Davis, 1915, pp. 359-67; Godfrey Irwin, American Tramp and
Underworld Slang, New York: Sears Publishing Company, 1931.
Warren Johansson
HOCQUENGHEM, GUY (1946-1988)
French
gay liberationist, filmmaker, essayist, and novelist. Hocquenghem was bom in
suburban Paris and studied Greek epigraphy at the Ecole Normale Supérieure. Swept up in the May 1968
rebellion, he became a militant leftist, though the French Communist Party
expelled him because of his homosexuality. Hocquenghem joined the Sorbonne gay
activists and was one of the first males in the Front Homosexuel d'Action Révolutionnaire
(FHAR),
which was formed in March 1971 by a group of lesbians who split from Arcadie (Mouvement Homophile de France). In 1971
Hocqueghem created a sensation at a forum of Le Nouvel Observateur (a left mass-market
weekly), which later interviewed him. He also participated in writing the
manifesto "Trois milliards de pervers."
Hocquenghem's
Le désir homosexuel (Homosexual Desire; 1972),
followed by UAprès-Mai des faunes (1974) and La dérive homosexuelle (1977), provided a radical theory for French gay liberation.
Like Mario Mieli in Italy, Hocquenghem attempted to bridge Marx's class and
Freud's libido in understanding gay love. He did this through an analysis of
the privatization of the anus, the foundation in his view of both capitalism
and homophobia.
Like Jean Genet, Hocquenghem was an early defender of the Black Panther Party
and vigorously opposed white supremacy and racism. His La beauté du métis, reflexion d'un francophobe (Immigrant Beauty; Francophobe Reflections; 1979) traces the hatred of foreigners
(in France: Arabs) and of queers to the same cultural uptightness. He likewise
attacked sixties radicals who joined the establishment in his stinging Lettre ouverte à ceux qui sont passés du col
Mao au Rotary
(Open
Letter to Those Who've Gone from Chairman Mao to Rotary Clubs; 1986).
As a child of the sixties, Hocquenghem understood the importance of publicity.
He attacked the mainstream media in a delightful Minigraphie de la presse parisienne (1981), an updated commentary on Honoré de Balzac's
nineteenth-century philippic. In 1977 he became a regular columnist for Libération, a leftist daily where he
edited the television review supplement.
His writings attempted both to bring a gay perspective to the mainstream as in Comment nous appelez vous déjà! Ces hommes que l'on
dit homosexuels (What Should You Call Us So-called Homosexuals?) with
Jean-Louis Bory (1977), and also to articulate an authentic voice within the
gay press as in Le gay voyage, guide homosexuel des grandes métropoles (Gay Cruise Guide to Hot
Cities,-1980) and Les
Français de la honte [The Shameless French). He wrote for Gai Pied
Hebdo, appeared regularly on Fréquence Gaie (the French gay radio station),
and on television.
Always ready to experiment, he produced with Lionel Soukaz a full length
feature film in 1979; the script was published a year later as Race d'Ep! Un siècle d'images de l'homosexuahté (1980). The Homosexual
Century (as
the film
is called in English) tried to define twentieth-century gay history; the
French censors attacked the film. Michel Foucault, among those protesting to
the Ministry of Justice, wrote: "This documentary is based on historical
research of great seriousness and interest. It seems strange that a film on
homosexuality is penalized when it portrays the persecutions for which the
Nazi regime was responsible - strange and disturbing."
In the aftermath of academic upheaval, Hocquenghem was appointed professor of
philosophy at the University of Paris at Vincennes-Saint Denis, where he taught
with his beloved colleague René Schérer. Together with Schérer he wrote Coire,
album systématique de
l'enfance (1976) demythologizing childhood sexuality. Les petits garçons (Boys; 1983) fictionalized
the French government's witch hunt against the Corral, a boys' school in
southern France.
In the eighties, Hocquenghem developed a gnostic outlook derived from
first-century Alexandria. With Schérer he wrote L'âme
atomique, pour une esthétique d'ére
nucléaire (Atomic Sensibility, Toward a Nuclear Age Esthetic; 1986),
wherein they explored a free, sensual epicurean vitality which would reawaken
dandyism or gravité
dans lefrivole (Baudelaire:
"seriousness inside frivolity"). Pin
de section (End of Division; 1976), a collection of short stories,
attracted little attention, but Hocquenghem's fiction soon won a large
audience as he developed his epicurean and gnostic themes.
L'amour en rehef (1982), translated as Love in Relief, follows the liaisons of a
young Tunisian boy who is blind and never sees how beautiful he is. La colére de l'agneau (Wrath of the Lamb; 1985)
pursues St. John the Evangelist through many revelations. Eve (1987) crosses science fiction with Genesis and the
author's own physical changes with AIDS. Les Voyages
et aventures extraordinaires du frere Angelo (Brother Angelo's Amazing
Adventures), published the day after Hocquenghem's death in 1988, chronicles
an Italian monk's travels with conquistadors in America. Like the monk,
Hocquenghem never abandoned the joy of adolescent rebellion and sexual
pleasure, which he honed on the fine stone of French philosophy.
Charley Shively
Hoessli, Heinrich (1784-1864)
Swiss-German
pioneer of homosexual emancipation. Bom in Glarus, he spent his childhood
there, leaving it only at the approach of the Russian army commanded by
General Suvorov in 1799, when he was sent to Bern. There he learned the trade
of milliner by which, on his return, he later earned his livelihood. In 1811 he
married and had two sons, both of whom emigrated to America. Endowed with a
pronounced feminine taste, in the 1820s he was known as "the first
milliner" of Glarus, and was also a talented interior decorator. Acquiring
the nickname "Modenhocssli" as a maker of fashion, in business he led a prosperous Ufe until 1851, when he
retired and spent the rest of his days as a restless wanderer in Switzerland
and Germany.
Hoessli's main contribution to the homosexual emancipation movement, of which he
was truly a lonely forerunner, was the two-volume work entitled Eios: Die Mannerliebe dei Griechen: Ihie
Beziehungen zur Geschichte, Erziehung, Literatur und Gesetzgebung allei Zeiten (Eros, the Male Love of the
Greeks: Its Relationship to the History, Education, Literature and Legislation
of All Ages), published in 1836--38. The idea of the work had entered HoessÜ's mind in 1817 on the
occasion of the execution of a citizen of Bern named Franz Desgouttes, who for
having killed his lover Daniel Hemmeler was punished by being broken on the
wheel. Two years later he approached the popular Swiss-German writer Heinrich
Zschokke (1771-1848), asking him to treat the subject because he himself did
not feel competent to compose a work of literature. Zschokke did in fact
publish his own "Eros oder über die Liebe" (Eros or On Love) in the eighth issue of
his Eiheiterungen for the year 1821, which
amassed a respectable quantity of material on the subject, but concluded by
reaffirming the conventional beliefs of his time that this side of Greek
civilization was a revolting aberration which no other country should follow.
Disappointed by Zschokke, Hoessli set about composing his own work and printing
it at his own expense. It was promptly suppressed by the authorities in Glarus,
who forbade him to sell the book within the canton or to publish any more of
his manuscript. He did, however, bring out the second volume two years later in
St. Gallen.
The
unsold portion of the work was destroyed by the great fire that devastated
Glarus in 1861. A planned third volume remained in manuscript.
In the opening section of Eros
Hoessli
Ukened the prevailing condemnation of Greek love to the witchcraft delusion
of the previous centuries. He next set out the differences between the Greek
conception of love and that of his own time, with copious references to
classical history and literature and a plea for the toleration of male love.
The second volume repeated his theses on the naturalness of the passion and
contained an anthology drawn not just from classical Greece, but also from the
Arabic, Persian, and Turkish poetry which Romantic authors had translated into
German. Last of all, he sought to refute the false ideas about the character of
Greek love that ranged from making it merely a contemplation of male beauty to
stigmatizing it as child abuse. Throughout Eios Hoessli insisted that this form of love had not vanished,
and was as prevalent in modem times as it had been in antiquity.
In his lifetime Hoessli's work achieved no recognition, but was acquired and
read by a small educated public. It contained among other things the germ of
Karl Heinrich Ulrichs' notion of "a female soul trapped in a male
body," and documented the universality of male homosexuality as no
previous author had done. The composition of an amateur, not a professional
writer, Eios
ranks as
the first sustained protest against the intolerance that homosexual love had
suffered for centuries in Christian Europe, and as such was appreciated by
later activists who quoted it and reprinted excerpts. It was the harbinger of
the movement that was formed only at the close of the nineteenth century, when
the interest in evolution awakened by the controversy over Darwin's theories
set the stage for a biologistic rather than a merely antiquarian and literary
approach to the subject.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Ferdinand Karsch-Haack, Der Putzmacher von Glarus, Heinrich Hössli, ein Vorkämpfer der
Männerliebe, Leipzig:
Max Spohr, 1908.
Warren Johansson
Holocaust, Gay
The
genocide of Jews and Gypsies in Nazi-occupied Europe has overshadowed the
persecution and murder of male homosexuals, which is only now beginning to be
recognized and analyzed from the few surviving documents and memoirs.
Regrettably, in the immediate postwar period most of those who wrote about the
concentration and extermination camps, and even courts which dealt with the
staffs and inmates of the camps, treated those sent there for violating the
laws against homosexual offenses as common criminals deserving the punishment
meted out to them by the Third Reich. The final insult to the victims of Nazi
intolerance was the decision of the Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal
Constitutional Courtjin Karlsruhe on May 10,1957, which not only upheld the
constitutionality of the more punitive 1935 version of Paragraph 175 of the
Penal Code because it "contained nothing specifically National
Socialist" and homosexual acts "unquestionably offended the moral
feelings of the German people," but even recommended doubling the maximum penalty - from
five to ten years. If any other victims of National Socialism had been
rebuffed in this manner by a West German court, there would have been outraged
demonstrations around the globe; but this one went unprotested and ignored -
above all by the psychiatrists who until recently never missed an opportunity
to assert that "homosexuality is a serious disease" - for which ostracism
and punishment were the best if not the only therapy. Until the late 1980s
homosexuals, along with Gypsies, were denied compensation by the West German
authorities for their suffering and losses under the Nazis.
The Background of Nazi Views. The National Socialist
attitude toward homosexuality was and had to be ambivalent. Most pro-Nazi
eugenicists had in the 1920s quietly if not enthusiastically accepted
MagnusHirschf eld's arguments that homosexuality was innate and unmodifiable.
They therefore saw no need to interfere in the private lives of those who by nature
if not choice were already marked for biological death. In fact, Hans F. K.
Günther (1891-1968), professor of rural sociology and racial science first at
Berlin and then at Freiburg im Breisgau, the chief authority on such matters in
the Third Reich, held that the genetically inferior elements of the population
should be given complete freedom to gratify their sexual urges in any manner
that did not lead to reproduction because they would painlessly eliminate
themselves from the breeding pool. Also, Reichsmarshal Hermann Goering (and
his cousin Matthias Goering) were greatly interested in promoting psychotherapy
and giving it an institutional base within the Reich, even if their protégés were forbidden to mention
explicitly the Jewish contribution to the subject (Freudian psychoanalysis).
However, National Socialism in Germany, like Marxism-Leninism in Russia, was a
conspiracy of the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries against the
eighteenth-century Enlightenment - against liberalism and its beneficiaries,
which included homosexuals in those countries where legal reformers had
stricken the medieval sodomy statutes from the books. National Socialism inclined
even more than its totalitarian Soviet mirror image toward the assertion of
traditional values and beliefs - of which the Judeo-Christian taboo on
homosexuality and petty bourgeois antipathy toward it was emphatically one.
Furthermore, Nazi leaders, preoccupied with the German birth rate, foresaw
extensive German colonization of that part of Eastern Europe which they meant
to annex. Some of them even cherished the belief that homosexuality was the
harbinger of race suicide and wished to encourage it amonginferiorraces.
The principal figures who determined or influenced Nazi policy in regard to
homosexuals, apart from Hitler himself, were: Heinrich Himmler ( 1900-1945),
the chief of the SS; his protégé Karl August Eckhardt (1901-1979), who after the war devoted
himself to editing early Germanic legal texts; Rudolf Klare, a student at the University
of Halle, who under the supervision of Erich Schwinge (1903- ) wrote a
dissertation, Homosexualität
und Recht (Homosexuality and Law); and the Munich psychiatrist
Oswald Bumke (1877-1950). On October 15,1932 Bumke wrote a letter meant for
Hitler's eyes, urging him to remove Ernst Röhm from his entourage because of
his Chief of Staff's "corrupting influence" on German youth and
assuring him that "homosexuality has in all ages been one of the most
objectionable phenomena of degeneration that we encounter among the symptoms
of a declining culture with great regularity."
Rationale. The confused and illogical
thinking of these homophobic policy-makers had certain common themes. In 1937
Eckhardt published an article in Das
Schwarze Korps, the newspaper of the SS, which mentioned that documents
seized by the Nazis after they came to power revealed that two million men had
been involved in the homosexual organizations that flourished under the Weimar
Republic, but that a mere 2 percent of these - 40,000 - represented a
"hard core" that was responsible for infecting the others. To
identify and extirpate this source of contagion would be the task of the NSDAP.
Such an approach contradicted the rationale of the Wannsee conference of
January 20, 1942, where, with Reinhard Heydrich (1904-1942) presiding, Nazi
leaders determined upon the physical extermination of the eleven million
European Jews. For them a "racial Jew" [Rassenjude] was defined by ancestry -
a meaningless criterion when applied to homosexuals. Their ideological motive
for wishing to liquidate Jews and Gypsies was that these nomadic peoples were
trespassing on the Lebensraum
of other
nations - another conception that had no relevance to homosexuals, inasmuch as
the latter had never constituted an ethnic group distinct from the one from
which they individually descended. So while the extermination of the Jews was
Hitler's pet project from 1942 onward, there is no evidence that the Nazi
leadership ever contemplated or undertook a mass screening of the German male
population in order to identify even "hard core" homosexuals for
imprisonment or execution.
Hence Nazi policy in regard to homosexuals consisted in making the penal laws
more punitive, as was effected by a legal novella of June 28, 1935, altering
Paragraph 175 by eliminating the definition that restricted the offense to
"beischlafsahnliche Handlungen" [acts similar to coitus). The new
wording opened the door to prosecution for the most trivial acts, but at the
same time the novella amended the code of criminal procedure to allow the
Staatsanwalt (equivalent to the district attorney) not to prosecute an
individual whose sexual activity had subjected him to blackmail. This amounted
to a recognition of Magnus Hirschf eld's tireless assertion that Paragraph
175 was a major source of blackmail and extortion. The motives for the new law
were never consistently set forth; the most common justification was the
lapinist argument that homosexuality diminished the German birth rate with which
the leaders of the Third Reich were obsessed. Nazi indifference to lesbian
activity - and the official commentaries specified that Paragraph 175 could
not be extended by analogy to women - was motivated by the assertion that female
homosexuality did not interfere with marriage and procreation or with the conduct
of public life.
The fullest treatment of the subject was Klare's dissertation of 1937, which
found that of ancient peoples the Jews alone had proscribed homosexual
activity. After rejecting the "liberalistic" arguments for legal
toleration, he concluded that the solution to the "homosexual
problem" was the complete exclusion of homosexuals from society. Even so,
the constitutional biologists in Nazi Germany, far from abandoning the
position which Hirschfeld had argued for thirty years, voiced it openly on the
pages of criminological journals. Paradoxically, Jewish figures such as Magnus
Hirschfeld (1868-1935) and Kurt Hiller (1885-1972) prominent in the homosexual
emancipation movement had linked this aspect of sexual reform with the hated
"Semitic influence" that the Nazis determined to eradicate from German
life. During World War II German military courts often dealt less severely with
homosexual offenders than did the less sophisticated American counterparts. On
the other hand, instead of giving homosexuals dishonorable discharges, as was
the American practice, some German authorities preferred to send them to the
eastern front - to die in battle.
Actions Against Homosexuals.
Under the
legal novella of 1935 the number of prosecutions for homosexuality grew
enormously - but many of those convicted were not strictly speaking homosexual
at all. Some were political opponents - leaders of youth organizations or
Catholic clergy - against whom the Nazis knew how to bring perjured testimony;
others were simply street hustlers whom the police had rounded up in Hamburg,
Munich, and Berlin, particularly to clean up the capital before the 1936
Olympic Games. Eventually even the Chief of Staff General von Fritsch was
charged to break the power of the Junkers. The memoirs of Rudolf Hoess
(1900-1947), the commandant of the death camp at Auschwitz/Os'wiecim, shows the
wretchedness of homosexuals in the camps. Himself incarcerated under the Weimar
Republic, Hoess had become familiar with the realities of homosexuality inside
prison and took vigorous measures to prevent homosexual activity among his
charges. He later calmly wrote that he imposed a regime upon wearers of the
pink triangle so severe that few survived.
Administrators used two pink triangles sewed onto their uniforms to identify
inmates as homosexual, part of a system to isolate groups that potential
leaders and troublemakers might incite. A
Communist, who normally wore red triangles, might instead be given a black
triangle for asocial (habitual) criminals so that placed in the midst of such
types he would be an outsider, unable to organize them for political struggle.
Camp memoirs mention that although homosexual activity was rife among all groups,
other inmates most ostracized prisoners with the pink triangle. In the 1970s
gay activists discovered and adopted the pink triangle as a symbol of their
movement.
The Question of Numbers. Just how many homosexuals
died in the camps, much less elsewhere during theHolocaust, can never be
ascertained. Not all those convicted under the penal codes of Axis and
collaborationist governments such as Vichy France, which in 1942 raised the age
of consent to 21, Italy, Hungary, Croatia, and Slovakia were homosexual. Like
National Socialism, fascism also deployed the charge of homosexuality against
political opponents. A small percent of those exterminated by the Nazis on
racial or political grounds must also have been homosexual or bisexual.
Compared with the ferocity that the Nazis exhibited against Jews and Gypsies,
their treatment of homosexuals was for a while what could have been expected of
certain authoritarian regimes. It was not much worse than what the Soviets
actually inflicted on them after their law of March 7,1934 - symbolically on
the first anniversary of the National Socialist seizure of power in Germany -
which like the Nazi law of 1935, under which convictions mounted from 800 or
900 in 1933-34 to nearly 9000 in 1937, prescribed a maximum penalty of five
years for male homosexuality but ignored lesbianism. However, homosexuals were
among the first executed, as early as 1933, by Nazi doctors practicing euthanasia
on inmates of asylums, and the killing accelerated before the war in camps that
tried to "reform" homosexuals through hard labor. Many died there of
abuse and others who failed to perform when provided with female prostitutes
were executed as incorrigible. Once the war began, German males became so valuable
that fewer were incarcerated or exterminated for homosexuality, from 8000 a
year before 1940 to 3000 after it. Another figure that will never be precisely
known is that of homosexuals who took their own Uves to end the fear and misery
into which the totalitarian state had plunged them. Among all modern states for
which figures can be compiled, Nazi Germany offers the horrible example of
suicides increasing rather than decreasing in wartime.
Richard Plant, following earlier documentation by Professor Riidiger Lautmann
of the University of Bremen, estimated that between five and fifteen thousand
homosexuals were exterminated in Hitler's camps in the Reich because of their
sexual orientation. He makes no attempt to count the pink triangles exterminated
in the death camps, none of which was within the boundaries of Germany proper:
they were all in Poland, in the General Government established in 1939. On the
basis of the figures for those convicted under Paragraph 175, many estimate
50,000 killed, but many of those were actually released or
"reformed." The Protestant Church in Austria had earlier arrived at
the figure of 225,000 homosexual victims of the Third Reich. On the basis of
Himmler's statements that there were 1,500,000 German homosexuals in 1938 and
half a million in 1944, Jean Boisson believed that the Nazis killed one
million, presumably all citizens of the Reich. This is a wide discrepancy, and
both extremes are misleading. The regime's rhetoric encouraged violence against
homosexuals inside and outside the Reich, in occupied territories as well as in
German satellites. No one has yet estimated the numbers murdered in random
acts of violence which collaborationist governments also encouraged. Of these
measures Vichy's laws are the best documented and fully discussed by Boisson,
who shows that Marshal Pétain, at the instigation of Admiral Darían, in 1942 raised the age of
consent to twenty-one for the first time, thus creating an invidious
distinction between homosexual and heterosexual acts. Giovanni Dall'Orto has
shown that in 1938, because of his alliance with Hitler, Mussolini began to
persecute not only Jews but homosexuals, of whom several thousand were exiled
to island prisons or remote Calabrian villages, while Jews were merely deprived of their
professional posts. Ironically, in 1930 Mussolini had intervened in a
parliamentary debate to prevent the passage of a law criminalizing homosexual
conduct on the grounds that it was rare among Italians and practiced only by
decadent foreigners who even if homosexual should not be driven out of the
country because they increased Italy's supply of foreign exchange.
Less information exists on repression in Croatia, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania,
and Finland, but Pilsudski's decriminalization of 1932 may have become a dead letter
in the General Government (Nazi-occupied Poland). The Plant school argues that
because the Nazis were not interested in purifying other races and rather
wished to limit their reproduction, no persecution occurred among them.
However, even within the death camps other inmates ostracized the "pink
triangles," as Boisson poignantly relates, so that as Lautmann proved by
comparing them with the control group of Jehovah's Witnesses and political
prisoners, they suffered the shortest life expectancies and highest death
rate, belonging as they did to a "scapegoat group" unable to form a
strong support network. Even in the occupied zones where no collaborationist
government existed, one cannot imagine that homosexuals suffered less during
than before the war.
Because the Nazis aimed to "cure" Germans they thought curable, many
who could perform with women, such as hustlers who had merely been selling
their bodies, were released from concentration camps and ordinary prisons.
Probably the chief cause of death of German homosexuais was from being shipped to
the eastern front, where acute suffering if not certain death awaited them, not
only to the Strafbataillonen
(penal
units) but to regular ones that had to have replacements. The army continued
to avoid arresting soldiers as it had in the pre-Hitler era, in spite of
Himmler's orders to avoid amnesty and prosecute homosexual offenders (only a
handful of executions in the military is known). Many officers, some inadvertently
owing to their natural homophobia, disproportionately selected homosexuals
from the misfits under their command for the ever more frequent replacements
demanded from other units for service at the front. So to the figures in Plant,
which play into the hands of homophobic apologists who would belittle the size
and extent of the persecution of homosexuals, must be added not only those
exterminated in the death camps outside of German soil but also: (1) those
killed by random homophobic violence both inside Germany and outside it; (2)
those sent to the eastern front; (3) those persecuted and killed by
collaborationist governments,- (4) those who ended their own lives by suicide.
The overall figures, especially if one counts those who fell into two
categories such as homosexual Jews or homosexual members of other persecuted
groups, would be not five thousand but many times that, and would include all
nationalities, not merely subjects of the Reich.
Scandalously, a world which protested the persecution of the Jews in the Third
Reich and was horrified by its other crimes against humanity remained
indifferent to the treatment of homosexuals by Hitler, denied compensation to
survivors, and refused to allow the pink triangle to be inscribed on monuments
to victims of inhumanity. Many of these historians and commentators, silent
about the persecution of homosexuals, lose no opportunity to insult and defame
the German people for their unwillingness to resist Hitler's policies, even
though they were living in a country where everyone was at the mercy of the
Gestapo and the rest of the Nazi terror apparatus. Such contrasts are a measure
of the continuing dishonesty and hypocrisy
of the
Judeo-Christian world and of the liberals within Western society on the subject
of homosexuality - actions that effectively give the he to apologists who
would claim that the Church and Synagogue were no more than "innocent
bystanders," powerless to prevent the injustice which they saw and
deplored. Indeed, if Hitler had only killed homosexuals, these exemplars of
self-righteousness might still be applauding him for having done just that.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Jean Boisson, Le triangle rose: La
deportation des homosexuels (1933-1945), Paris: Editions Robert Laffont, 1988; Rüdiger
Lautmann, "The Pink Triangle: The Persecution of the Homosexual Male in
Nazi Germany," Journal of Homosexuality, 6 (1980-81), 141hS0; Richard
Plant, The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals, New York: Holt, 1986.
Warren Johansson and William
A. Percy
Homer
Greek
epic poet. Most Greeks believed that Homer was a blind bard from Chios or
Smyrna (which the predominance of the Ionic dialect supports) who, at a date
which they variously placed from the Trojan War (ca. 1200 b.c.) to the beginning of literacy (700 b.c.), composed both the Iliad and the Odyssey.
Although
dramatically dated to Mycenean times, the late second millennium b.c., the epics sometimes refer to things that cannot predate
650 or even 570, because interpolations existed in one form or another when seventh-century
poets cited the epics.
Although the poems may have evolved over centuries orally, the final version
suggests a unifying hand, even if the view of some Alexandrian critics that
each poem was composed by a separate bard - the Odyssey forty years after the lhad - has not been abandoned by all. The contrasts between the
two have been explained by aging of the author and differences in topics: war
and peace, the siege of Troy and the wanderings of Ulysses on his return
voyage. In any event, the author or authors owed much to tradition.
It is difficult to detect all interpolations and changes, especially additions
of Attic terms as high culture became increasingly centered in Athens, where
the Peisistratids in the mid-sixth century had the epics recited annually at a
festival, and many believe the first texts written well over a century after
the latest possible date for Homer's death. A definitive text resulted only
from the efforts of second-century editors in Alexandria. These texts became
almost sacred to the Greeks, whose education was based on them even until the
fall of Constantinople to the Turks in 1453.
Like Hesiod and all other poets and artists through the time of Archilochus
(floruit ca. 660) and even later Tyrtaeus (floruit ca. 630), Homer failed to
depict institutionalized pederasty, to which almost all subsequent writers
referred, many making it central. Though poets and artists around 600 b.c. make the earliest unmistakable references to institutionalized
pederasty, Homer mentioned Ganymede twice, "the loveliest born of the race
of mortals, and therefore the gods caught him away to themselves, to be Zeus'
wine-pourer, for the sake of his beauty, so he might be among the immortals"
[Iliad, 20, 233-35) and Zeus'
giving Tros, Ganymede's father, "the finest of all horses beneath the sun
and the daybreak" [Iliad, 5, 265ff.) as compensation for his son. Sir Moses Finley
concluded that "the text of the poems offers no directly affirmative
evidence at any point; even the two references to the elevation of Ganymede to
Olympus speak only of his becoming cup-bearer to Zeus." Sir Kenneth Dover
denied that these passages implied pederasty: "It should not be impossible
for us ... to imagine that the gods
on Olympus, like the souls of men in the Muslim paradise... simply rejoiced in the beauty of their servants as one
ingredient of felicity." However, the Abrahamic religions' taboo on
homosexuality did not exist in Hellenic and Etruscan antiquity. Societies that
had the formula "eat, drink, and be merry" held that banquets should
fittingly issue in sexual revelry. Anachronisms such as those of Finley and
Dover should therefore be dismissed, even though Homer's allusions to Ganymede
may be pederastic interpolations like those ordered by the Peisistratids -
successors of Solon, who introduced institutionalized pederasty into Athens -
to antedate the cultural prominence of Athens.
Besides the love between Achilles and Patroclus, two episodes from the Iliad not involving Ganymede
have been incorrectly related to pederasty. After Patroclus' death Achilles
associated very closely with Nestor's son Antilochus, who thus may have
replaced Patroclus as lover or, rather, perhaps as beloved now that Achilles
had fully matured. Both relationships, however, really involved coevals.
Second, later poets interpreted the close friendship between the Cretan king
Idomeneus and his charioteer Meriones as pederastic, perhaps because of Crete's
reputation as the birthplace of pederasty.
Achilles and Patroclus grew up together, the latter slightly older. Later
authors, believing a pederastic relationship to have existed between the two,
were in a quandary as to which must have been the older, as after 600 there was
customarily a ten-year difference. Some assigned the role of mentor to
Achilles, others to Patroclus, to impose the disparity essential to pederastic
liaisons in their own time. Of course the fact that Homer implied that they
were approximately the same age, adolescent companions, does not exclude their
having been physically intimate when younger, but it shows their relationship
not to have been the institutionalized pederasty of later centuries. The plot
of the Iliad, with Achilles' boundless grief and dreadful revenge on the
Trojans for killing Patroclus, is homophile, as is the language in which the
hero addresses the dead Patroclus and Patroclus' spirit requests that their
ashes be united in the same urn forever.
So if Homer (or the bards whose work is preserved under his name) did not
anticipate the pederasty of the Golden Age, he created an imperishable monument
of male love and fidelity on the battlefield that is one of the earliest, yet
enduring classics of world literature.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
D. S. Barrett, "The Friendship of Achilles and Patroclus," Classical Bulletin, 57 (1981), 87-93; W. M.
Clarke, "Achilles and Patroclus in Love," Heimes, 106 (1978), 381-96; Sir
Kenneth Dover, Greek Homosexuality, Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1978; Sir Moses Finlcy, The World of Odysseus, 2nd ed., London: Penguin,
1962; Hans Licht, "Homoerotik in den homerischen Gedichten," Anthropophyteia, 9 (1912), 29100.
William A. Percy
HOMOPHILE
A modern
coinage from the Greek, etymologically the term means "loving the same."
Homophile is, theoretically at
least, broader in scope than homosexual, in that it includes nongenital as well
as genital relations, but less broad than homosocial, which comprises all
significant relations between members of the same sex. Although the term had
some circulation in Germany in the 1920s (e.g., as Homophihe in the writings of the
astrologically inclined Karl-GQntherHeimsoth), it was first used systematically
in the Dutch homosexual rights movement after World War II. It was
internationally diffused through the advocacy of the International Committee
for Sexual Equality (Amsterdam) in the early 1950s. In the following decade
the word homophile was adopted as a self-designation by a number of
middle-class organizations in the United states, and it seemed for a time that
it might prevail. Homophile had the advantage of clearly including affectional,
nonsexual relations as well as sexual ones, thereby deemphasing the perceived
genital emphasis of the term homosexual.
The new militant trend that arose in the wake of the 1969 Stonewall Rebellion
rejected the word homophile as a euphemism, preferring gay. Histories of the
gay movement sometimes refer to the years 1950-69, when thewordwas in vogue, as
the "homophile period." This phase stands in contrast with the more
radical one that ensued.
Homophile Movement
See Movement, Homosexual.
Homophobia
Although
precise definitions vary, this term usually refers to negative attitudes
toward homosexual persons and homosexuality. Characterizing antihomosexual prejudice as a phobia has been criticized for
several reasons, including the implication that such prejudice is an irrational
fear and a manifestation of individual pathology rather than of cultural
norms. Despite its limitations, "homophobia" is likely to enjoy
increasingly widespread use in American English until a more suitable term is
introduced. Care should be taken, therefore, to identify homophobia as a
prejudice, comparable to racism and antisemitism, rather than an irrational
fear similiar to claustrophobia or agoraphobia.
InstitutionalHomophobia. At the institutional and
individual levels, homophobia can be observed both through explicit hostility
toward lesbians and gay men and through failure to recognize the existence of
gay people or the legitimacy of their concerns. Institutional homophobia
manifests itself in part through anti-gay laws, policies, and pronouncements
from legislatures, courts, organized religion, and other groups within society.
It also is evident in the social processes that reinforce the general
invisibility of lesbians and gay men in society (e.g., in mass media, through
definitions of "family" entirely in heterosexual terms).
The complex evolution of institutional homophobia is revealed through historical
and anthropological studies, which indicate that the development of Western
definitions of sexuality and sexual orientation has for centuries been
characterized by disapproval of homosexuality. Among the factors cited to
explain this disapproval has been society's presumed need to define and
maintain strict gender roles and to link sexual behavior with procreation. Both
of these ideological factors often are presumed to be necessary for promoting
heterosexual family units as sites for reproduction and the socialization of
children into the economic and social system. Other explanations for institutional
homophobia highlight inter-group conflicts in which hostility toward
homosexuality has been utilized to one group's advantage (e.g., in power
struggles by religious groups or in electoral politics).
Individual Homophobia. This is exemplified by
many heterosexuals' open hostility toward gay people (ranging from deprecatory
statements to physical attacks) and their maintenance of a completely heterosexual
worldview (including, for example, the ongoing assumption that all of their
friends and relatives are heterosexual).
National surveys and laboratory studies consistently have documented
correlations between individual homophobic attitudes and various demographic
and psychological variables. In contrast to heterosexual persons with favorable
or tolerant attitudes, those with more homophobic attitudes also are more
likely to subscribe to a conservative or fundamentalist religious ideology and
to attend religious services frequently, to hold restrictive attitudes
concerning sexuality and gender roles, and tomanifest high levels of
authoritarianism. Additionally, homophobic individuals are less likely than
others to report having engaged in homosexual behaviors or to have had personal
contact with openly gay men or women. Homophobic persons tend to be older and
less well-educated than nonhomophobic persons, and are more likely to live in
areas where negative attitudes toward homosexuality are the norm (e.g., the
midwestern and southern United States, and rural areas or small towns).
In many empirical studies, more anti-gay hostility has been observed among
heterosexual males than among heterosexual females; the highest levels of
homophobia often have been displayed by heterosexual males toward gay men. This
sex difference has been found in laboratory studies more often than in national
surveys, possibly because the former kind of study tends to assess deeply-felt
emotion-laden reactions to homosexual persons while the latter tends to assess
value-oriented responses to homosexuality (i.e., whether or not it is morally
acceptable and whether civil rights protection should be extended to gay
people).
Empirical research on homophobic behavior (e.g., acts of discrimination,
assaults on lesbians and gay men) is sparse, although interest in the
perpetration of "hate crimes" based on homosexuality is increasing
among political groups and policy makers. Several nonrandom surveys conducted
in the United States suggest that homosexual persons are much more likely than
heterosexuals to be targets of verbal harassment, vandalism, physical
asssault, sexual assault, and murder. The incidence of such hate crimes may be
increasing, fueled by societal reactions to the epidemic of Acquired Immune
Deficiency Syndrome; as an epidemic closely associated in the United States
with gay men, AIDS has been used by some heterosexuals as a justification for
expressing preexisting homophobic attitudes.
Various explanations have been offered for the existence of individual
homophobia. All of them implicitly acknowledge that individual attitudes are
formed within a larger societal context that encourages prejudice against homosexual
people. The goal of such explanations, then, is to explain why some heterosexuals
manifest higher (or lower) levels of homophobia than is expected by society.
A psychodynamic explanation proposes that extremely homophobic individuals
themselves have unconscious homosexual desires which, because of societal
attitudes, cause them great anxiety; their homophobia serves as a psychological
defense by disguising those desires. An alternative explanation is that individual
homophobia reflects ignorance about homosexuality, owing to lack of personal
contact with gay women and men. A third approach suggests that homophobia
serves different social and psychological functions for different persons. For
some it is a strategy for psychological defense; for others it is a way of
making sense of past interactions with gay people; for others, expressing
homophobic sentiments provides a means for gaining social approval or for
affirming a particular self-concept through expressing values important to that
self.
Internalized Homophobia
(Self-Contempt). Lesbian women and gay men themselves are not immune from
homophobia, since they are socialized into a culture where hostility toward
homosexuality is the norm. Homophobia among gay people is termed
"internalized homophobia" and is understood to involve a rejection
of one's own homosexual orientation. This phenomenon is analogous to the
self-contempt felt by members of stigmatized ethnic groups. Recognizing and
rejecting the homophobic aspects of socialization are important parts of the
coming out process.
Reducing Homophobia. Eliminating homophobia at
the institutional and individual levels inevitably must be a dialectical
process since individuals live within the social context created by institutions,
while those institutions are shaped and populated by individuals. Amongmajor
successes in challenging institutional homophobia have been the elimination of
homosexuality as a diagnostic category from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
(DSM-IIIR) of the American Psychiatric Association, recognition and acceptance
of gay people by some liberal religious denominations, repeal or overturning of
several state sodomy laws, and the passage of anti-discrimination legislation
in one state (Wisconsin) and more than 40 municipalities.
Little empirical research has been conducted on the effectiveness of various
strategies for reducing individual homophobia. To the extent that different
heterosexuals have different motivations for their homophobia, multiple
approaches are necessary. When expressions of homophobia function to reinforce
an individual's self-concept as a good Christian, for example, appeals to
other important values (e.g., compassion and love of one's neighbor,
patriotism and support for civil rights) are more likely to change attitudes
than arc factual refutations of incorrect stereotypes about homosexual
persons.
While no single strategy is universally effective in countering prejudice, personal contact with gay
people appears to be the most consistently influential factor in reducing
heterosexuals' homophobia. In national opinion polls, persons who say they
know an openly gay man or lesbian consistently report more positive attitudes
toward gay people as a group. This pattern is consistent with the social
science finding that ongoing personal contact between members of majority and
minority groups frequently reduces prejudice among majority-group members.
Thus, disclosing one's homosexual orientation to family members, friends, and
coworkers often is a potent means for challenging homophobia. This hypothesis
highlights the importance of institutional changes (e.g., elimination of sodomy
laws, passage of anti-discrimination legislation, protection from hate crimes)
that will enable lesbian women and gay men to come out with fewer risks.
See also Authotitatian Personality;
Discrimination; Myths and Fabrications; Stereotype.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Gregory Herek, "Beyond 'Homophobia': A Social Psychological Perspective on
Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men," Journal of Homosexuality, 10 (1984), 1-21; idem,
"Violence Against Lesbians and Gay Men: Gaybashing, Public Policy, and
Psychology," American Psychologist, 44 (1989), 948-55; Kenneth
Plummer, Sexual Stigma: An Interactionist Account, London: Routledge &.
Kegan Paul, 1975; Jeffrey Weeks, Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain, from the
Nineteenth Century to the Present, London: Quartet, 1977.
Gregory Herek
Homosexual (Term)
For at
least half a century homosexual
has been
the most generally accepted designation for same-sex orientation. The cognate
forms enjoy a similar status in all the major Western European languages, and
in others as well (e.g., Russian and Turkish). Etymologically, the word
homosexual is a hybrid: the first part, homo-, being the Greek combining form
meaning "same"; the second (late) Latin. (The mistaken belief that
the homo-component represents the Latin word for "man" has probably
contributed to resistance to the expression among lesbians.)
The term homosexual began its public Ufe in two anonymous German pamplets published by Károly Maria Kertbeny in 1869.
(He used the term in private correspondence a year before.) Homosexual probably owed its
inspiration in part to the term bisexual that had been introduced into botany
in the first decade of the nineteenth century with the meaning "having the
sexual organs of both sexes" (of plants). Writing in opposition to a proposed
extension of a Prussian antisodomy law to the whole of the North German
Confederation, the writer was by no means a disinterested observer. a polyglot and translator (not a physician as usually
claimed), Kertbeny contrasted homosexual
and normalsexual. His coinage might have
gone unnoticed had not Gustav Jaeger, a lifestyle reformer and professor of
zoology and anthropology at the University of Stuttgart, popularized it in the
second edition of his Entdeckung
der Seele (1880). Thus the term homosexual was not born under the
aegis of pure science as one might suppose, but was the creation of a closeted
advocate of homosexual rights. It is a curious irony today that some gay
liberationists of the second half of the twentieth century oppose the word homosexual
as a label imposed on them by the enemy.
In the period of its introduction, Kertbeny's term had to compete with other
German creations, notably Karl Heinrich Ulrichs' Urningtum and Uranismus (uranianism) and K. F. O.
Westphal's die
conträre Sexualempfindung (contrary sexual feeling). Given its obscure origins, why
did the term homosexual ultimately prevail? Uranian and its congeners enjoyed currency
for a time, but were too arcane for the ordinary speaker, while the antonym
Dionian (= heterosexual) never achieved the slightest acceptance. Westphal's
cumbersome expression was doubly isolated: it was usable only in German and
lacked the matching terms of the series. By contrast, the set homosexual/bisexual/ heterosexual that finally emerged
seemed to encompass (and trisect) the semantic field. Moreover, the abstract
nouns Homosexualität/Homosexualismus
which
Kertbeny also devised served to denote the condition. All these forms, being
grafted onto the trunk of the Latin adjective sexuahs, had no difficulty in
gaining international currency. And so in the first decade of the twentieth
century- - in the course of reporting the Harden-Eulenburg-von Moltke-Städele
affair in Wilhelmine Germany - journalism adopted the Greek-Latin
hybridhomosexuflJand made it part of the everyday vocabulary, while the
expression sexual
inversion remained limited to psychiatric circles.
Thus it was under the name homosexuality that the subject became known to the
general public at the time when the German sexual reform movement founded by
Magnus Hirschfeld was beginning its long campaign to change the law and public
opinion in favor of those whose sexual activity was still stigmatized and
outlawed under the name of sodomy or crimes against nature. The tireless
activity of Hirschfeld and his associates consolidated the status of the word
among professionals Iphysicians, sexologists, psychiatrists, and psychoanalysts) and among
the public at large.
In English-speaking countries some controversy has arisen over the question as
to whether the word homosexual is both a noun and an adjective or an adjective
alone. Behind the seeming pedantry of such grammatical quibbling lies a
conflict between those who claim that homosexuals are a "people," or
at least a stable minority, and others who insist that there are no
Homosexuals, only homosexual acts, which individuals - who should not
otherwise be labeled - elect from time to time. John Boswell has persuasively
traced this difference back to the medieval philosophical dispute between the
realists (or essentialists) and the nominalists. However this may be, the first
position (homosexuals as a people) may lead to separatism, the second
(individuals engaging in elective behavior) may counsel integration. If
homosexuals really are profoundly different they should form separate
institutions; but if, despite the negative stereotypes with which they have
been burdened, those engaging in homosexual behavior remain in the last
analysis "just folks," they may look forward to fitting in as
lefthanders, say, have done. Here we enter the realm of the homosexual
concept, on the one hand, and that of political strategy, on the other, with
the battleground the sense of identity.
Whatever one may think of the battle of the essentialists and the nominalists,
which has been much waged in contemporary debates on social construction, it
does not seem likely that the use of the word homosexual as a noun will be
extirpated. The English language has no Academy to dictate such matters of
usage. And in Romance languages any adjective may be used as a noun without
special permission.
Existentially, for any human being to affirm "I am a homosexual" is both an act of courage and
an acknowledgment that this attraction is a central element in one's
personality. In other times and climes, sexual orientation seems to have been
or is relatively labile and peripheral. In Western society, however, where the
term engenders strong and often negative emotional responses from the general
public and from those wielding power over homosexuals' lives, there are many
who feel subjectively that homosexuality - or gayness - is a crucial personal
attribute. What role words, as tools not invented by those to whom they refer
but given to them and wielded against them, may play in the reinforcement of
this perception is hard to determine, but one cannot deny the bearers of such
sentiments the right to express them.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jean-Claude Féray, "Une histoire critique du mot homosexualité," Arcadie (no. 325), 11-21; (326),
115-24; (327), 171-81; (328), 246-58 (January-April 1981).
Wayne R. Dynes and
Warren Johansson
Homosexuality
In the
sense used in the present Encyclopedia, the term homosexuality embraces the
entire range of same-sex relations and affections, male-male and female-female.
Some writers prefer to restrict the terms homosexual and homosexuality to the
male, while female-female relations are designated lesbianism. Since there are
in fact significant phenomenological differences, a good case can be made for
separating the two phenomena. In earlier times in the West and in other societies
the equation of the two was not generally recognized, and it may be that at
some future point research and public opinion will concur in effecting a
separation. For present purposes, however, consideration of male homosexuality
and lesbianism together seems to offer better prospects of attaining understanding,
in particular of the social context of homosexuality.
One of the vexing problems with the homosexual concept is its ambiguity with
regard to exclusivity of orientation: does it include bisexuality and
situational homosexuality?
Another question is whether homosexuality should include deep friendships that
are not genitally expressed: male bonding and female bonding. Some scholars
place these phenomena under the general umbrella term of homosociality.
The Greeks and Romans focused on the phenomenon of pederasty, that is to say,
age-graded relations between males governed by strong cultural tradition.
Rarely did they attempt a synoptic view of the whole realm of same-sex
relations. The modern Western world, by contrast, recognizes other types of
age-graded relations (such as ephebophilia, the attraction to maturing
youths,-and pedophilia, the attraction to children) but then assimilates all
male same-sex relations to ones between adults (androphilia), which are
regarded as the norm.
The Middle Ages gave birth to the problematic concept of sodomy. While the
abstract noun sodomy could cover almost the whole range of illicit sexual acts,
the noun of agent, sodomite, tended to be restricted to the male homosexual.
Sodomite then, allowing for significant cultural changes, foreshadows the
modern term homosexual.
This
expression arose out of an intense phase of discussion in the second half of
the nineteenth century in Central Europe. Rival terms, such as uranianism,
contrary sexual feeling, and inversion, were coined and canvased, but in the
end the word homosexual won out. See
also Typology.
Homosexuality (Origins of the Modern Concept)
The
German term Homosexualität,
the
original form of the word, points to a concept of homosexuality that
crystalized in Central Europe in the sixties and seventies of the nineteenth
century. With some changes, this concept is the immediate predecessor of the
mainstream of present-day Western thinking about same-sex orientation.
Familiarity has made the model seem simple and straightforward, almost a given
of nature. It is none of these things. The notion that modem society has
adopted is a hybrid that owes its existence to the interaction and fusion of
three remarkable semantic innovations stemming from historically distinct
cultural epochs, two of great antiquity and one of recent origin.
Three Conceptual Sources. First, there was the
Judaic law (Leviticus 20:13) that treated the union of two individuals having
male genitalia as a single offense. Other civilizations of antiquity had accepted
as a matter of course a dichotomy between the active and passive sexual
partners. The consolidation effected by the Judaic legislation boldly
disregarded this tradition. Second, there was the equation of male-male and
female-female relationships in the more abstract thinking of the Greeks. By
contrast, the ancient Near Eastern mind had never identified the two, and - as
shown by the Babylonian myth reported by Berossus and echoed in Plato's Symposium - had traced male-male
and female-female attraction to separate origins. But the Greek drive toward
logical parallelism made it possible to regard pederasty and tribadism as two
aspects of a single entity. Third, modem Europe - specifically
nineteenth-century Germany - attempted a quantification of psychic phenomena.
The German Forensics. The acceptance of a
mathematical continuum (0 to 100) made it possible to distinguish individuals
in whom sexual attraction to others of the opposite sex was completely absent
[the zero degree of heterosexuality = HI] from those who merely experienced an
attraction to their own sex that did not exclude the opposite one [H2]. The
recognition of exclusively same-sex oriented individuals [HI] - known to the
ancients but denied by Christian theology and Christian society for centuries -
was crucial to the emergence of the concept of sexual inversion in psychiatry
with the classic papers of Karl Friedrich Otto Westphal (1869), Richard von
Krafft-Ebing (1877), and Arrigo Tamassia (1878).
The investigators - being forensic psychiatrists - did not limit themselves to
a descriptive analysis, but also entered the realm of the prescriptive and judgmental.
They concluded that those who were incapable of feeling any attraction to the
opposite sex [HI] could not, by virtue of the involuntary and exclusive
character of their orientation, be held legally responsible for their sexual
conduct, but that the others who, though primarily attracted to their own sex,
could nonetheless function on occasion with the other sex [H2] were by
comparison morally blameworthy and legally responsible.
Nature and Implications of
the German Concept. The nineteenth-century conceptual innovation did not arise
spontaneously, as a direct product of psychiatric insight or of the interrogation
of homosexual patients. The new formulation was the outcome of a dialogue
between the psychiatric profession and the spokesmen for the inchoate homophile
movement, Karl Heinrich Ulrichs and Károly Maria Kertbeny. The word homosexual was invented by the
litterateur Kertbeny and not by the psychiatrists, so that contrary to the
almost universal assumption within today's gay community it did not originate as a medical term, though it was subsequently
used as such. Rather the new concept was dialectical in origin and stemmed (in
the case of the homophile apologists) from the polemic need to combat the
deeply rooted theological-forensic tradition of the Christian world that
stigmatized and penalized sexual activity between individuals having the
genital organs of the same sex, and to exonerate those whom public opinion
execrated as guilty of "unconditional self-surrender to the immoral."
Only in this way could the burden of centuries of obloquy begin to be lifted.
Yet few developments in human thought are completely new, and in this instance
the new distinction was superimposed upon the two long-standing equations
noted at the beginning of this article, the Levitical assimilation of the
active and passive partners, and the Greek conflation of male-male and
female-female attraction. The emergent concept was thus an "old wine in a
new bottle," or perhaps more correctly a cocktail blended from three
different vintages. The two older strata had abolished two antinomies (active
vs. passive,- male vs. female) to create the theological notion of "crime
against nature by reason of sex"; conversely, the modem stratum created a
new antinomy: exclusive [HI] vs. elective [H2], yielding the psychiatric
notions of "homosexual" vs. "bisexual." The fact that the
popular mind lumped both of the latter behavioral types together under the term
"homosexuality" does not efface the historical reality that the
concept arose out of the perception of duality.
The two authors of the concept themselves disagreed in that Ulrichs was more
the spokesman for the [HI] category, while Kertbeny was concerned more with the
rights of the [H2] group, since their behavior was equally culpable in the eyes
of the law, yet he argued that they had the right to choose the samé rather than the opposite
sex for purposes of erotic gratification. In fact, to limit the application of
the law to the [H2] category in practice would mean that the prosecution would
have to prove that on other occasions the defendant engaged in heterosexual
behavior which was perfectly legal - a logical impossibility from the
standpoint of the law.
Pzoblems. As the outcome of its
complex pedigree, the new concept was fraught with ambivalence and ambiguity: a
century of medical and biological investigation has failed to discover any common
denominator among the individuals labeled homosexual. Success in such a quest
was precluded from the start since HI and H2 are typically treated as if they
were one: the problem of the occurrence of homosexual attraction is not
identical with the problem of the absence of heterosexual attraction. Yet until
a relatively recent date many researchers wrote of "the homosexual"
in the singular, as if they were describinga discrete species. Though this
linguistic habit is not common now, its long prevalence served to reinforce the
misapprehension that a single phenomenon was under study. To the extent that
the researchers did follow more attentively the nineteenth-century model, which
focused on this single psychological trait of ability or nonability to respond
to heterosexual stimuli, they perforce neglected the tremendous range of
variation in constitutional and personality type found within both HI and H2.
Of course, it cannot be excluded that at some future time a genetic basis for
the absence of heterosexual desire or response will be discovered, but thus far
biology has furnished no evidence for this.
It is not surprising that in its perplexity the general public wavers on the
issue, unable to secure any authoritative guidance from the experts. On the
one hand, homosexuality is thought to be exclusive and innate [HI], so that
fathering or giving birth to a child is regarded as indisputable proof that
the parent is not homosexual - a
"true" homosexual could not manage such a fundamental shift. On the
other hand, when homosexuals are exh ort ed to ent cr th erapy in order to
change their orientation, by a sleight of hand the conceptualization moves over
to pigeonhole H2, taken to imply that individuals who have been functioning
homosexually should function heterosexually. In this way a claim is made that
the first assumption had categorically denied.
Interference of Related
Concepts. The ultimate source of the confusion lies in the fact that
the new term was superimposed upon the already emotion-laden semantic fields
of "pederasty/tribadism" and "sodomy," neglecting the
crucial element of the exclusive and involuntary character of HI, which had so
impressed the rational minds of the pioneering nineteenth-century investigators.
This lingering afterglow of the older attitude of condemnation hindered the
progress of the movement for gay rights for many decades. By confounding
exclusive homosexual attraction [H1 ] with elective homosexual attraction
[H2] it played into the hands of an opposition that clung to the notion that
"homosexuality is only a new name for an old vice," insisting that
"homosexuality is a disease" that can be cured if the homosexual
will only "renounce his way of life." To be sure, the disease concept
of homosexuality represents a modernization of the religious notion of sin.
But the conversion from sin to sickness was made possible by the initial belief
in the statistical rarity of HI, which suggests that homosexuality is a human
variant outside the normal range: a biological anomaly. And yet the opposing H2
model underlies the notion of change of orientation through therapy. Thus at
the present day one half of the inherited nineteenth-century concept is invoked
to diagnose disease, the other half to insist on the possibility of cure.
Kinsey. In 1948 Alfred Kinsey and
his associates were to retain the category of same-sex exclusives [HI] in the 6
of their 0-6 scale, but because of their approach as evolutionary biologists
they stressed a spectrum of sexual response and attached no significance to the
crucial line of demarcation that had so impressed the European forensic
psychiatrists. The Kinsey "rainbow" has had considerable influence
on the academic discussion of homosexuality, but comparatively little impact
on the popular mind.
Conclusion. The intricacies of the
formation of the concept of homosexuality illustrate the general principle in
intellectual history that key ideas are not forged through a simple
conjunction taking place at a single moment in history. That moment represents
at most a phase of crystalization, not of creation ex novo. Moreover, concepts
are not simply the product of an impartial evaluation of data, but rather take
shape in human minds already equipped with semantic grids. As Blaise Pascal
observed, "Chance smiles only on minds that are prepared." In the
realm of thinking about sexuality the theories are almost inevitably contaminated
with ideology, the strivings of interested parties, and the wish to preserve
an existing value system or replace it with a new one. The world still awaits a
conceptual system that overcomes the serious flaws of the one inherited from
the nineteenth century.
See also Typology.
Warren Johansson
HOMOSOCIALITY
A neutral
term, homosociality designates the patterns and relationships arising from
gender-specific gatherings of all sorts. When men or women participate
affectively in homosocial situations, one may speak also of male bonding and female
bonding.
Basic Features. In the field of lesbian
and gay studies, homosociality has become a methodological tool. In 1975
Carroll Smith-Rosenberg ("The Female World ofLoveandRitual/'Signs, 1
[1975]), and then Michel Foucault (interview in Masques [13], Spring 1982),
outlined the concept of homosociality as a way of broadening the terrain of
gay and lesbian studies. At the international conference "Among Men,
Among Women" (Amsterdam 1983] it was stated thus: [With the concept of
homosocial arrangements] "we hope to achieve several results at the same
time. In the first instance, it can be illuminating to relate sexual relations
between members of the same sex to other forms of homosociality, instead of
continuing to compare them with sexual relations between men and women.
Secondly, it can be a methodological improvement to use the notion of the
'recognitions of masculine and feminine relations' and avoid falling back on
the stereotyped notion of 'homosexuality.' Our attempt here is to open
perspectives on the enormous diversity in (and types of) masculine and feminine
relations which have developed in the past 200 years alone. Thirdly, the study
of the relations between members of the same sex can contribute to historical
and sociological theory on the development of homosexual arrangements in
particular, and homosocial arrangements and their relation to heterosocial
arrangements in general."
Homosociality can exist at three levels. First, one finds it at the level of
societies, e.g., when social life is sex-segregated with men operating in
public and women in private spheres. In this sense, Western society of some
centuries ago and many non-Western societies today can be described as strongly
homosocial. Secondly, homosociality can exist at the level of institutions -
the military, prisons, monasteries, merchant marine (see Seafaring), schools,
athletic teams and clubs, scouting. Formerly most public bodies in western
countries were organized along homo-social lines (law, politics, industry).
Thirdly, personal relations can be homo-social, as in friendships, circles, or
cliques.
Female Homosociality. The second and third
forms have been thoroughly examined in lesbian and women's studies, because of
the general interest in the separate spheres of women outside the realm of
male dominance, and also because of the difficulty of finding explicit sexual
material with regard to lesbianism. So, female bonding as the affective
participation of women in separate spheres has become an important object of
research (Smith-Rosenberg, Martha Vicinus, Lillian Faderman, Adrienne Rich).
A lively discussion has ensued on the sexual character of female friendships in
history. In this debate is implicated the actual question of whether the
sexualization of lesbian relations was a liberation or a new means of
subordinating women. Here Radclyffe Hall's novel The Well of Loneliness (1928) is an important
landmark witnessing the sexualization of women's separate spheres.
Problems of Methodology and
Data. For
male homosociality, an even more extensive literature exists than for its
female counterpart, but it has some major problems. First of all, it scarcely
ever focuses on the intimate relations of the men in bonding. Secondly, when
male homosociality is discussed, it is mostly seen as an exceptional situation
and less commonly as a fundamental structure of societies. Taking the latter
viewpoint, however, Lionel Tiger analyzed it from a sociobiological perspective
stressing the homoeroticism of male bonding, as did Thorkill Vanggaard from a
historical perspective. Bernard Sergent and Eva C. Keuls did the same for
classical Greece, for opposed reasons: Sergent to stress the institutional
and ancient character of pederastic relations, Keuls to criticize the
phallocracy of Athenian "democracy." The histories of soldiering,
education, seafaring, and politics have hardly ever been discussed from this
homosocial angle - just as women's emancipation is nowadays generally seen as
going along hetero-social Unes. More specific studies in which attention is paid to homoeroticism
have been done on English pirates of the seventeenth century (B. R. Burg), on
English public schools (J. Gathorne Hardy, J. R. de Symons Honey, and J. Chandos), on the military (P.
Fussell and P. Parker) and on the eros tradition (G. Dall'Orto and T. Maasen).
The Socialization of
Masculinity. In many cultures the standards of masculinity are learned
in such all-male situations. For many tribal cultures, the men's houses are the
centers for male initiation,- in modern cultures sex-segregated schools,
armies, sports groups, and student societies were until recently and sometimes
still are the institutional sites of male socialization. Even where such
homosocial sites still exist, they are more integrated into heterosocial
society. The strictures governing such enclaves tend nowadays to be much
looser, because of the better possibilities of transportation, the extension of
free time, the abolition of corporal punishments, and the informalization of
discipline in most institutions. Where in recent decades such institutionalized
frameworks are declining, groups of pubertal boys become more important for
sex-specific socialization and the youngsters define for themselves their
norms of manliness outside institutional frameworks.
The norms of masculinity are thus purveyed, from the time of puberty onwards,
in all-male situations. But it was also the environment in which men had their
most intimate (sexual and non-sexual) relationships. In novels, letters, diaries,
and book dedications written prior to World War I, the importance of male bonding
was underlined: men had their most expressive, intimate and strong attachments
from puberty up until marriage with other men. Adulthood meant mostly responsibility,
respectability, and thus boredom. Old ties of friendship could be revived in
men's clubs and pubs or on festive occasions, but they could not surpass the
emotional bonds of a younger age.
This world of male bonding and male intimacies is in decline with the
heterosocialization of society. The rise of explicit homosexual identities and
communities can be seen as a byproduct of this process of declining
homosociality. Whereas in former times much homosexual behavior existed under
the cover of homosociality, with the decline of male bonding, homosexual
situations are standing more apart and are thus becoming more visible (and as
such, more threatening to the homosocial groups).
With the advent of the homosexual identity, the homosocial male (soldier,
seaman, cowboy, outlaw, fireman, cop) became the typical object of desire for
homosexual men, and when in the last decades this border traffic between gay
and straight society diminished, some gay men in their "clone"
stereotypes tried to realize these homosocial types in themselves.
Conclusion. Thesubject of
homosociality, and more specifically, of female and male bonding, has great
relevance for gay and lesbian studies. First, as a sphere where forms of
homosexual pleasure are engendered, and secondly, because it broadens as well
as changes the perspective of gay and lesbian studies. As a concept, it alerts
researchers to the differences existing between gay and lesbian culture. Finally,
it is an extremely rich field which is insufficiently studied, especially the
male variants, and one in which gay studies can display its strengths.
See also Friendship, Female
Romantic,- Friendship, Male.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Janet L. Barkas, Friendship: A Selected, Annotated Bibliography, New York: Garland, 1985;
Lilian Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men: Romantic Friendship and Love
between Women from the Renaissance to the Present, New York: William Morrow,
1981; Thijs Maasen, De pedagogische eros in het geding, Utrecht, 1988; Peter
Parker, The Old Lie: The Great War and Public School Ethos, London, 1987; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg,
Disorderly
Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985;
Lionel Tiger, Men
in Groups, New York:
Random House, 1969; Ernst Günther Welter, Bibliographie Freundschaftseros einschliesslich Homoerotik,
Homosexualität und die verwandte und vergleichende Gebiete, Frankfurt am Main: Dipa Verlag, 1964.
Gert Hekma
Horace (65-8 b.c.)
Latin
lyric and satiric poet of the Golden Age. Quintus Horatius Flaccus was the son
of a freedman who cared for his education. In Athens he studied philosophy and
ancient Greek literature. As a supporter of Brutus he fought at Philippi, then
returned to Rome, where in the spring of 38 Vergil and Varius Ruf us introduced
him to Maecenas, the great patron of Latin literature, who after nine months
admitted him to his intimate circle. Horace thereafter lived withdrawn,
diningout only at Maecenas' invitation. The friendship lasted to the end of
their lives, and in 32 Horace received from Maecenas a Sabine estate.
As a poet Horace is remembered for his Odes,
Epodes, and Satires.
The Odes are modeled on the Greek poems of Alcaeus, Sappho, Pindar,
and Bacchylides, with the added refinement which the Hellenistic era gave to
the short poem. The Satires
are
inspired by Lucilius, but composed in hexameter verse, though freer than in
epic poetry. The subject matter - as befitted the son of a freedman - was not
ruthlessly personal and political, but apolitical and universal: the vices and
follies of private life, stoic paradoxes, and his own friendship with Maecenas
are the themes. The Epistles
in verse
are philosophical and literary discourses modeled on Lucilius, Mummius, and
Catullus. The language of the poems ranges from the popular to the most
literary and formal; it is rich in imagery and symbolism.
In his private life Horace was certainly bisexual, with a preference in the
homosexual direction. The love poems to women - to Lalage, Chloe, Lydia, or
Pyrrha - strike the modem reader as artificial and insubstantial, despite the
severe grace of language and structure which the poet inscribed in them. The
poet's account of his love for handsome boys and youths rings far more true and
sincere. The very intensity of his affection for boys precluded his deeply
loving any woman; all the women that he portrays or addresses seem lifeless,
and really unhappy love for a woman never troubled him. In spirit Horace was
never young, never knew the intensity of youthful passion, and as he grew
older, he became more and more a spectator of life and love, counseling his
reader to observe the golden mean, even if he can be momentarily enthralled by
the beauty of a youth. The poet regarded the phenomena of sexual life with a
wonderful humor that gave him a magic touch over them all, but maturity had
distanced him from the spontaneous ardor of the lover. His ideal was that of
the wise man who remains unperturbed in the face of every event, from sheer
happiness to unrelieved sorrow.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Otto Kiefer, Sexual Life in Ancient Rome, London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1934.
Warren Johansson
Housman, A[lfred] E[dward] (1859-1936)
English
poet and classical scholar. The son of a solicitor, he earned prizes for poetry
at Bromsgrove School and won an open scholarship to St. John's College, Oxford,
in 1877. He pursued his classical studies so single-mindedly that he neglected
the rest of the Greats examination and failed his finals in 1881, but received
a pass degree the following year. For some nine years he worked as a civil
servant in the Patent Office in London, while publishing a series of papers in
learned journals on such authors as Horace, Propertius, Ovid, Aeschylus,
Euripides, and Sophocles. By 1892 his reputation was such that he could enlist
seventeen top scholars in support of his application for the vacant Chair of
Latin at University College, London. He held this post until 1911, when he was
appointed Professor of Latin at Trinity College, Cambridge. As a Latinist
Housman devoted himself to the arduous and painstaking editing of the Astronomicon of the poet Manilius
(1903-1930), an austere subject that could interest only the specialist, not
the general reader.
Housman's poetic output in his lifetime was limited to A Shropshire Lad (1896) and Last Poems (1922). More Poems appeared after his death
in 1936. The Shropshire of the poems is a contrived pastoral setting which if
idealized is scarcely Arcadian in that its youthful inhabitants are burdened
by life's frustrations and disappointments. Time and happiness vanish; the
young and beautiful die; the army and even the gallows take their toll.
Housman's verse forms are simple, yet fashioned with classical precision and a
fine balance of contrast and paradox. The underlying emotion of the poems is
often homoerotic, though the implicit tensions, when present, are too subtle
for the average reader to appreciate fully. The unforgettable phrases of the
poems betray a melancholy over male love and male beauty forever lost, but
still alive in dreams.
The personality of the scholar and poet was opaque to his contemporaries, whom
he kept at a discrete distance by mannerisms that gave him the reputation of
being frigid and unapproachable. Those who knew him suspected a deeply wounded
and repressed personality, but in his lifetime the subject of his sexual
orientation had to be whispered; it could not be discussed in print. While an
undergraduate at Oxford he had been passionately in love with a tall, handsome
young man, Moses Jackson, whom he lost to the latter's bride - a source of
profound bitterness and emotional deprivation for him. Rejected by the man
whom he loved, Housman had to accept the fact that not only was he homosexual,
but that he loved someone who could never return his affection. The further
burden that the Church condemned homosexual expression as sinful drove him into
an absolute and rigorously maintained atheism. Housman's ambivalence about his
homosexuality certainly shaped his inner, emotional life; he felt guilty because
of his homosexual desires, yet believed them not utterly wrong. In one of his
poems he described himself as "a stranger and afraid/In a world I never
made" obliged to keep "These foreign laws of God and man."
Once he had crossed the English Channel and found himself in a country where
"the laws of man" did not penalize homosexuality, he at once set
about gratifying his forbidden cravings with male prostitutes, including
sailors, ballet dancers and other inhabitants of the Parisian demimonde. He
also frequented the Turkish baths of Paris, and gratified his fondness for
haute cuisine which had been raised to its absolute peak by such master chefs
as Ritz and Escoffier. Here, too, he could acquire pornographic writings in
English, among them works on flagellation, as well as the French and German
classics of sexual science. So his double life did afford him some relief from
the frustrations of the facade that he carefully maintained while in London and
Cambridge^ - a pattern not uncommon among homosexuals who cannot afford to compromise
themselves in the community where they live, but at an appropriate distance
lose most if not all of their inhibitions. On a visit to Constantinople
Housman admired the features and complexions of the male Greeks and even more
of the Turks, in whom he discerned traits of the British aristocracy.
In his lifetime Housman had an ambiance of repressed pederasty, simply because
the society to which he belonged would not allow him to be open about his
sexual feelings. Only some four decades after his death was the truth about his
sexual orientation finally revealed to the world. It does not diminish his
stature as a scholar or a poet, but reminds the reader of his work of the
tragedy inherent in the inability of human beings to express their inner
feelings or to communicate with one another.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Richard Perceval Graves, A. E. Housman: The Scholar-Poet, New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1979.
Warren Johansson
Once he had crossed the English Channel and found himself in a country where
"the laws of man" did not penalize homosexuality, he at once set
about gratifying his forbidden cravings with male prostitutes, including
sailors, ballet dancers and other inhabitants of the Parisian demimonde. He
also frequented the Turkish baths of Paris, and gratified his fondness for
haute cuisine which had been raised to its absolute peak by such master chefs
as Ritz and Escoffier. Here, too, he could acquire pornographic writings in
English, among them works on flagellation, as well as the French and German
classics of sexual science. So his double life did afford him some relief from
the frustrations of the facade that he carefully maintained while in London and
Cambridge^ - a pattern not uncommon among homosexuals who cannot afford to compromise
themselves in the community where they live, but at an appropriate distance
lose most if not all of their inhibitions. On a visit to Constantinople
Housman admired the features and complexions of the male Greeks and even more
of the Turks, in whom he discerned traits of the British aristocracy.
In his lifetime Housman had an ambiance of repressed pederasty, simply because
the society to which he belonged would not allow him to be open about his
sexual feelings. Only some four decades after his death was the truth about his
sexual orientation finally revealed to the world. It does not diminish his
stature as a scholar or a poet, but reminds the reader of his work of the
tragedy inherent in the inability of human beings to express their inner
feelings or to communicate with one another.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Richard Perceval Graves, A. E. Housman: The Scholar-Poet, New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1979.
Warren Johansson
Hudson, Rock (Roy Scherer Fitzgerald; 1925-1985)
American
film actor. Becoming a major star with the release of Magnificent Obsession in 1954, Rock Hudson came
to personify unproblematic heterosexual masculinity for millions of women.
Ironically, for most of his life he was predominantly homosexual. His image
was carefully nourished and protected by his agent Henry Willson, who gave him
his screen name and identity. Hudson's lack of acting training and flair seemed
to help in establishing an air of authenticity that history has revealed to be
spurious. When the rumor mills began to grind, and it was feared that the truth
about the actor's sexuality would surface in one of the popular Hollywood
gossip magazines, Willson arranged for Hudson to court and marry his secretary
Phyllis Gates in 1955. They were divorced three years later, and Hudson settled
into a series of male affairs, the last of which was with Marc Christian, who
went public in a dispute about the star's inheritance. Having been diagnosed
with AIDS on June 5, 1984, Hudson first tried to keep the matter secret - to
the subsequent distress of his unwitting eostars and sex partners. As his
condition grew worse, however, concealment became impossible, and before his
death on October 2,1985, RockHudson's condition and his homosexuality had
exhaustively aired in the media.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
[Rock Hudson and] Sara Davidson, Rock Hudson: His Story, New York: William Morrow,
1986.
Humboldt, Alexander Freiherr von (1769-1859)
German
scientist and explorer. The brother of Wilhelm von Humboldt, he studied
engineering and natural history at Frankfurt an derOder, Berlin, and Gottingen.
He traveled through western Europe, and in 1792-97 held an official position in
the mining enterprises of the Franconian principalities. From 1799 to 1804,
together with the French botanist A. Bompard, he conducted studies in exact
geography in several countries of Latin America, determining the course of the
Casiquiare River and climbing Mount Chimborazo to a height of 5,400 meters. He
also measured the temperature of the Humboldt Current (on the Pacific Coast of
South America), as it was later named after him. From 1807 to 1827 he lived
with brief interruptions in Paris. Here he conducted experimental studies on
gases with J. -L. Gay-Lussac, and also evaluated the findings of his voyages in
America in collaboration with other scientists. His major contribution to science
is the 30-volume work Voyage
aux regions equinoxiales da nouveau continent (1805-34).
Returning to Berlin in 1827, he delivered his renowned lectures on physical
geography. Accompanied by G. Rose and C. G. Ehrenberg, in 1829 he undertook an
expedition into Asiatic Russia (the Urals, the Altai, Dzungaria, the Caspian
Sea) at the behest of Tsar Nicholas I, whose main outcome was a worldwide chain
of magnetic observatories initiated by Humboldt and realized by the
mathematician C. F. Gauss. He also published a two-volume
"mineralogical-geognostic" account of his travels and a work entitled
Central-Asien (1843-44). Settled once
again in Berlin after 1830, he compiled a five-volume work that summarized all
that was then known about the earth, Kosmos:
Entwwf einer physikalischen Weltbeschreibung (Cosmos: Outline of a
Physical Description of the World; 1845 - 62). It was the last attempt by a
single individual to collect within the pages of a work of his own the totality
of human knowledge of the universe; after his time the increasing specialization
of the sciences and the sheer accumulation of data made such a venture
impossible.
During his scientific expeditions Humboldt assembled enormous quantities of
botanical specimens (some 60,000 plants) and geological ones as well. He
recorded the fall in the strength of the magnetic fields from the Pole to the
Equator and observed swarms of meteors. He prophetically foresaw the advantage
of a canal through the Isthmus of Panama. He recorded isotherms and collected
data on the languages and cultures of the South American Indians. Through the
accounts of his findings - models for all subsequent undertakings - he made
significant contributions to oceanography, meteorology, climatology, and
geography, and furthered virtually all the natural sciences of his time; but
above all else he was responsible for major advances in the geographical and
geological sciences.
Magnus Hirschfeld preserved in his volume of 1914 the lingering reminiscences
of Humboldt in the homosexual subculture of Berlin, where persons who had known
him intimately were living as late as the first decade of the twentieth
century, among them the homosexual dendrologist Karl Bolle. Humboldt is reputed never
to have sexual relations with a woman. To a servant who was also his lover, Johann Seifert (1800-1877), he bequeathed
his entire estate. He had many feminine traits of mind and body, and his
homosexual personality revealed itself in a certain restlessness that led him
to travel in remote areas of the globe and also to explore a whole range of
scientific disciplines. He was the last universal intellect in Western
civilization, who in the tradition of the Renaissance man took the entire
world as his object of study. Humboldt is still remembered in Germany as one of
the greatest scientists his nation has ever produced.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Helmut De Terra, Humboldt: The Life and Times of Alexander von Humboldt,
1769-1859, New York: Knopf, 1955; Wolfgang Hagen-Hein, Alexander von Humboldt:
Leben und Werk, Frankfurt am Main: Weisbecker, 1985.
Warren Johansson
Humor
Humor is
that which gives rise to mirth or amusement, though the notion often eludes
precise definition. The psychology of humor has elicited much theorizing, the
common denominator of which is that the element of surprise, of shock, or of
unexpectedness is a necessary (even if not sufficient) condition for the
humorous experience. Humor interrupts the routine, familiar course of thought
and action,- it activates the element of play which (as Johan Huizinga
stressed) is a component of culture. Acting as the personality's safety valve,
humor seems to effect a release from constraint or excess tension. Floating
nervous energy in search of an outlet activates the organs of speech and
muscles of respiration in such a way as to produce laughter. At the same time
humor can afford a sudden insight into the ridiculousness of a situation, or
an opportunity to vent anger and aggression, as in the case of a joke or
witticism directed at a personal foe or at an enemy in wartime that places him
in a ridiculous light.
Erotic Aspects. Sexuality has been the
subject of humor since the dawn of recorded history. This is in no small part
because of the incongruity between the attraction or the pleasure felt by the
actor in an erotic situation but invisible to the observer, who can only note
the objectively graceless or even repellent behavior by which third parties
procure sexual gratification. The sexual act in itself has nothing aesthetic,
even if the pleasure obtained from the physical contact of two human bodies
borders on the ecstatic. From this fundamental incongruity derives the piquancy
of the countless jokes, anecdotes, tales, cartoons, and pictures in which
sexuality is the central theme. At the same time sexual tensions in the subject
- and fears of sexual aggression - can also be alleviated by the mechanism of
humor.
Homosexuality and Humor. Homosexuality occupies a
special place within the domain of sexual humor, both because of the intense
taboo with which the very mention of it was once invested, but also because of
the perceived incongruity of erotic attraction between two members of the same
sex - its departure from the cultural expectation of heterosexuality. The
individual who departs too markedly from the gender role norms of the culture
is bound to be a target of disapproval, expressed at least in the form of
humor. Moreover, homosexual activity itself, aimless and pleasureless as it is
to the heterosexual observer, can be the object of rage and contempt but also
of a humor that incorporates symbolic aggression. Humor in regard to
homosexual ac-' tivity can be an escape route or symbolic excuse for the
inconsistent behavior, or can express absolution from the cultural taboo in the
form of an expressive laugh or indirect approval of what cannot be explicitly
acknowledged. As homosexuals have come to be recognized as a socially discrete
element of Western society, "fag jokes" have taken their place beside
ethnic jokes as facets of intergroup tension.
Humor in sexual matters may also reflect the tensions between the official norm
of society, which condemns all sexual expression outside of marriage, and the
unofficial admiration and envy accorded the individual who successfully
violates the taboo and obtains the forbidden pleasure. There is also the
implicit denigration of the passive partner, who is seen as being used for the
pleasure of the active one while obtaining nothing in return. These dichotomies
are intensified in the case of the doubly tabooed and intensely paradoxical
homosexual experience, which demands an explanation and justification that
Western society has thus far been unable to find to its own satisfaction. Humor
in gay circles can also have the function of a defense mechanism that scores
points at the expense of the hostile larger society, exposes its hypocrisy and
inconsistency, affirms the values of the deviant subculture, and rejoices in
every erotic success achieved in defiance of the taboos and the obstacles
contrived by the social order to enforce them. The need of the outgroup to
maintain its morale can also be served by the mechanism of humor that releases
the accumulated tensions provoked by the constant need for psychological
self-defense. This was especially true when nearly all except
"obvious" homosexuals had to maintain a heterosexual facade by
sundry and ingenious means calculated to deceive the outside world - with all
the incongruous and embarrassing situations that ill chance could inflict on
the closeted subject.
Humor as a Dimension of Personality.
It is
universally recognized that humor as a creative activity is a rare and highly
specialized psychological trait. The editor of one of America's most popular
humor magazines in the 1960s commented at a public lecture that although every
day's mail brought his office letters with jokes, cartoons, suggestions for
features and the like, still in the whole history of the periodical only a half
dozen had ever been judged suitable for its pages. Children do not possess a
sense of humor,- it is the outgrowth of experience and education, of a mastery
of the surrounding world. Humor is also a largely masculine affair: all the
great humorists throughout history have been men, even if women have excelled
in other literary genres, and even the image of the clown is a male, not a
female figure. Arguably, the woman as comedienne is playing a male role.
Psychoanalytic studies of the humorist have brought out the importance of the
oral-erotic element in character formation, and also of the manic-depressive
personality. Humor entails a subtle dialectic of ability to laugh (from the
hypomanic side) and depth of feeling (from the depressive one). The realist in
literature who tinges his writing with humorous traits is able to face the
harshness of life and yet erect a screen of defensive humor that shields him
from its pain and sorrow. The humorist has an intensity and seriousness
inherited from the father, but also a strongly developed superego with cheerful
propensities derived from the mother. A student of the humorist as personality
type has found aversion to marriage, a pronounced wanderlust, and lack of a
regular profession as the outward signs, with a split personality, a tendency
to self-reflection, to play fondly with the trivial and absurd, and
indifference to the world's opinion as the inner traits of character.
This inventory suggests a marked overlap with at least certain facets of the
homosexual personality. A specific alloy of the masculine and feminine foreign
to the heterosexual mentality, a decided antipathy to marriage, satisfaction in
an unattached, roaming lifestyle, a need to reflect upon one's fate in the
midst of a hostile society, and a deep-seated indifference to its opinions and
judgments are all traits of the homosexual in Western culture. Even the
capacity for self-irony, the ability to accept the ridiculous in one's
situation as a homosexual, can be positive, survival-enhancing qualities. Noted
humorists who were homosexual were Edward Lear, "Saki" (Hector
HughMunro), and Alexander Woollcott (the prototype of the hero in The Man Who Came to Dinner).
Homosexual Jokes. Jokes on the subject of homosexuality are legion. They are
usually invented by people hostile to homosexuals and so are tinged with malice.
They can turn on the double meaning of particular words: "What do gay
termites eat? Woodpeckers." "Have you heard about the gay burglar? He
couldn't blow the safe, so he went down on the elevator." "Is it
better to be born black or gay? Black - you don't have to tell your
parents." "What do you call a gay bar without any stools? A fruit
stand." In the Deep South a gay man is a "Homo Sex You All."
They can reflect hostility and violence directed against homosexuals: "A
gay man was lying on the sidewalk with a broken arm and a bloody face. When
passers-by asked what had happened, he said: 'Would somebody please tell that
marine on the fifth floor that fairies can't fly.'"
A particular genre of homosexual joke turns upon the husband who finds his wife
in flagrante delicto with another man but is indifferent to the insult to his
honor or even focuses his attention upon some irrelevant detail of the
situation. A modern variant of this motif is: "The husband of the wife
raped by the Mexican bandit is in the meantime forced to hold the bandit's
testicles up out of the hot sand. When the wife later complains that the
husband has not acted the part of a man, he replies: 'Is that so? Why, twice
when he wasn't looking, I let his balls drop in the hot sand.'" Another
version of the tale ends with the lines: "Here's my bed, and that's my
wife in it." "But who's that young man in bed with her?"
"Oh, that's me when I'm not here." The implicit notion is that this
is a homosexual "front marriage" of the sort meant primarily to
deceive the outside world, but also for financial or social advantage.
Other jokes turn upon the real or assumed competition between homosexuals and
women for the favors of the male sex: A worried, elderly clergyman arrived at a
hotel lounge that was a rendezvous for prostitutes and their clients. He was
searching for a son who had run away from home with funds embezzled from the
church. A lady of the night swooped down on him and asked: "Are you
looking for a naughty little girl?" "No," replied the clergyman,
"I am looking for a naughty little boy." The woman threw up her hands
in despair: "Lord knows what's to become of us women these days!" A
brief joke is: Homosexual (passing whore in street): "Prostitute!"
Whore (in rebuttal): "Substitute!" Another story turns upon a homosexual
patronizing a brothel in Paris: "Would you like a lovely French
girl?" "No, I'm tired of French girls." "How about a
Swedish beauty then?" "No, I'm tired of Swedish girls. Do you happen
to have a good-looking boy?" "Monsieur, I shall call a
gendarme." "Don't bother. I've had enough of gendarmes too."
A particular type of joke turns upon not only the ability of homosexuals to
recognize one another, but also the heterosexual's fear (quite intense, in the
past) of being taken for one: A field boss at a steel mill calls the office and
tells the brand-new clerk that he needs three men to be sent out at once as
blowers on a hot job. The baffled clerk calls the main office and says:
"Send three men here in a hurry for a hot blow job." The voice at the
other end says: "Hold your horses. The supervisor's two assistants are
both here, but we're not so sure of the stockroom clerk."
Camp. A variety of humor common
to male homosexuals, but by no means their exclusive property, is camp. Camp is
grounded in gesture, performance, and public display,- it turns upon an
inversion of values that trivializes the serious but takes the frivolous
seriously. The targets of camp are the values of conventional middle-class
society, but the barbs are never fatal, because a good measure of toleration
for the unconventional is implied (and needed). Camp also entails an element of
self-irony, an acknowledgement that one is only "clowning" and not to
be taken at face value. The "no man's land" of the homosexual who is
consciously departing from the masculine yet cannot be truly feminine belongs
in the domain of camp, and is often the point of departure for its refined
manifestations. Oscar Wilde's celebrated tour of the United States was one of
the first media successes of high camp - of which the
"counter-culture" of the late 1960s and after was to see many more.
AIDS Jokes. AIDS has produced its
quota of topical jokes: "Do you know what gay means? Got aids
yet?"
"What do they call a troupe of homosexual musicians? Band-aids." "What do they call
gay lawyers? Legal aids."
"How
do homosexuals spell relief ? No aids."
"How
do you know that the flowers in your garden have adds? When the pansies start dying." "What do near-deaf
homosexuals carry? Hearing aids."
"How
did Liberace catch aids?
He forgot
to clean his organ between hymns." The circulation of such jokes shows how
quickly a new repertoire can be created, and also how cruel and vicious public
attitudes can be.
Conclusion. Humor emerges in anonymous
forms as social commentary on the events of the day, in individualized forms as
the expression of a personality with a gift for satire and wit. Until quite
recently the gay subculture had only "word of mouth" as means of
communicating, but today the leading gay periodicals carry cartoons, stories,
and jokes meant to provoke mirth in their readership. The periodical Christopher Street began as a rival to The New Yorker with its urbane and
sophisticated humor, but was never able to rise to the level of its model. Yet
as the gay world becomes more emancipated, it should be able to laugh at its
own foibles and those of straight society, to partake fully in the humanity
defined by the saying: "Man is the only animal that laughs."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jeffrey H. Goldstein and Paul E. McGhee, The Psychology of Humor:
Theoretical Perspectives and Empirical Issues, New York: Academic Press,
1972; Venetia Newall, "Folklore and Male Homosexuality," Folklore, 97 (1986), 123^7; Alfred Winterstein, "Contributions to
the Problem of Humor," Psychoanalytic Quarterly, 3 (1934), 303-16.
Warren Johansson
Hustlers
See Prostitution.
Hydraulic Metaphor
The idea
that sexual energy accumulates in the body until sufficient pressure is
generated to require an outlet has over the centuries had considerable appeal.
The notion acquires plausibility through observation of the wet dream, which
eventually occurs in males if the semen is not evacuated through intercourse or
masturbation. A more banal (though less sexual) model is that of the bladder's
periodic filling and consequent need to void urine.
The first statement of the doctrine is probably owing to the Roman
philosopher-poet Lucretius who says that the semen gradually builds up in the
body until it is discharged in any available body [On the Nature of Things, IV, 1065). In its later
development this idea has the corollary of separating sexual desire from the
object to which it may be directed, and this separation has done valuable
service in freeing sexual science from normative notions specifying that some
particular object-class (as one gender only) is the only appropriate goal. As a
device for relieving erotic tension, a homosexual outlet stands on the same
plane as a heterosexual one.
A curious attestation of the hydraulic concept comes from colonial America. In
his reflections on an outbreak of "sodomy and buggery" in the Bay Colony,
William Bradford (1590-1637) noted: "It may be in this case as it is with
water when their streams are stopped or dammed up; when they get passage they
flow with more violence and make more noise and disturbance, than when they are
suffered to run quietly in their own channels. So wickedness being here more
stopped by strict laws and more nearly looked into, so it cannot run in a
common road of liberty, as it would and is inclined, it searches everwhere and
at last breaks out where it gets vent."
Some Victorians defended prostitution as a necessary evil. Without this safety
valve, they held, the pent-up desires of men would be inflicted on decent
women, whose security depends, ironically, on their "fallen"
sisters. The Nazi leader Heinrich Himmler even extended this belief by analogy
to hustlers and male homosexuals.
With the rise of modern sexology more neutral and less judgmental versions of
the hydraulic concept appeared. An influential notion of sexual energy occurs
in the work of Havelock Ellis (1859-1939) who saw human existence as marked by
an unceasing ebb and flow of tumescence and detumescence. Somewhat later the
idea was adopted by the Freudo-Marxian WilhelmReich(1897-1957), who evidently
found it in accord with his interpretation of materialism. In Freud's own
thought the dammed-up energy is supposed to be capable of transformation into
some creative endeavor (sublimation). Finally, the idea was adopted by Alfred
Kinsey (1894-1956) in his behavioristic concept of "sexual outlets."
Despite its appeal, the metaphor is not unproblematic. The hydraulic idea rests
upon materialist reductionism, identifying the accumulation of semen with the
strengthening of sexual desire. Yet the two do not necessarily act in concert,
as anyone knows who has visited some sexual resort such as a sauna and felt
sexual desire far more frequently than the body is able to replenish its supply
of semen. Conversely, one may go for long periods while the body is
manufacturing semen without feeling sexual desire. The hydraulic concept of
sexual desire seems onesided: it does not take into account the key role of
external stimuli in triggering desire - not to mention feelings and ideas not
directly linked to simple organic processes.
Wayne R. Dynes
Hypocrisy
Hypocrisy
is a combination of malice with an external appearance of goodness whereby a
human being deceives himself or others. The Greek word hypokrites used in the Gospels
signified in profane Greek an actor, one who played a role on the stage that
was not his true persona. The subject of hypocrisy merits particular attention
in a work on homosexuality if only because many reference works (such as the
three editions of the Great
Soviet Encyclopedia and the new, multi-volume Theologische Realenzyklopadie) have no entry for it at
all, and even some religious encyclopedias merely summarize Jesus' reproaches
to the scribes and Pharisees, as if hypocrisy had indeed flourished among the
Jews in New Testament times but vanished with the triumph of Christianity.
In general terms, the hypocrite feigns a morality and a virtue that are foreign
to his inner self. In a religious context, he attempts to deceive God by
outward compliance with his commandments that masks the inner unbelief of the
soul. For Jesus the hypocrisy of Pharisaic circles lay in their minute
observance of the ritual and ceremonial laws of Judaism, while neglecting and
even violating the moral precepts of their religion.
Historical Considerations. In the high Middle Ages
the Christian Church established itself as an absolute moral authority within a
closed system. From the end of the thirteenth century onward, it imposed upon
the homosexuals of Western Europe a regime of lifelong hypocrisy if they were
to exist within a society that rigorously tabooed every form of homoerotic
attraction and gratification. They were obliged to profess an exclusive
interest in the opposite sex, to engage in courtship and other heterosexual
rituals, and even to enter marriages which they had not the slightest
inclination or wish to consummate. The art of masking his true interests and
desires became part of the socialization of every homosexual, a crux of his
"human condition," and a lifelong burden and torment.
Donald Webster Cory (pseudonym of Edward Sagarin) wrote in his landmark The Homosexual in America, 1951): "Society has
handed me a mask to wear, a ukase that it shall never be lifted except in the
presence of those who hide with me behind its protective shadows. Everywhere I
go, at all times and before all sections of society, I pretend. As my being
rebels against the hypocrisy that is forced upon me, I realize that its
greatest repercussion has been the wave of self-doubt that I must harbor.. .. And, though adamant, on an intellectual
level, in my negative response [to this self-doubt], I find it difficult to
reconcile self-pride with cowardice, abnegation, the wearingof the mask and
the espousal of hypocrisy - in short, with an outward acceptance of the mores
of the hostile society."
Canon Derrick Sherwin Bailey asserted in his Homosexuality and the Western Christian
Tradition (1955): "It is not as if, throughout the last two
millennia, reluctant legislatures had been forced by the spiritual authority
to enact laws and to prescribe punishments which they secretly detested. ... In the Middle Ages ecclesiastic and
layman, Church and State, were in principle unanimous... about the recompense meet for indulgence in homosexual
practices." But later in the same volume he pleads on behalf of the
Church: "None of these enactments, as far as the evidence goes, seems to
have been implemented by any vigorous campaign to suppress sodomy or to
exterminate the pederast. . . . There is no proof that large numbers of
persons were put to death simply and solely because they had committed some
homosexual offence. Indeed, it is doubtful whether such delinquents were ever
handed over by the Church to the civil power after conviction in the
ecclesiastical courts. In practice homosexual offenders only became liable to
the severity of the law if their behaviour was attributable to heretical ideas,
or if immorality in conduct was accompanied by grave error in belief."
In other words, medieval legislators unanimously held that the crime of Sodom
- because it threatened the community with divine retribution - merited the
penalty of death, but after enacting the appropriate laws enforced them only in
rare and exceptional cases where the accused was guilty as well of heresy. A
fuller confession of the hypocrisy of church and state in regard to
homosexuality could hardly be imagined. And in fact, prosecutions were
sporadic, often limited to brief periods during which the populace was excited
by religious fanatics, and never succeeded in apprehending a majority of those
engaging in such "unnatural" practices. But as a result of the
policy of the Church, homosexuals were driven to the margin of Christian
society to eke out a clandestine existence fraught with illegality and
insecurity, the prey of police informers and blackmailers, and always exposed
to extortion, robbery, and violence.
Contemporary Forms. On the subject of
homosexuality cowardice and hypocrisy have long been second nature. The
compulsion to play the hypocrite was a straitjackct that tore into the flesh of
every homosexual in the Western world, yet was also the Tamhelm, the cap that made him
invisible to an uncomprehending and vindictive society. That this form of
medieval intolerance should have survived into the last quarter of the
twentieth century bears witness to the tenacity with which the church clings to
its medieval beliefs, even in the midst of an otherwise enlightened political
order.
The newest guise of hypocrisy has been the assertion of not a few theologians
and church bodies that "the homosexual condition" is morally
neutral, but that every expression of it is unnatural and immoral, that church
and society should accept the homosexual but only on the condition that he
refrain from his perverted behavior. But what practical value can such
toleration have for the exclusively homosexual individual? It would accord him
no more right to sexual expression than he had in the late Middle Ages; the
difference is one of terminology, not of substance. Another argument is that
"society should keep the laws against sodomy on the books but not enforce
them" in order to express its disapproval of homosexual conduct. Such a
policy violates elementary principles of jurisprudence, namely that the
subject of the law should know his rights and obligations and that the law
should be enforced uniformly, not sporadically or capriciously. Having seldom
enforced statutes on the books invites random violence against victims who know
that the law affords them no protection, while sanctioning arbitrary acts of
police power and encouraging police harassment and corruption that in turn
strengthen the grip of the underworld on the public life of the gay community.
Critique. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, in
his Letter to the Soviet
Leaders (1974), writes of the official ideology of
Marxism-Leninism: "In our country today nothing constructive rests upon it; it is a sham, cardboard,
theatrical prop - take it away and nothing will collapse, nothing will even
wobble. . . . The ideology does nothing now but sap our strength and bind us.
It clogs up the whole life of society - minds, tongues, radio and press - with
lies, lies, lies. For how else can something dead pretend that it is living
except by erecting a scaffolding of lies?" All this is true, mutatis mutandis, of the situation of the
homosexual in Western society: nothing constructive rests upon the official
ideology of obligatory heterosexuality; take it away and nothing will collapse
or even wobble. The fiction of an ascetic morality does nothing but sap the
strength of homosexuals and bind them,- it clogs up their entire Uves with lies, lies, lies. Acceptance
of the principle that the individual should be forthright about his sexual
interests and orientation - even while respecting the citizen's right to the
privacy of his sexual acts - is the precondition for dealing honestly with the
problems of sexual life and for promoting the legitimate goals of the state as
they pertain to sexual activity and its consequences. The demand of the gay
liberation movement for the right to "come out," to Uve one's sexual Ufe truthfuliy and
unashamedly, to end the regime of obligatory heterosexuality, parallels
Solzhenitsyn's appeal to the Soviet leadership to end the anachronistic rule
of unanimity and conformity in political life. This goal - the end of hypocrisy
in sexual Ufe - will serve a higher morality than the one which condemns
every expression of the erotic impulse as "sinful" and strives for
asexuality as a glorious ideal.
Warren Johansson