D
Damian, Peter, Saint (ca. 1007-1072)
Italian
prelate and ecclesiastical writer. Originally of Ravenna, by dint of rigorous
austerity and solitary prayer he reluctantly became superior of the hermitage
of Fonte Avellana (1043) and corresponded with emperor Henry HI. As a trusted
counselor of three popes, he became cardinal bishop of Ostia in 1057, and then
papal legate to France, to Florence, and finally to Germany, where in 1072 he
persuaded Henry IV not to divorce his wife Bertha. (Henry IV was perhaps
bisexual and has been analyzed as unstable because of a troubled childhood
during which an archbishop kidnapped him from his mother.)
Alongwith thefanaticHumbert - soon to be made a cardinal - whose mission to
Constantinople in 1054 resulted in permanent schism between the Orthodox and
Catholic churches, Peter Damian was an ally of Hildebrand, the leader of the
papal reform movement. Hildebrand, as pope Gregory VII (1073-1085), challenged
lay control of the Church, particularly the domination by the German emperors,
which initiated a two-hundred-year-long struggle that weakened both. Gregory
VII claimed supremacy in Western Christendom, denying the old Gelasian
doctrine that emperors were of equal power and dignity with popes. In his Dictatus Papae (1076), the uncompromising
Gregory insisted that popes could make and unmake kings and emperors, judge
everyone but be judged by no one, and that anyone who defied them could not
gain entrance to Heaven.
Although he is often described as less fanatic than Humbert and Gregory,
Damian, an informal member of the papal circle, was actually more fierce than
they about several matters. He was vigorous in denouncing Nicolaism, the sin of
clerical marriage, for he believed that wives and children would distract
priests from serving the church with all their heart and also might incline
them to skim church funds for their families and to pass on their offices to
their sons. It was largely owing to his influence that the higher secular
clergy - priests and bishops - had to give up their wives and concubines. Until
then most of them, like those in lower orders, deacons, exorcists, acolytes,
and so forth, often had female "housekeepers" or even wives, as
priests in the Orthodox church still today may marry. Once the papal reformers
demanded and began to enforce chastity for secular clergy, as popes did from
the mid-eleventh century (just when they also began to insist that kings not
divorce or abandon their wives), homosexuality became as great a problem for
the secular clergy in the outside world as it had been for monks from their
earliest days. This happened when monks fled the company of women to the Egyptian
desert and were later cloistered in monasteries, that is, walled into areas
from which women and often other outsiders were excluded. The eleventh-century
reform movements, under the banner of a return to the selfless vita apostolica of the first Christians,
attempted to restore the full rigor of monastic life after it had fallen into
desuetude as a result of unsettled political conditions. The monks henceforth
lived only with one another, under strict rules designed to discourage sexual
contact and under the watchful eye of the abbot who was empowered to flog them when other coercive
measures failed.
Secular clerics were far harder to control than monks. They mingled freely with
the laity, heard their confessions, and often visited them or received them
alone. Their opportunity for homosexual as well as for heterosexual contact was
far greater than that of monks, and bishops' supervision was more distant and
generally much laxer than that of abbots. Many seculars attained their posts as
the younger sons or brothers of nobles or, in the case of poor priests, through
less exalted family connections. Not a few bought their offices - the sin of
simony, named for Simon Magus, who tried to buy his way into heaven, a sin
Peter Damián
denounced bitterly. But
homosexual sodomy became a greater problem once celibacy was demanded of the
secular clergy. Although some always cohabited with women (which the Protestant
reformers in the sixteenth century were to allow again if they married), secular
clerics after the eleventh century increasingly had to live apart from women,
and as they did, sodomy among them probably increased, though Protestant
propaganda exaggerated its frequency among the Catholic clergy.
The whole issue of clerical celibacy raises psychological, biological, and
philosophical issues which the apologists for Roman Catholicism have never
fully faced. Can an instinct exist in human beings only to be denied and
suppressed? If procreation is the sole legitimate end of sexual activity, why
should any part of the population be forbidden to procreate, all the more as
the church condemned castration on the ground that the reproductive powers of
a human being should never be abolished? It has been maintained that
administrative convenience underlay the whole policy: a celibate clergy would
have no wives and children to maintain, could be moved from one locale to
another with a minimum of burdens, and so forth. It is probably also true that
a sexually inhibited and frustrated clergy would be more prone to implement the
antisexual policies of the church out of envy and
resentment for those who sought - in defiance of the Church's teaching - to
obtain illicit sexual gratification. On the other hand, the eccentric Russian
social critic Vasilii Vasil'evich Rozanov maintained that homosexuals
instigated the church to adopt ascetic policies as a way of separating men from
women, and also to provide themselves with a cozy haven in which they would
not be encumbered with the obligations of heterosexual marriage and family
life. However, in an age when the clergy hada virtual
monopoly on higher learning, such policies, with the intelligentsia as a class
doomed not to reproduce itself, might in the long run result in the genetic
impoverishment of the population.
In 1059 in his almost hysterical Liber Gomorrhianus, addressed
to Pope Leo IX, Peter Damián denounced clerical sodomites. Although the
Pope refused the extreme punishments Damián
recommended, and expressly
and firmly proclaimed that there was no need to depose sodomitical clerics,
persecution increased with the growing organization of the church. In 1045 a
local synod excommunicated sodomites along with heretics. In 1104 Guibert de
Nogent noted that heretics near Soissons were accused of homosexual acts. At
the same time the scholastic Anselm of Laon condemned heresy and sodomy as
forms of sacrilege and deserving of death. The council of Nablus in 1120
enacted into law the death penalty for heresy and sodomy which it saw as two
aspects of the same offense.
PeterDamian thus ushered in the period of intensified condemnation and
repression of sodomy that culminated in the total outlawry of homosexual expression
in the late thirteenth century.
See also Christianity; Clergy, Gay; Monasticism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Peter Damián, Book of Gomorrah: An Eleventh-Century Treatise Against Clerical
Homosexual Practices, ed. Pierre J. Payer, Waterloo,
Ont.:
Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1982;
Michael Goodich, The Unmentionable Vice: Homosexuality in the Later Medieval Period, Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio,
1979.
William A. Percy
Dance
The impulse to execute
patterned rhythmic movements that are different from simply walking or running
lies deep in the human constitution. Dancelike forms are employed by some animal
species for courtship and communication. As it has evolved, human dancing may
be divided into social, ritual, folk, and art dance.
Early Forms. In ancient Greece dance events were
associated with the sexually ambivalent god Dionysus. In many cases dance
festivals that began as religious were transformed into opportunities for
lasciviousness. In Athens at the Cotyttia festival dance performances took
place by men in women's clothes in which the ceremonies, which at first had
referred only symbolically to sex, gradually passed into homosexual orgies.
During Roman times the castrated priests of Cybele were alleged to use
religious dances as a prelude to the seduction of young men. In Islam, with its
rigid segregation of the sexes, a long tradition has existed of boy dancers for
the entertainment of adult men. The popularity of masked balls in
eighteenth-century Europe permitted some revelers to dress as members of the
opposite sex and to engage in amorous dalliance with members of their own.
Modern Social Dancing. In a remarkable description in Sodome et Gomorrhe - the encounter of Charlus and Jupien
- Marcel Proust analyzed the separate segments of a male-male cruising episode
in terms of dance. From the end of the nineteenth century homosexual balls have
been given in which some male attendees dress up in glamorous women's attire.
These events, frequently held on Hallowe'en, were tolerated as social oddities.
Generally speaking, however, the law banned homosexuals and lesbians from
ballroom dancing in which the couples hold one another. Changes in legal
climate in most Western countries eliminated this barrier, and gay bars began
holding "tea dances," sometimes to raise money for charities. The
phenomenon of disco, which began in the early 1970s, was particularly
associated with male-homosexual patronage. Opposed to disco is the punk rock
trend, which has its own dance forms, most notably the "slam dance,"
which features turbulent mass body contact in a usually all-male context; the
participants, however, are generally unaware of the implicit homosexuality
involved.
Modem Art Dance. Familiarity with the world of classical
ballet and modern dance reveals a disproportionate number of male homosexuals
among the performers. Anton Dolin, who had his own company in England, and John
Cranko, former director of the Stuttgart Ballet, stand out among dance figures
who were straightforward about their sexuality. Despite great advances in the
standing of dance in the middle decades of the twentieth century, the notion
lingers among the general public that, in contradistinction to athletics, dance
is not a truly masculine activity.
The explanation for these facts lies in part in the history of dancing. Before
the French Revolution men dominated the dance, usually also assuming women's
roles since respectable women were generally barred from the medium. Even
kings such as Louis XIV performed in ballets. After 1800 the status of dancing
declined, while at the same time women began to dominate, even dancing men's
roles on occasion. The ballet girl as the plaything of the libertines became
almost a stereotype in Victorian times. It is difficult to recover the
biographical details of male ballet dancers during this period; many married
women, but no small number of them were probably gay.
In the early twentieth century a remarkable upgrading of the status of ballet
occurred. A remarkable group of innovative women, including Loie Fuller, Ruth
Duncan, Mary Wigman, Ruth St. Denis, and Martha Graham, created modern dance. The
homosexual impresario Sergei Diaghilev introduced the Russian ballet to the
West. Inspired by his love, Diaghilev repeatedly shaped his erotic proteges
into world-class dancers: Vaslav Nijinsky, Léonide Massine, Anton Dolin (born Patrick Healey
Kay), and Serge Lifar. Ironically, in Russia, perhaps because boys were sent
to ballet schools for economic reasons, most dancers remained heterosexual.
It is perhaps of interest that of the two great male dancers to have left the
Soviet Union after World War II, one is gay, the other heterosexual.
Several homosexual composers achieved notable success in writing ballets,
including Tean-Baptiste Lully, Peter Hitch Tchaikovsky, and Aaron Copland.
Tchaikovsky's Sleeping
Beauty (1890)
and Swan Lake (1877) are particular favorites of gay
audiences.
A pivotal figure in American ballet was Ted Shawn, who formed the Denishawn
company with Ruth St. Denis. Perhaps because he himself was bisexual, Shawn
went to considerable lengths to dispell dance's sissy reputation. He employed
athletes to provide an aggressive show of masculinity. Hollywood dancers - at
least those who became famous as distinct from the chorus boys - were heterosexual,
but belonged to different genres: tapdancers and jazz dancers.
In the more liberal climate of the 1960s all-male dances began to be common.
The avant-garde Merce Cunningham, who has shared his life with the composer
John Cage, was the inspirer of the unisex trend in "postmodern"
dance. In Brussels Maurice Béjart
innovated with shifts in sex
roles in his company at the Theatre de
la Monnaie in Brussels,- in 198 7
he was succeeded there by
Mark Morris, who continues the tradition, though in an entirely different way.
A documentary film, Míe and Murray, tells the story of danceworld luminaries
Alwin Nikolais and Murray Louis, treating their long-term relationship simply
as a matter of fact.
Understandably, dancers are anxious to protect their reputation from
imputations of homosexuality, which would make their performances in classic
male-female roles less credible. One group which has no such problem is New
York's transvestite Les Ballets Trockadero de Montecarlo, which spoofs not only
gender roles, but art dance itself.
Conclusion. What are the reasons for the affinity of gay
men and dance? In part they are economic: the poor income can be borne by a
single man more easily than a married one with children (women dancers are
often married to a male breadwinner). Then there is the appeal of a
"chameleon" role, a successful simulation before a demanding
audience,- the satisfaction that is gained in this way is not unlike that of
the actor, the diplomat, and the spy. Professional dancing allows gay men to
indulge a love of colorful costume and makeup during periods of gray social
conformity. It may be also that the exhibitionism inherent in the profession is
sexual sublimation. The performances are suffused with eroticism and emotion in
a setting of simulated and unconsummated heterosexuality. This profession may
be regarded as a haven from the harsh worlds of commerce and masculine competition,
a haven in which one may nonetheless show one's excellence. Finally there is
the social magnetism inherent in stereotypingitself: because dance was thought
to be "faggy," impressionable young gay men were drawn to it.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Judith Lynne Hanna, "Patterns of Dominance: Men, Women, and Homosexuality
in Dance," The Drama Review, 31 (1987), 22^*7.
Ward Houser
Dandyism
The dandy has been since
antiquity the man who prides himself on being the incarnation of elegance and
of male fashion. The word itself stems from the Romantic period in the
nineteenth century, when the character type reached its apogee; England and
France were the principal countries in which it flourished. Charles Baudelaire
(1821-1867) was one of the first to perceive that the type was not limited to
the age just preceding his own, but had emerged across the centuries in some
celebrated historical figures. Jules Barbey d'Aurevilly (1808-1889) wrote an Essay on Dandyism and George Brummel (1845), dealing with Beau Brummell
(1778-1840), the most famous English representative of the dandy in the London
of George IV.
History of the Type. Ancient Greece saw two classical specimens of
the dandy: Agathon and Alcibiades. In Plato's Symposium Agathon is a poet and tragedian, not merely
handsome, but obsessed with the most trivial details of his wardrobe.
Aristophanes shows him using a razor to keep his cheeks as smooth and
glistening as marble, wearing sumptuous clothing in the latest Ionian fashion.
Later in the same dialogue Alcibiades also enters the stage, the most dazzling
figure of the jeunesse
doree of Athens, richer and
more influential than Agathon, and never sparing any expenditure that would enhance
his renown.
In the Renaissance the aristocratic male sported colorful and ostentatious
clothing that paralleled the brilliant plumage of the peacock or the flowing
mane of the male lion - as can be seen from the portraits of that era. Somewhat
later, the Macaroni Club in the London of George III united members of the
upper class who became proverbial for their elaborate costumes - which earned
them the reproach of effeminacy; it is to this assemblage that the line of
"Yankee Doodle" alludes: "Stuck a feather in his cap/And called
it macaroni." It was in the period when the costume of the bourgeoisie -
the merchant class - was becoming ever more somber that the dandy reached full
flower. During the first quarter of the nineteenth century dandyism was a characteristically
English phenomenon, then with the mounting influence of the British aristocracy
and gentry on the upper classes of the continent it spread there as well.
Outfitted by the renowned tailors of the English capital, the dandy made his
mark on elegant society. A Frenchman, Alfred de Grimaud, Count d'Orsay, dazzled
a London struck by both his physical beauty and his stylish dress, yet a
biographer of his noted that "Nature had lavished all her gifts on him but
denied him the virility that enables one to conquer the fair sex." Having
become the lover of Lady Blessington, he accompanied her to Italy where they
encountered Lord Byron at Genoa.
A later incarnation of the dandy was Robert de Montesquiou-Fezensac
(1855-1921), the "professor of beauty," as he was styled by Marcel
Proust, for whom he was the model of the Baron de Charlus in A la recherche du temps perdu, as he had earlier suggested Des Esseintes to
Joris-Karl Huysmans in A
Rebours. He
adorned and perfumed his person in a style worthy of a fin-de-siecle decadent scion of the nobility. Another
aesthete of this era, Oscar Wilde, affected a particularly striking costume
when he made a lecture tour of the United States, capitalizing on a character
featured in the Gilbert and Sullivan opera Patience (1881).
In the Britain of the 1960s, newly affluent youth reacted against the drabness
of the postwar years and began to experiment with dress, first recycling fancy
Edwardian castoffs and then donning made-to-order Carnaby Street gear. While these
trends, which migrated from "swinging London" to the United States
and elsewhere on a crest of enthusiasm for British popular music, were largely
heterosexual, leather fashions began with gay men - originally those in the S/M
subculture - and penetrated all advanced Western societies in the 1980s.
Rationale. The relation of the dandy to male
homosexuality is complicated. As a rule the homosexual - more than the male who
is attracted to women - feels the need to distinguish his person in some way,
is more conscious of the world of male fashion and more likely to be
narcissistically preoccupied with his image. Naturally not all the dandies of
the past were homosexual or bisexual, and an element of leisure class
self-demarcation and snobbery enters into the picture. Since it is usually the
male of the species whom nature makes physically more noteworthy, the
male-female antithesis in style of dress that has prevailed in Western culture
since the French Revolution reverses the immemorial state of affairs. The
notion that only a woman may be preoccupied with her wardrobe and that a man
should dress simply and even unobtrusively is of recent date.
The dandy is also relevant to the role of the homosexual subculture in determining
male fashion. Not a few of the idols of stage and screen, and of course
professional models, have been attracted to their own sex, whatever facade they
maintained in deference to the prevailing heterosexual mores. In these
individuals, and particularly in their public image, the perceptive eye can
often discern a homoerotic element, a subtle blending of the masculine and
feminine which the heterosexual cannot easily capture.
Originally a paragon of leisure-class ostentation, the dandy toward the end of
the nineteenth century took on a new social identity as a type of the aesthete,
of the bearer of a culture that flaunted its scorn for the humdrum way of life
of the staid middle class. The convention that a gentleman could wear only
custom-made clothing, never ready-made and hence mass-produced garments, also
played into the hands of the dandy who could order a costume that would be his
very own, shaped to stress the elegance of his figure, and even able to
determine fashion.
The dandy exemplifies the symbolic value of clothing in European civilization,
the use of costume for self-definition and self-affirmation, and also an expression
of the aesthetic in private life, where clothes merge with the personality of
the wearer and confirm his status in the eyes of others. In this scheme the
homoerotic element lies chiefly in the narcissism, the attention to one's own
male beauty, the pleasure in holding a mask between one's true self and the
gaze of others.
See also Theatre and Drama; Transvestism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Françoise
Coblence, Le Dandysme, obligation d'inceititude, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1988; Patrick Favardin and Laurent Bouexière, Le Dandysme, Paris: La Manufacture, 1988; Simone François, Le Dandysme et Marcel
Proust: de Brummell au baron de Charlus, Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1956.
Warren Johansson
Dante Alighieri (1265-1321)
Italian poet, critic, and
political thinker. A Florentine patrician, Dante was an active member of the
Guelph party. As a youth he had a profound spiritual experience in an encounter
with the young Beatrice Portinari; after her death he submerged himself in the
study of philosophy and poetry. In 1302 Dante was banished from Florence,
pursuing his literary career in various other cities of Italy. He died and was
buried in Ravenna.
Dante's masterpiece, written in exile, was the Divina Commedia, divided into the three major parts, the Inferno, the Purgatorio,
and the Paradiso that relate his imaginary voyage through
Hell, Purgatory, and Heaven. The presence in both the Inferno and the Purgatorio of groups of "sodomites" has given
rise to a series of debates over the centuries. These passages must be
interpreted in the larger context of the great poem's situations and personnel.
In his imaginary travels Dante encountered many persons of note, including one
whom he named as his master: Brunetto Latini (ca. 1212-1294).
The
sodomites of the Inferno
(cantos
15 and 16) are seen running under a rain of fire, condemned never to stop if
they wish to avoid the fate of being nailed to the ground for a hundred years
with no chance of shielding themselves against the flames. Having recognized
Dante, Brunetto Latini called him to speak with him, voicing an important
prophecy of Dante's future. In describing his fellow sufferers, Latini
mentioned a number of famous intellectuals, politicians, and soldiers.
In the Purgatorio
(canto
26) the sodomites appear in a different context - together with lustful
heterosexuals. The two categories travel in opposite directions, yelling out
the reason for their punishment.
How can one account for the striking deference and sympathy that Dante shows
for the sodomites ? This matter began to puzzle commentators only a few years
after the poet's death.
Dante's education took place in the thirteenth century when Italy was beginning
to change its attitudes toward homosexual behavior. Conduct which had been a
transgression condemned by religion but viewed with indulgence by everyday
morality assumed increasing seriousness in the eyes of the laity. For Dante it
was still possible - as it had commonly been through the first half of the thirteenth
century - to separate human and divine judgment with respect to sodomy. As a
Christian Dante placed those who were guilty of that crime in Hell, but as a
man of his time he did not deem the behavior grave enough to blot out the
admiration that he retained for some of those guilty of it. Hence Dante
vouchsafed to the sodomite Latini, and not to others, the prophecy that has
been mentioned.
This approach became simply incomprehensible only a generation after the poet's
death. For Dante's commentators sodomy was a sin of such gravity that it was
inconceivable for them to treat with respect men seared with such
"infamy."
How then could Dante's own attitude to be understood? How could one explain his
placement of a man he respected and admired, Brunetto Latini, in such a circle
of infamy?
There were few who, like Francesco da Buti (1324 - 1406), one of the most
esteemed of the older commentators of Dante, saw that for Dante "the
vicious man who is guilty of some sin may have virtue in himself, for which he
merits honor and respect," and that Dante, with regard to Brunetto, had
"honored the virtue that lay within him, disregarding the vice."
Over the centuries, in an effort to reconcile what appeared to later readers
irreconcilable the commentators set forth a series of very odd explanations.
That Dante had spoken of Brunetto Latini and the sodomites with too much
sympathy because he too shared their feelings was the conclusion of one
anonymous commentator of the fourteenth century. Another wild suggestion is
that the shameless Latini had made an attempt on Dante's own virtue, and that
hence Dante's gentle words are in reality sarcasm that must be understood
"in the opposite sense" (Guiniforto deiBargigi; 1406-after 1460?).
Then, foreshadowing a thesis that would be favored by medical opinion in the
twentieth century, it was suggested that there were two types of sodomites,
those by "choice" and those who are such by "necessity."
The latter were less savage that the former, having sinned only because they
had no other possibility of having sex, and it is of these that Dante speaks in
the Inferno. (This last is the thesis
of an anonymous commentator who wrote between 1321 and 1337.)
The debate on Dante's motives has continued until our own day. In 1950 Andre
Pezard devoted a whole book, Dante
sous la pluie de feu, to an effort to show that the sin for which Brunetto and
his companions were being punished was sodomy not in the usual sense, but in an
allegorical one: sodomie
spirituelle, which in Brunetto's case meant having used the French
language as a medium for one of his works.
Opposed to this attempt to "cleanse" the Inferno of homosexuals was Giuseppe
Aprile. His 1977 book, Dante,
Infemi dentro e fuori, offers a "psychoanalytic reading" of Dante's
poem that takes up the old thesis of Dante's personal homosexuality: it was
their common predilection that made the poet treat the sodomites so gently.
The authoritative Encyclopedia
Dantesca has sought to bring the conflict to an end, taking adequate
account of Dante's indulgent judgment as the correct key for solving the
supposed "enigma" of the band of sodomites. As regards the reason
for Brunetto Latini's presence among the sodomites, Avalle D'Arco's recent
confirmation of the attribution to him of a long love poem directed to a man,
"S'eo son distretto inamoramente," shows that it was probably on the
basis of facts that were publicly known in Dante's time that he was consigned
to Hell.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Giuseppe Aprile, Dante, Infemi dentio e fuozi, Palermo: II Vespro, 1977;
Silvio Avalle D'Arco, Ai luoghi di delizia pieni, Milan: Ricciardi, 1976;
Giovanni Dall'Orto, "L'omosessualità nella poesia volgare italiana
fino al tempo di Dante," Sodoma, 3 (1986), 13-35 (with further bibliography); Enciclopedia Dantesca, Rome: Istituto della
Enciclopedia Italiana, 1976, vol. 5, pp. 285-87; André Pézard, Dante sous la pluie de feu, Paris: Vrin, 1950.
Giovanni Dall'Orto
Daughters of Bilitis
See Bilitis.
David and Jonathan
The
biblical story of David (ca. 1012-972 b.c.) and his loving friend
Jonathan has long been a source of inspiration for Western homoerotic art and
literature, and has been construed as the one episode in the Judeo-Christian
scriptures which affirms at least passionate attachment between two males, if
not an outright homosexual relationship. The nature of this friendship,
however, can only be glimpsed through a veil of legend.
David himself ranks as a central figure in the Judeo-Christian tradition,
revered by Christians as an ancestor of Jesus Christ. Jesus is described as of
the "House of David," in accordance with an Old Testament prophecy
regarding the Messiah, and his title "Christ" means "the
Anointed One," reflecting back on David who was anointed King of Israel.
Thus Jesus is given royal ancestry in addition to his divinity. Jews admire him
as Israel's greatest king and national hero, ruler of an impressive Near
Eastern empire at the turn of the first millennium b.c., and (putative) author of the Psalms.
Sources. The earliest sources about
David are often judged to stem ultimately from the reign of his successor
Solomon and in any case probably predate the Babylonian Exile of the sixth
century b.c. The key early material
on David's life, a compilation of sometimes conflicting narratives, appears in
the Old Testament books of Samuel; a later version treating only his reign is
found in the books of Chronicles. Later Jewish and Christian traditions
magnified his role as a cultural, political, and spiritual hero.
The youngest son of a wealthy Bethlehem landowner, David is first seen as a
shepherd, a cunning musician, and valiant, if underage, warrior, who rose to
the position of armor-bearer and soothing harpist for Israel's first king,
Saul, who "loved him greatly" [I Samuel 16:21) at first sight. In
combat with the giant Goliath, the boy vanquished the champion of the
Israelites' arch-enemies, the Philistines, with a stone from a slingshot. This
deed caused Saul, who in this text seems unacquainted with David, to bring the
boy into the royal household, where he came to enjoy a close relationship with
Saul's son, Jonathan. They forged a compact of some sort, and Jonathan doffed
his clothes and
gave them to David. Although Saul resented David's popularity, he rewarded
further martial deeds (bringing him the foreskins of 200 Philistines) by giving
him his daughter Michal in marriage. David's star continued to rise, until Saul
resolved to kill him. Both Michal and Jonathan took David's side against their
father, helping him escape. After various adventures in hiding, David learned
that both Saul and Jonathan were killed in battle with the Philistines, and he
became king of Israel, having numerous wives and concubines, and sons by them.
His otherwise glorious reign is marred by his passionate heterosexual
adultery with Bathsheba, which led him to connive at the death of her husband
Uriah, and a revolt by David's fratricidal son Absalom.
David's Beauty. The biblical description of David as
"ruddy, and withal of a beautiful countenance, and goodly to look to"
(I Samuel 16:12; repeated at 17:42) has made David an icon of sensuous male
attractiveness not unlike Greek Apollo and Ganymede, or Roman Antinous, but within the Judeo-Christian sacred tradition,
and hence a more legitimate subject for European Christian artists and writers
during periods when religious-based cultural inhibitions surrounded the theme
of male beauty. "Goodly to look to," it has been suggested, signifies
that he had beautiful eyes, a quality much prized in ancient Mesopotamia.
David often appears in medieval and Renaissance art, though usually without
Jonathan. The teen-aged bronze David figure (ca. 1435) of Donatello, now in the
Bargello at Florence, radiates homoerotic sentiment. In 1501-04, Michelangelo
created his heroic marble David as a symbol of the city of Florence, but
doubtless also reflecting his interest in youthful male beauty.
Jonathan. A careful review of the sources suggests that
in the relationship between David and Jonathan, it was Jonathan who was the
desiring partner, submissive and perhaps somewhat effeminate, while David
appears less committed (there are many references to Jonathan's love for David,
but in no text is David said to "love" Jonathan) and more macho, perhaps
something of a political opportunist. Establishment scholars and churchmen have
insisted that there is no sign of an erotic link betwen the two men, denying
that there is any evidence that would afford the basis for an interpretive
context for such a link. The narrative of their relationship, however, is
highly charged: "The soul of Jonathan was knit with the soul of David, and
Jonathan loved him as his own soul. . . . Jonathan, Saul's son, delighted much
in David. . . . Then said Jonathan unto David, Whatsover thy soul desireth, I
will even do it for thee. They kissed one another, and wept one with another,
until David exceeded." (I Samuel 18:1, 19:1, 20:40-41). After Jonathan's
death, David laments: "I am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan: very
pleasant hast thou been unto me: thy love to me was wonderful, passing the love
of women." [II Samuel 1:26). In retrospect, the great womanizer David
compared Jonathan's love favorably to that bestowed by men on women.
Ward Houser
There are, in addition, two
other passages that deserve close scrutiny. The first of these is I Samuel
20:30, in which the irate Saul hurls at Jonathan a series of epithets which the
King James version renders: "Thou son of the perverse rebellious woman,
do not I know that thou hast chosen the son of Jesse to thine own confusion,
and unto the confusion of thy mother's nakedness?" There is no indication
in Samuel of any reason for Saul to cast aspersions on Jonathan's royal mother,
so the text in the Rabbinic Bibles may be corrupt. The first clause in the
standard versions of the received Hebrew text reads essentially as rendered
above, but following the Septuagint it could be read and interpreted as: ben nH'arot haniordot, "Thou son of the man-crazy harlot!"
Saint Jerome, who was usually sensitive to erotic nuances of his original,
translates as fill
muliehs viium ultio rapientis, "son
of a woman pursuing the man of her own desire." The second part of the
quotation in Hebrew (amending haber
for bdhei, in conformity with the Greek of the
Septuagint), could then be rendered as: "do I not know that thou art the darling of the son of Jesse, to thine own shame and
the shame of thy profligate mother? "John Chrysostom paraphrased the passage as "son of
man-crazy harlots running after the effete, thou enervated and effeminate and
having nothing of a man." This reading suggests that Saul was reproaching
Jonathan for homosexuality, or at least that the virulently homophobic Chrysostom
(a.d.
347-407) so understood it. If this interpretation is correct, what Saul is
denouncing is probably not homosexuality as such, but rather the politically unacceptable
subordination of the prince to his dangerous rival (in Saul's eyes) David; for
Jonathan was David's "liege lord" and should have taken the
masculine/dominant role with him, while the final words of the exclamation
show that Saul suspected David's political ambitions on the throne.
The second passage is I Samuel 20:41, which depicts the meeting of David and
Jonathan in the field, where the prince warns the soldier to flee for his life.
They kissed, they wept, "until David exceeded" {'ad higdfl). The question here is the meaning of the
Hebrew verb higdfl,
which the King James
translators rendered literally, following the second-century Greek version of
Aquila. Yet the analogy of a root of similar meaning in the cognate Arabic
language, a type of comparison of recognized value among Biblical scholars,
offers a much better interpretation. HigdTl
is derived from the
adjective gadol,
"large," which has
an exact parallel in Arabic akbara,
"to have an erection;
to ejaculate," alongside the adjective, kabirun, "large." The variant readings of
the Septuagint and of a some Hebrew manuscripts also suggest that the Hebrew
originally had 'adhagdel,
rendered in Greek as heos tes synteleias, "until the ejaculation." Of course,
with such a rendering one is left wondering how David could weep to the point
of an ejaculation, behaviors not normally associated with each other. Or
perhaps they first wept, then kissed, then David ejaculated, and the compiler
got the sequence wrong as well. Still another possibility is that the physical
contact left David with an erection, that he "grew large," at which
point the narrative drew a discreet veil over the subsequent events. In any
event, there is no suggestion that Jonathan was active,- if there is an erotic
element in this passage, then David was the active partner and Jonathan the passive.
Warren Johansson Subsequent
Interpretations. Although
the philological points just reviewed represent a new understanding of the
text, the popular interpretation of Jonathan and David as lovers has become
relatively well-established in recent times, and some would take it as a
transcultural gloss on the biblical story. In previous centuries it was often
used as a coded reference to homoerotic relations when the mention was socially
discouraged or even punished.
Abraham Cowley's "Davideis" (1656) is an epic poem with abundant
treatment of the friendship motif. In the world of music, George Frideric
Handel's oratorio "Saul" (1739) contains a moving setting of
David's lament upon the death of Jonathan. The erotics of the battle between
David and Goliath feature in Richard Howard's poem "The Giant on
Giant-Killing: Homage to the Bronze David
of Donatello, 1430" in
his book Fellow
Feelings (1976).
Contemporary American literature shows two attempts at fictionalization of the
David narrative. Gladys Schmitt's 1946 novel David the King gives only veiled and unfavorable references
to homosexual attractions. However, Wallace Hamilton's 1979 book David at Olivet not only glamorizes David's
homosexual affairs but makes them central to the book, depicting the young
harpist as soothing the king with more than music. Thus, when David becomes
involved with Jonathan, the king is jealous not of his military prowess and
popularity, but of his son. James Levin, in The Gay Novel (1983), criticizes
Hamilton for not understanding the sexual rituals of ancient Palestinian ethnic
groups, but retrofitting David with a twentieth-century sexual perspective
instead.
Throughout its history the David and Jonathan legend shows a constantly
changing interplay between ancient texts and modem interpretations, an
interplay that will doubtless persist in the future.
Waid Housei
Day, F. Holland (1864-1933)
American
photographer. With, and perhaps even before Alfred Stieglitz, F. Holland Day
was America's first advocate of photography as an art form, as opposed to a
mere technique for recording reality. Day was a key figure in developing the
pictorialist aesthetic which is today associated with the Photo-Secession movement
. Between 1895 and 1910Day's prints were well known and influential both in
America and Europe, making him the first American photographer with an international
reputation.
The only child of a wealthy Boston manufacturer, Day had money to indulge his
tastes: assembling a notable collection of Keats material; publishing fine
books as a partner of Copeland and Day; providing educational expenses and
personal instruction for boys from the Boston slums, such as the poet Kahlil
Gibran, who was Day's most famous discovery and pupil; and, of course, his photography.
Following his meteoric rise and almost equally steep descent as the leader of
the new American photography, Day retired inl917tohis bedroom on the third
floor of the family mansion, spending the fifteen years before his death as a
self-proclaimed invalid.
Day's homosexuality was never openly acknowledged, but may be inferred from the
circumstances of his life, the circle of known homosexuals with whom he
associated, and his work. A number of his finest photographs are male nudes or
Greek themes involving young boys, adolescents or men. Unlike his contemporary
Baron von Gloeden, Day's fall from photographic grace was largely not because
of the sexual undertones of his work. Bostonians were sufficiently cultured to
accept male nudes as "art," though they were scandalized when Day had
himself lashed to a cross on a local hillside and photographed as the dying
Christ for a "sacred series." More important causes were a 1904 fire
which destroyed his studio and much of his work, his own dilettantism and
willful withdrawal from the photographic scene, and his quarrel with Stieglitz,
who simply wrote Day out of photographic history.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
E. F. Clattenberg, The Photographic Work of F. Holland Day, Wellesley, MA: Wellesley
College Museum, 1975,- J. and K. Gibran, Kahlil Gibran: His Life
and Work, Boston: New York Graphic Society, 1974, chapters 3-8;
Estelle Jussim, Slave to Beauty, Boston: Godine, 1981.
Donald Mader
Decadence
A
historic phase of decline or deterioration of a society or nation is sometimes
called decadence. The term is also used more narrowly to denote certain facets
of literature and art in France and England during the last decades of the
nineteenth century, when some of the creative figures of the fin-de-siecle were
homosexual.
Belief in historical decline is probably rooted in the psychological fact that,
as they grow older, human beings
tend to recall earlier phases of their own lives in rosy terms, while deprecating
the present. Projected onto peoples and societies, this experience suggests
that the "good old days" were better than the present, while the
future is likely to be worse yet. In
some conservative modes of thinking this comparison is elevated to an archetypal
pattern.
Classical Models. The Greeks and Romans had two chief models of
epochal decline. According to the first, as outlined by the seventh-century
poet Hesiod, human society began in an Edenic time of harmony and abundance,
termed the Golden Age. In due course, however, this Utopia yielded in turn to Silver and Bronze ages of
increasing barbarism - until society plunged into the final bleak Iron Age.
This pessimistic historical scheme presents a grim picture of successive
stages of decline, the only consolation being the memory of the happiness of
the Golden Age. According to some poets like Vergil and Horace in the entourage
of the emperor Augustus (ruled 27 b.c.-a.d.
14), this age of bliss could return, starting the
cycle anew.
The other model of decline cherished by classical antiquity begins with the
idealization of a primitive past in a rural setting with a low level of technology,
when human society was happy precisely because of scarcity. Since there was
little to steal, theft was rare, and hardship caused people to work together
instead of against each other. "Sweet are the uses of adversity," as
Shakespeare was later to put it. This idealized picture of a stern but virtuous
past held particular appeal for such Roman moralists as Cicero and Juvenal,
who evoked the early days of the Republic as a foil to denounce their own age.
A variation was to locate primitive virtue not in the remote past but in contemporary
tribal societies. Tacitus lauded German uprightness, condemning in contrast
Roman decadence, luxury, covetousness, and self-indulgence. Revealingly, not
until the Christian Salvian, who wrote during the collapse of the Empire in the
fifth century, does homosexual conduct per se figure in the catalog of vices.
Because of the pessimism (or pessimistic realism) of the classical mind these
two models - that of decline from the Golden Age and that of corruption of
primitive virtue - were dominant. A few Greek thinkers, however, did adopt a
more hopeful view, pointing to the triumphs of technology as evidence that
humanity had progressed after all. Moreover, with the official adoption of
Christianity in the fourth century, Eusebius and other Patristic writers elaborated a new concept of progress,
that of advancing states of moral perfection. Thus in Old Testament times, polygamy and even incest (Lot and his
daughters) had under certain circumstances been permissible, but are so no
longer. A great signpost on this road of human moral advance was of course the
Incarnation of Christ, which will lead in due course to the Second Coming and
the restoration of all things. Before the longed-for consummation can be
secured, however, there will be a period of frightful apocalyptic turmoil. This
prospect of sudden reversal - of decline after progress
- was to prove a haunting vision.
The victory of the Moderns in their quarrel with the Ancients in late
seventeenth-century France, as well as the scientific revolution completed at
the same time in Sir Isaac Newton, prepared the way for the Enlightenment
belief in human progress through science and institutional reform for a
mankind that was basically good.
Evolutionary Concepts. The publication of Charles Darwin's Origin of Species in 1859 set the doctrine of evolution on its
triumphant march, seeming to demonstrate scientifically and conclusively that
in the larger scheme of things progress was inevitable. Even here, however,
there were dark patches. Evolutionists recognized a regressive potential in
organisms, the so-called atavisms. Thus the Italian criminologist Cesare
Lombroso lumped homosexuals together with criminals as throwbacks to
a more primitive phase of human existence. Still humanity could maintain
progress by blocking these anachronisms and accelerate it by eugenics.
The overall atmosphere of optimism and uplift notwithstanding, nineteenth-century
political considerations led to a more somber view in some quarters. The
countries of southern Europe were compelled to recognize that the pacesetters
of material progress were found in northwestern Europe, and that they seemed to
be falling inexorably further and further behind. Even in a British Empire
"on which the sun never set" doubts began to be voiced. How secure
were society's foundations? Were savages noble after all? Was Nietzsche right
in Beyond
Good and Evil? Was the Boer War humane?
Historical
and Literary Permutations. It was in France, however, that the theory of decadence
emerged most fully and inf luentially. The word decadence had figured in the title of
Montesquieu's Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains
et de leur decadence (1747), and then of the French translation of Edward
Gibbon's masterwork, and was thus redolent of the perennial problem of the
reasons for Rome's decline. Gradually it came to indicate not simply a
historical phase, but also a qualitative judgment on the state of civilization.
The word decadence was given a new twist by the French critic Desire Nisard in
1834 as a pejorative term for certain literary trends of his own day. Nisard,
whose professional interest was Latin literature, compared the mannerism and
affectation of the Silver Age with certain aspects of the romanticism of his
own day.
The defeat of France in the Franco-Prussian war (1870) induced a profound
undertaking of national self-examination, accompanied in some quarters by a
mood of resignation. In the 1880s the label decadence was actively embraced by
the bisexual poet Paul Verlaine ("Langueur"), the novelist Toris-Karl
Huysmans [A
Rebours], and their followers. Toséphin Péladan, an advocate of androgyny,
wrote a series of novels under the umbrella title "La Décadence
latine," implying that the whole of the Romance world was on the
downward path. Others were fascinated by the regressive history of the
Byzantine Empire and the perverse figure of Salome. While the
"decadent" writers and artists soon found that it was more expedient
to march under the banner of Symbolism, the association of their work with
hot-house sophistication and rarified excess - in short the fin-de-siècle - did not immediately
vanish.
England, much influenced by nineteenth-century French cultural exports, had
her own decadent writers and poets. The disgrace of the most notable of them,
Oscar Wilde, in the three trials of 1895, which had repercussions throughout
Europe, served for many to link the literary concept of decadence with the
image of a perverted lifestyle.
In due course, with the dawning of the new century and especially after the
drama of World War I, much of the old thinking faded away. In the Soviet Union
today, however, the official line still treats every kind of literary and
artistic experiment as dekadentnyî, occasionally labeling its creators as
"pederasts."
Degeneration.
In a
parallel development, biological and pseudobiological thought spread the
concept of degeneration. The French physician Bénédict-Auguste Morel held that the
insalubrious conditions and relentless pressures of modem urban life caused the
emergence of degenerate types who inevitably bequeathed their afflictions to
their descendants [Traité des dégénérescences . . ., 1857). In his insidious L'uomodelinquente of 1889, Lombroso claimed
to have isolated a whole cluster of physical traits characterizing congenital
criminals, including male homosexuals and lesbians. The English Darwinian E.
Ray Lankester linked biological degeneration with the fall of empires [Degeneration, London, 1880). It remained
for the journalist Max Nordau to fuse the literary and biological trends in his
widely read diatribe Entartung
(Degeneration)
of 1891. He held that sexual psychopaths would gain power to compel society to
adapt to them, and even predicted that sexual inverts would become numerous
enough to elect a majority in the imperial German parliament that would vote
persons of the same sex the right to contract legal marriage. Even sadists,
zoophiles, and necrophiliacs, he anticipated, would find regulated opportunity
to gratify their cravings.
His contemporary Friedrich Nietzsche castigated the nineteenth century for its
pervasive decadence, which he likened to the biological decline of an organism,
but saw a possibility of renewal through the cultivation of "Dionysiac
art." Hitler was later to assert that homosexuality had destroyed ancient
Greece - in which Sparta represented for National Socialism the ideal
"Aryan civilization" - and that his Reich must avoid this fate.
Modem Offshoots. A recent variation on the
decadence concept is the notion circulating in some quarters of Afro-American
opinion that sub-Saharan Africa was originally exempt from homosexuality, this
perversion being forced on its inhabitants and their descendants in the New
World as an instrument of colonial subjugation. In this perspective, homosexuality
figures as part of the pathology of the declining white race. However this may
be, there is abundant evidence for homosexuality in Black Africa both before
and after colonization. Ironically it is the fear of homosexuality as a
purported obstacle to progress and modernity that was forced on Africans by
"enlightened" western opinion, not the practice itself. The ultimate
origin of the myth of the sexual exceptionalism of Black Africa is probably
Chapter XLIV of Edward Gibbon's Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire (1781): "I believe, and hope, that the negroes, in
their own country, were exempt from this moral pestilence."
Appraisal. Two final points remain
to be considered: the components of the decadence model, and the question of
whether the sexual side of it can be aptly applied to Greece and Rome. The symptoms
of decadence frequently mentioned are economic recession and dislocation,
population decline, corruption, excessive luxury, widespread neurasthenia,
social alienation and unrest, moral licence, and collapse of trust and honesty.
Insofar as homosexuality has been regarded as a negative factor it has been
added to this list. More specifically, it has been claimed, as among National
Socialists perpetrating the Holocaust, that the homosexual person, by
withdrawing from the procreative pool, contributes to population decline, which
has (as now, for example, in Westem Europe) often provoked anxiety in the
pro-natalist camp. Let us try to enter somewhat further into the mindset which
entertains this mode of thinking. Are the factors cited in this catalogue mere
symptoms or are they causes ? To the extent that homosexuality, say, is simply
- in this view - merely a sign of an underlying malaise, would it make sense to
combat it? It might seem that in this context antihomosexual measures are the equivalent
of slaying the messenger who has brought unwelcome news. As these questions
show, thinking about decadence tends to be emotionally fraught, and in practice
symptoms and causes are thrown together helter-skelter.
These varied aspects notwithstanding, the popular mind still seeks to
inculpate homosexuality in the fate of Greece and Rome, and especially to see
its indulgence as a major cause of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire,
which crumbled in the face of the invading barbarian hordes of the fifth
century, and later lost what had been three-fourths of its territory to the
expansionist zeal of Islam. Can this charge be sustained? The expansive age of
Greece from the seventh through the third century was, according to our documentation,
their age of idealized pederasty. Far from causing a decline in population,
this flowering of same-sex love accompanied an almost explosive increase in
population, requiring the foundation of colonies throughout much of the Mediterranean
world and later the conquests of Alexander the Great in western Asia.
Conversely, the period of Greek decline - the second and first centuries b.c. - corresponded to an incipient sexual puritanism and a
glorification of heterosexual married life.
As for Rome, most of the homosexual scandals reported by such writers as
Suetonius and Tacitus belong to the great age of the first and second century;
according to Gibbon the latter century ranks as one of the greatest ages of
human happiness. Only in the fourth century, under the Christian emperors, did
the Roman state take legal action against consensual male same-sex conduct.
Thus, if the legitimacy of this general line of macrohistorical moralism be
allowed - and probably it should not be - the unwise suppression of
homosexuality failed to revive the might of the Roman empire, and may even have
hastened its decline. To be sure, as we have seen, Roman writers were given to
rhetoric about decadence, including denunciations of homosexual behavior as
early as Cato the Elder (234-139 b.c.), but historical
evidence provides no warrant for the truth of their assertions. The issue is injected
into contemporary discourse solely as a tactic of homophobes, not as a causal
factor debated seriously by historians.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J. Edward Chamberlain and Sander L. Gilman, eds., Degeneration: The Dark
Side of Progress, New York: Columbia University Press, 1985; Louis Crompton,
"What Do You Say to Someone Who Claims That Homosexuality Caused the Fall
of Greece and Rome?" Christopher Street (March 1978), 49-52; Alexander Demandt, Der Pall Roms: Die Auflösung des Römischen
Reiches im Urteil der Nachwelt, Munich: Beck, 1984.
Wayne R. Dynes
Decriminalization
The
repeal of the sodomy laws which had been inherited from the late Middle Ages
and the sixteenth century came in two distinct phases. First, there was the
wave of decriminalization generated by Enlightenment criticism of the penal
legislation and practice of the Old Regime, characterized by harsh and barbarous
penalties for trivial or purely sacral offenses, the use of torture to elicit
confession, and the like. The second major phase developed as a product of the
social reform movement that began late in the Victorian era.
The Enlightenment Tradition.
The thinkers
of the eighteenth century - Montesquieu, Beccaria, Voltaire - paved the way for
the law reforms that came in the period of the French Revolution. In
September-October 1791 the French Constituent Assembly adopted a new criminal
code which embodied the principle that offenses against religion and morality,
insofar as they did not harm the interests of third persons or of society as a
whole, should not be the object of prosecution by the secular authorities.
This law became the basis of the Penal Code which forms part of the so-called
Code Napoleon, a comprehensive set of laws for the First Empire adopted in
1810.
The influence of this code was enormous, particularly in the Catholic countries
of the Old and New Worlds. Thanks to the spread of the Napoleonic model,
virtually all the Catholic states of Western Europe abandoned the medieval
statutes against sodomy. But in the Protestant sphere it was only the
Netherlands that benefited from decriminalization, for the simple reason that
Napoleon annexed the entire country to his Empire in 1811, and when
independence was regained in 1815, the new code remained.
A few other jurisdictions saw major changes in the law. The colony of
Pennsylvania founded by William Penn in 1681 reduced the penalty for sodomy to
the minimum that public opinion would allow, and the criminal code of Catherine
the Great of Russia in 1769 did likewise. But reaction was to restore far more
severe penalties in due course.
In other countries the only change during this first major phase was the abolition
of the death penalty in favor of life imprisonment at hard labor or some other
enormous sentence comparable to the punishment for the worst crimes of violence.
Such was the reform introduced by the Josephine Code in Austria in 1787, and the
statute of 1861 in England and 1887 in Scotland.
Modern Sexual
Reform. Toward the end of the
nineteenth century social reformers began to take up such questions as
contraception, prostitution, and women's equality. Within this framework arose
a sexual reform movement that led to further decriminalization as a result of
effective propaganda and lobbying for repeal. In particular, the
anthropological concept of the homosexual as an individual attracted solely by
members of his own sex created a justification for demanding the end of the
archaic laws. The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee founded in Berlin in 1897
made repeal of Paragraph 175 of the Penal Code of the German empire its major objective,
and similar goals were enunciated by the World League for Sexual Reform on a
Scientific Basis in the 1920s and later, down to its dissolution in 1935.
The first country to respond to the new approach was Denmark, which reformed
the laws against homosexual behavior in 1930. The uniform code adopted in
Poland in 1932 followed the example of the Code Napoleon, although all four of
the codes (German, Austrian, Russian, Hungarian) that had been in force at the
end of the country's partition still had penalties for homosexual sodomy. Switzerland
chose the example of the French cantons under Napoleonic influence when it
adopted a penal code for the entire country in 1941, and Sweden followed
Denmark in 1944.
After World
War II.
In the
postwar period it was Great Britain that took the lead, beginning with the
Report of the Wolfenden Commission in 1957, which recommended decriminalization
of homosexual acts between consenting adults on grounds essentially deriving
from classical liberalism. The report provoked a debate between two legal
authorities, Hart andDevlin, in which the latter argued that if "the man
in the Clapham omnibus" considered a sexual act abominable he should not
have to give a logical reason for his feelings. But some ten years later, in
1967, a Labor Parliament voted passage of a private member's bill to repeal the
law against homosexual buggery and gross indecency in England and Wales.
The United States, in which each state of the Union still has its own penal
code, posed a far greater challenge to the advocates of reform. In 1962 the
American Law Institute, after some ten years of deliberation over earlier
versions, published an official draft of a Model Penal Code that omitted
homosexual acts from the list of crimes. The state of Illinois had in 1961
already enacted a new code with these provisions, and a few other states
followed its lead. Effective lobbying for reform was conducted by such groups
as the National Committee for Sexual Civil Liberties, which also attempted a
second route: that of appeal to the courts to strike down the survivals of
pre-Enlightenment penal law as unconstitutional. Such a course was made
possible by the specifically American tradition that the appellate courts
could declare acts of the legislature unconstitutional on the ground that they
violated provisions of the fundamental law of the commonwealth. In most
European countries the judiciary has no such power to review acts of the
legislature which simply took over the prerogatives of the sovereign. The
precedent for this was, in particular, the decision of the United States
Supreme Court (1954) outlawing racial segregation. Successful actions were subsequently
brought in states such as Pennsylvania and New York where the legislature,
under the influence of the Catholic Church and of fundamentalist Protestant
sects, had refused to act.
A similar appeal to the European Commission of Human Rights against a decision
of the Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe in 1957 had failed because the court
accepted the view that the Federal Republic of Germany had the right to
prohibit homosexual activity in the interest of health and morals. A Social
Democratic majority in the Bundestag did, some 12 y ears later, modify
Paragraph 175 of the Penal Code to exclude homosexual acts in private between
consenting adults. But in 1981 the European Court of Human Rights, in response
to a case brought by a citizen of Northern Ireland, Jeff Dudgeon, found that
the statute in that country violated the right to privacy contained in Article
8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. However, when an appeal was
brought to the United States Supreme Court in 1986 to test the
constitutionality of the sodomy law of the State of Georgia, a 5-4 majority
upheld the law, principally on the ground that there was nothing in the
Anglo-American legal tradition that extended the right of privacy to homosexual
activity (Bowers v. Hardwick). So the option of deciding to retain or abandon
the existing laws was left with the individual states. The enormous problem of
confronting the prejudice and ignorance of legislatures intimidated by
conservative religious denominations thus endures. A similar situation prevails
in Australia, where each state also has its own criminal code in the common law
tradition.
Even when the basic law making homosexual activity illegal has been stricken
from the books, there is still the further task of reeducating the law enforcement
authorities and the public to the notion that homosexuals have certain rights
in the exercise of which they should be protected, and of invalidating statutes
such as those against solicitation which were based on the primary ones. Moreover,
it is necessary to remove the sundry forms of discrimination that had made
their way into civil and administrative law beginning with the second decade of
this century, once the psychiatric concept of homosexuality as a
"disease" had filtered down to the courts and legislatures. Individuals
who, through prosecution under the old laws, had lost the right to pursue the
profession of their choice or still languished in prison needed to be rehabilitated.
Complete equalization of the laws pertaining to homosexuality and
heterosexuality, including the age of consent, therefore still lies in the
future. The elimination of police harassment and of a multitude of forms of
private discrimination and intolerance will be a challenge for the decades
ahead.
Conclusion. A world-wide survey of
the situation presents a varied picture. In the first world, that of the advanced
industrial countries of the West and the Asian rim, decriminalization has
largely succeeded, with some exceptions. In a few countries, it has been
followed by enactments of positive statutory protections for homosexuals and
lesbians. In Marxist countries of the second world de facto change has been
largely secured which has halted most prosecutions, but no actual rights are
accorded to homosexuals, who are not permitted to form their own independent
organizations and are obliged to meet clandestinely and unobtrusively. (In
Poland and Hungary, where fledgling organizations have appeared, the change
must be regarded as a sign of the incipient withdrawal of those countries from
the Communist world.) The Third World has shown itself actually to be
retrograde: not only have countries formerly under British rule, such as India
and Kenya, retained the old colonial laws, but nations that were formerly
French possessions, where the Napoleonic Code tradition had been implanted,
have introduced new bans. On almost the whole of the African continent
homosexual activity is now illegal, though it continues to be widely practiced.
This reversal has varied motives. To some extent it results from the influence
of fundamentalist religion, whether Christian or Islamic. In other instances,
prohibition of same-sex behavior reflects a misguided notion that modernization
requires a ban on "decadence" and "perversion." Another
problem is that the World Health Organization continues to list homosexuality
as an illness. Beginning in 1984, the International Lesbian and Gay
Association undertook to monitor the situation on a worldwide basis, and to
encourage renewed momentum toward decriminalization.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
International Lesbian and Gay Association, Second ILGA Pink Book 1985: A
Global View of Lesbian and Gay Liberation and Oppression, Utrecht: Interfacultaire
Werkgroep Homostudies, 1988.
Warren Johansson
Della Casa, Giovanni (1503-1556)
Italian
prelate and author. Della Casa served as archbishop of Benevento in 1544, papal
nuncio to the Venetian republic (1544 - 49), and papal secretary of state
under Paul IV (1555-56). He wrote a manual of polite conduct, II Galateo, ovvero dei costumi (1558), which enjoyed
great success after its posthumous publication.
Before undertaking a clerical career in 1537, Della Casa wrote various
compositions in theBernesque vein, which are typically full of double
entendres. Among his juvenilia it is conventional to mention a text in Latin
prose entitled In
laudem pederastiae seu sodomiae or De laudibus
sodomiae (in praise of buggery). In reality this work never existed,
as was demonstrated by Gilles Menage (1613-1692) in his Anti-Baillet (The Hague, 1682). In
this study Menage traced the attestations for the supposed work, showing that
they all go back, directly or indirectly, to propagandistic pieces spread by
Protestants in order to discredit Delia Casa and Roman Catholicism with which
he was prominently connected.
Much of the responsibility lies at the door of Pier Paolo Vergerio, a heterodox
prelate whom Delia Casa harassed by bringing him to trial; after loudly
adhering to Protestantism, Vergerio composed a harsh indictment of his
persecutor. In reality the young Della Casa had written only a small satire,
the Capitolo del forno, in which he pretended to
praise, in a Bernesque vein, bread and the oven, while extolling the sexual act
through double entendres. Although this composition was mainly heterosexual, a
few lines do speak of homosexuality. From this slender foundation arose the
legend of the pretended In
laudem ... sodomiae. In his own lifetime Delia Casa defended himself of the
charge in the short Latin work Ad
Germanos in which he declared of himself: "We did not praise
men, but clearly women." Nonetheless, some have held that the charge cost
the learned prelate a cardinal's hat.
Other references to homosexual behavior that appear here and there in the Galateo serve, however, to confirm
that, like many intellectuals formed before the Counter-Reformation, Della Casa
held a detached and tolerant attitude toward same-sex love. This attitude drew
Protestant attacks aimed at an educated class that was considered excessively
lax and tolerant toward homosexual conduct.
Giovanni Dall'Orto
Demographic Factors
Demography
is the study of populations. Sex ratios, marriage ages, life expectancies, and
prevalence of polygamy may tell us much about the relative frequency of
homosexuality, or perhaps more strictly speaking, of bisexuality.
Theoretical Basis. Such deductions follow
from a theoretical framework which sees the prevalence of homosexual behavior
as somewhat plastic, responsive to situational factors, rather than fixed at
birth or in infancy, and particularly sensitive to the relative lack or
abundance of opportunity for heterosexual behavior,
rather than being a phenomenon associated for the most part with exclusive
"homosexuals." Demographically-oriented theorists take reports of
increased homosexual behavior in such contemporary populations as those
situated in prisons, seafaring, and public schools, where access to the
opposite sex is difficult, and reason that when heterosexual opportunitities
are relatively scarce, more and more of the general population will turn to
homosexuality.
Applied historically, this method must take into account different social
conceptions of homosexuality. Arguably, societies that tolerate homosexuality
openly expect few social obstacles to such "surrogate" behavior,
which Ancient Greece, overpopulated in the seventh century b.c., encouraged.
Until recent times, the absence of a folk model of exclusive homosexuality made
it much easier for males to switch back and forth from penetrating the opposite
sex (or desiring to) to penetrating the same sex (especially if the receptor
was not perceived as equally masculine, such as was the case with boys, slaves,
captives, the poor, or those of inferior social rank) without facing either an
identity crisis or massive social opprobrium. At the most, such an
opportunistic switcher had made himself guilty of a vice considered minor
except by Abrahamic religions; his marriage or financial prospects remained unimpaired.
On the other hand, without available passive partners, or the willingness by
actives to switch roles on demand, such a possibility would be of only theoretical
interest. Reciprocity was by all accounts historically rare until recent times,
but an overabundance of boys, passive partners in relation to adult males, has
normally existed. Late ages of marriage, widespread slavery, resident
non-citizens, prolonged warfare, and an overabundance of paupers favored the
development of pederasty. Sufficient evidence for lesbianism in harems and
other situations without males such as nunneries sustains demographic
theorizing without further elaboration.
Prehistory. Before the breakthrough
to agriculture - which terminated the Paleolithic Age - cave-dwellers averaged
well under 20 years of life, primarily because of high infant mortality. Those
who survived infancy, if often sick and frail by 40, had a good chance to reach
50. Active females who suffered from early pregnancies thus did not survive
their peak sexual drive, which is currently estimated to occur at 27, by more
than a decade or so. High death rates from pregnancy and childbirth may have
reduced the number of women even more than deaths from hunting and warfare
reduced the numbers of adult males. Women capable of reproduction were taken
by men upon whom they depended for game, their major protein supply. Thus
lesbianism would have been relatively infrequent. On the other hand normal
males did not Uve into such old age that they became impotent, as so many do
now.
The hypothesis that females dominated society by putting the young males
outside the horde, as do baboons and gorillas, greatly stimulating homosexual
contacts among the outcast adolescent males as it does among such primates, may
have been realized occasionally in certain human groups. If so, lesbianism may
have flourished among such "Amazons," but the surviving evidence,
largely the widespread existence of "mother goddesses" on neolithic
sites, is too scanty for proof.
Early Civilizations. Beginning in Mesopotamia
and Egypt, about 3500-3100 b.c.,
the
earliest writings depict a male-dominated society with a pantheon ruled by
males. In most societies adolescents married shortly after puberty, and polygamy
predominated as it has done throughout most of history - there have been
hardly any polyandrous and relatively few monogamous societies. One survey
reports that monogamy prevails in 24 percent of societies, polyandry in 1
percent, and polygamy in 75 percent. Even in Egypt, where considerable
evidence exists for monogamy, the wealthy certainly kept concubines and
sexually used slaves and prisoners of war of both sexes. Mesopotamia and all
the civilizations outside Europe practiced polygamy, replete with harems such
as King Solomon's. Such institutions assured that many slave, poor, or young
men could not have women for themselves, with a consequent probability of widespread
homosexuality among the lower classes who could rarely have afforded
prostitutes.
As life expectancy increased in these archaic civilizations that developed
irrigation and storage facilities along with the plough, infanticide,
especially of females, seems to have increased. Only Egyptians, who married
relatively late, and Jews seem to have prohibited it, but even they greatly
preferred male offspring. As a result of much more frequent female infanticide,
males greatly outnumbered females in most societies. A 4:3 ratio was perhaps
not uncommon, although among especially warlike nomadic societies like those of
the Arabian Peninsula, men were in such short supply that Mohammed may have
been recognizing actual conditions when he transmitted Allah's command that a
man might have four wives and as many concubines as he can afford.
Even in monogamous societies such as those of the Indo-Europeans who settled in
Europe, upper-class males married at very different ages. After about 600 b.c, copying a custom begun on Crete, Greek warriors waited
until the age of 30 when they married girls from 15 to 18, getting an
aristocratic boy of 12 when they were 22 to train and love until they married.
Aristocratic Roman boys, on the other hand, married in their teens girls of 12
or 13 as arranged by their patres
(male
heads of families). Middle-class males who predominate on tombstones married
later, in their mid-twenties to women as old as twenty. Practically no women,
who may have composed little more than one-third of society because of excess
female infanticide, failed to find husbands, and virtually all upper-class
males married, at least before the times of the Roman emperors. In Greece and
Rome when a baby was born, the husband would decide whether to raise the infant
or expose it - as contraception was ineffective and abortion dangerous,
infanticide remained the usual method of birth control. Christianity, which
took over the Empire and banned other religions with the sole exception of
Judaism during the fourth century, outlawed infanticide and had the emperors
decree death for sodomites.
The Medieval Period. During the Dark Ages
(roughly a.d. 500-1000), after the
Germans overran the depopulated Western provinces of the Roman Empire, little
central control in the church or state survived. Among the barbarian laws, only
those of the Visigoths condemned sodomy. The Celtic penitentials punished it
harshly, but never with death. Many Merovingians and Carolingians had several
wives and most had concubines, and evidence of excessive female infanticide
continues. Knights and squires bound together by the closest ties in all-male
(except for the lord's women and the servingwenches) castles often loved each
other. Some poor in such an underpopulated society as Europe in the early
Middle Ages could earn a sufficient living at an early age to marry or rather
cohabit with a woman. Life expectancies decreased from classical times but
upper class males at least married in their teens.
From the end of the invasions about 1000 to the arrival of the Black Death in
1347, the population grew from thirty to seventy million as life expectancies
improved again to 40 or 50. As it became more difficult to get a farm or a
position in a guild, commoners began to marry later in life. Merchants and
professionals postponed marriage to accumulate capital or education. The
marriage age for males went up from 20 to 30, but as they preferred women of 18
or even 16, a gap developed in the population pyramid. Lots of rowdy, lusty
young bachelors must often have lapsed into homosexual acts. Moreover, when
the smaller age-group of 30-year-old men married 18-year olds, many unwed women
became spinsters or nuns, often cloistered against their will, vastly
increasing the allure of lesbianism. Catholic authorities and even canon law
condoned female prostitution so that unmarried males would avoid the worse evil
of sodomy.
The Black Death, wars, and famines decreased the population by one-third, from
seventy to fifty million. Wages rose and food prices fell. Men could establish
a living for themselves earlier and their marriage age, except for merchants
and professionals, dropped. As the number of young bachelors and of spinsters
decreased, homosexual activity probably declined. Demographics may have been
more important than clerical persecution or municipal houses of prostitution
and municipal laws or royal laws, which became quite severe, often ordering
castration before hanging or burning, in reducing sodomy and lesbianism during
the late Middle Ages - j ust when documentation of it (such as there is)
becomes more plentiful. On the other hand, urbanization not only provided
anonymity and other opportunities to escape family control but produced a
secular gay subculture outside monasteries.
Early Modern Europe. The economic boom of the
Renaissance and following period could not keep up with population expansion
so that real wages fell. Bullion from the New World spurred inflation. Those
unmarried increased, reaching almost 20 percent of the population in Spain.
Pirates, sailors, merchants, and soldiers in the longer, more distant wars and
voyages lived in male societies with only occasional contact with females,
often through prostitution and rape, with a resultant increase in
homosexuality. In the demographic boom that began in 1740 wages fell and males
delayed marriage in the lower as well as in the upwardly mobile middle classes.
In England between 1550 and 1800 the age of marriage rose to 26 for males and
23 for females. The percentage of unmarried males rose to 22 but fell by 1800
to about 17; that of females rose to the low 20s. Other European countries
displayed similar patterns. Between 30 and 50 percent of peasants in
preindustrial Europe never married. Sons could often not afford to marry until
their father retired or died, leaving one of them land.
The Nineteenth Century. In nineteenth-century
agrarian Ireland overpopulation meant that many "boys" (so called
until marriage), could never secure and support a wife and hence did not marry.
The society became obsessed with homophobia, taking that fear with them wherever
they emigrated. Sicily and Southern Italy in a similar situation, however, continued
the ancient Mediterranean tolerance of homosexuality, a common Catholicism
notwithstanding, but the Italians tended to emigrate to American and other
overseas areas after the Irish and ranked beneath them in the Church in these
areas. Catholicism in English-speaking overseas areas became more homophobic
than Catholicism in Latin areas.
Immigration usually loosened family and church ties. Often the first generation
delayed marriage so that overseas immigrants engaged in homosexual acts as in
Carolina plantations or early Virginia, and even more so in penal colonies
like Georgia and Australia where males greatly outnumbered females. Puritans,
however, took wives and children with them to the promised land where the
unchallenged church was strengthened.
Easy access to western land and the constant labor shortages even in the
eastern cities, however, lowered the marriage ages in comparison with Europe,
where increasing numbers in both Catholic and Protestant countries remained
lifelong celibates. Upper and middle class men married in Victorian England at
age 30. The American frontier, however, was populated by young males with few
females in the initial phase of settlement.
Among these nineteenth-century urban celibates the homosexual emerged and was
named in 1869, exclusive as opposed to the earlier sodomites who, it was
assumed, would normally be married.
Reaching their sexual peak later than men, women had opportunities to become
lesbian at various stages of their increasingly long lives. Most men long
outlived their sexual peak (in their late teens), more and more livinginto the
slackening of sexual potency attendant on middle and old age. No wonder one
hears so much of lesbianism after the eighteenth century and so little before.
The application of demographic principles to the study of sexual patterns is
still in a pioneering stage; further investigation may shed considerable
light, not only on the periods discussed above, but also on contemporary
developments in the Third World and elsewhere. In the absence of literary and
other documentation for sexual mores in the broad mass of the population, demographic
analysis may open a window into these little-known areas.
William A. Percy
Demuth, Charles (1883-1935)
American
painter. Bom into a well-to-do family in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, Demuth was a
sickly child who was educated largely at home. After art school in
Philadelphia, he made two trips to Europe, absorbingmodernism at its source in
Paris. During the second of these, in 1913, he met another gay American artist,
Marsden Hartley, a friendship that was to last all his life. After returning to
the United States at the beginning of World War I, Demuth began to spend more
and more time in New York's Greenwich Village, where new ideas of aesthetics
and sexuality effervesced in equal measure. In the company of Carl Van Vechten
he began to frequent nightclubs in Harlem, then considered off-limits by
bourgeois society. He also visited bathhouses, producing frank watercolors of
scenes of sexual solicitation. Always strongly interested in literature - a
connection enhanced by his friendships with such figures as Eugene O'Neill and
William Carlos Williams - Demuth began to illustrate works of fiction, including
books by Honore de Balzac and Frank Wedekind concerned with sexual variation.
Also emerging at this time was his continuing predilection for flower
subjects, into which sexual meanings were read in the then-prevailing Freudian
mode. To the extent that Demuth himself shared these readings (a matter that is
uncertain), they are not without validity.
In the later 1920s and 1930s, suffering from diabetes and under his mother's
care in the family home in Lancaster, Demuth summoned himself to produce major
works evoking the American scene, which have much in common with the
precisionism of Charles Sheeler. At the same time, he produced for private viewing
a series of watercolors that are even now striking in their frankness. These
show street cruising, blatant sexual display, and even episodes of male group
sex. These works feature military men, especially sailors, and "rough
trade."
Demuth worked at a time of transition in American art, as it was abandoning
the certainties of the academy and the realism of the Ashcan School, but before
it fully embraced the modernist aesthetic. This historical position, and the
unusual range of his subject matter, make his ultimate standing hard to
determine. Certainly the 1980s rediscovery of his sexually explicit works -
achieved at a time when critics are questioning the conventional distinctions
between high and low art, between erotic painting and pornography - makes a
reassessment mandatory. Significantly, as a major retrospective of his oeuvre
was mounted in four American cities in 1987-88 some critics still expressed
distaste for Demuth's more overt works. In an art world characterized by
increasing pluralism and an attitude that "anything goes," this
lasting power to shock is an achievement.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Barbara Haskell, Charles Demuth, New York: Whitney Museum of American Art, 1987.
Wayne R. Dynes
Denmark
This
small country, which occupies the Jutland peninsula and neighboring islands,
is the home of a people who roamed far and wide in the medieval period.
Denmark was converted to Latin Christianity just before the year 1000 and
became Lutheran in the sixteenth century. Since World War II it has been both
admired and excoriated for its liberal atttitudes toward sex and pornography.
The Middle Ages and the
Early Modern Period. Pagan Scandinavia knew no generalized taboo on
homosexuality, certainly no laws against it, but there was a folk belief that
the man who took the passive role with another in a sexual relationship had
forfeited the respect owed his sex. Christianity at first brought only moral
condemnation and religious penance. On February 2,1227 pope Honorius III wrote
a letter to the Danish archbishop in reply to his request for advice on how to
deal with a number of individuals guilty of incest or homosexual sodomy. As
they could not very well make the long trip to Rome, the pope gave the
archbishop the authority to decide for himself on a penance which should be
neither too hard nor too lenient.
With the influence of the Reformation and its revived interest in the Old Testament, the Danish Lawbook [Danske Lov) of King Christian V (1683)
prescribed burning at the stake for sodomy. In point of fact, however, little
is known of prosecutions for homosexual intercourse, and they were probably
rare. An isolated case of pederasty is recorded in which a married weaver was
in 1744 sentenced to two years' hard labor followed by banishment from the
province of Jutland for having had sexual connection with a boy. The attitude
of that time was expressed by a professor at the University of Copenhagen,
Ludvig Holberg, in his Introduction
to Natural and International Law (1716). Admitting that "we must condemn the evil
vice," he went to say that "the authorities cannot punish vices
which are practiced by so many, and which are so firmly embedded that to
eradicate the evil would be to cause the disintegration of the whole state. And
if they are but works of darkness and are not generally noticed and of little
consequence, why trouble the authorities by calling their attention to
them?"
Toward the Present. This attitude, however,
changed after 1866 when the death penalty was rescinded and replaced by
imprisonment. After this time a considerable number of prosecutions and
convictions occurred. It is likely also that the introduction of modern police
methods of surveillance and entrapment contributed to the new situation. Just
as in the penal code of the German empire, the provisions of the law applied
only to male homosexuality.
The first Danish author to address the plight of the homosexual from the
standpoint of the literature produced by the inchoate homophile movement and by
responsive psychiatrists wrote under the pseudonym "Tandem." Himself
a layman, he published in the medical journal Bibliotek for Laeger (1892), an article of some
fifty pages surveying everything that had been written in Western Europe and
Scandinavia on the subject, concluding with a plea for toleration. This was not
to come, however, until the sexual reform movement in Germany had placed the
issue on the agenda. In 1928 the World League for Sexual Reform on a Scientific
Basis held its second congress in Copenhagen, at which Magnus Hirschfeld read
the text of an "Appeal on Behalf of an Oppressed Variety of Human
Being" composed by the activist Kurt Hiller. Two years later, in 1930,
the Danish parliament did reform the law - the first country in Scandinavia to
do so.
The Contemporary Situation. After World War I Denmark
acquired a reputation as a country with unusually liberal attitudes toward
sexuality, and Copenhagen became a mecca for the sex-starved tourist from the
rest of the world. The Forbundet af 1948 was founded by Axel Axgil and Hj elmer
Fogedgaard, and in 1949 it began a periodical, Vennen (Friends). The Forbundet
stimulated similar organizations in Norway and Sweden. In Denmark it grew
into the major national gay and lesbian organization and recognized by the
authorities as such. Active today on many fronts, it not only counsels homosexuals
on their personal problems in all spheres of life, but also conducts education
and propaganda meant to enlighten the general public and undo the legacy of
defamation from the past, and collaborates with foreign homophile organizations.
All its activity is conducted by a staff of volunteers.
A particular notoriety accrued to the Danish capital as the venue of the
male-to-female sex change operation performed on Christine Jorgensen (who died
in 1989 after living as a woman for almost forty years). Gay tourists flocked
to Copenhagen, though the city later lost its primacy in this regard to
Amsterdam. The effect of Denmark's liberal laws on pornography has been disputed,
some claiming that free availability reduced demand. Some of the pornography
offered for sale in Denmark contains photographs of quite young children. In
any event, Denmark and Sweden played major roles as laboratories for the
sexual revolution of the 1970s, while the United States took the lead in the
gay liberation movement.
In 1976 the legal age of consent to homosexual relations was reduced to 15;
consensual sexual activity with a boy under 15 but not less than 12 years old
is a misdemeanor. The sentence is usually - but not always - suspended, but a
foreigner found guilty is fined and immediately deported. The burden of proof
in such cases rests with the police, who do not investigate on their own
initiative but only in response to a complaint.
In 1989 the Danish parliament approved a far-reaching law granting legal
sanction, except the right of adoption, to same-sex unions; however, its
benefits are not extended to foreigners.
See also Andersen, Hans Christian; Bang, Herman.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Axel Axgil and Hjelmer Fogedgaard, Homofile
kampar: Besseler gjennom tideme, Ridkobing: Grafolio, 1985; Wilhelm von Rosen, "Sodomy
in Early Modem Denmark: A Crime Without Victims," Journal of Homosexuahty, 16:1/2(1988), 177-204.
Ward Homer
Detective Stories
See Mystery and Detective Fiction.
Deviance and Deviation
Sociologists
and criminologists have adopted the term deviance to refer to behavior that is
prohibited, censured, stigmatized, or penalized by the normative structures of
a society. The boundaries of the concept, and its appropriateness for
homosexuality, have not been settled; it originated in the wish for a neutral
term that would not imply approval or disapproval of the activity, whatever
the attitude of the host society might be. Critics of the approach assert that
it offers little more than a jumble of "nuts, sluts, and perverts."
For the study of homosexuality, however, its value may lie in the fact that it
does make one think of analogies (and differences) between homosexuals and
other groups.
The words deviation and deviant, while designed to be neutral and statistical
terms, are related to a system of concepts centered on alterations in direction
which have an extensive historical background of inherited judgmentalism. The
legacy of these ideas facilitated the acceptance of the terms, but at the same
time undermined the attempt to keep them value free.
Historical Semantics. Some of the background is
Judeo-Christian. A rabbinical exegete, Bar Kapparah, glossed the term to'ebah, "abomination" -
a word of importance because of its occurrence in the prohibitions of the
Holiness Code of Leviticus - as meaning to'eh attah bah, "you are going astray
because of it". Another scripturally rooted instance occurs in Jerome's
rendering of Exodus
23:2: "Non sequeris turbam ad
faciendum malum; nec in judicio, plurimorum acquiesces sententiae, ut a vero devies."
("Do not follow the mob in doing evil; nor in your thinking yield to views
of the many, so that you deviate [go astray] from the truth.") This
application of devio,
"to
turn from the straight road, to go aside," is rooted in the ancient
metaphor of human life as a journey.
There is also a contrast between perversion and conversion, both from the Latin
verto, "to turn (round)." Moreover,
there is a Hebraic background to this idea of turning around = reform of one's
life.
Until early modem times, this complex of meanings does not seem to have been
brought into use in connection with homosexuality. Then there is Sir Simonds
D'Ewes' usage: "He [James I] had his vices and deviations." (1625).
Another variation on the verto
root, the
modern term inversion, was introduced by Arrigo Tamassia in 1878.
Unconsciously this coinage takes up the late medieval idea of "the world
upside down." French medical writers (Paul Moreau, 1880; Valentin Magnan,
1885) are responsible for introducing another directional term, aberration (from ab + erro, "wander off"),
for certain types of sexual conduct, including same-sex relations.
Medical writers of the late nineteenth century show some statistical use of
the term deviation.
The word
seems to have been introduced into the social sciences by the anthropologists
Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict in the 1920s. In her discussion of Samoa, Mead
contrasts deviation upward, a kind of withdrawal, with deviation downward,
delinquency. The locution did not become popular outside of professional
circles until after World War II, when it absorbed some of the connotations of
Durkheim's anomie.
The term deviant hovers between a covertly
pejorative meaning and a value-free use ("A character structure which is
normal among us may be deviant among the Kwakiutl." Gregory Bateson,
1944). The term variant
enjoyed
some popularity among lesbians in the 1950s and 60s.
Slang Analogues. While deviance and
deviation are terms used by scholars, colloquial speech indicates that the
directional metaphor was adopted by the deviant groups themselves. In order
to understand this point it is useful to focus on the contrast between straight,
on the one hand, and crooked or bent, on the other. The Oxford English Dictionary records a colloquial use
of straight as "honest, honorable, frank," in 1864. During the same
period the word meant "chaste" (of a woman). Some contamination from
the Biblical "strait is the gate" is likely.
Since at least 1914, criminal argot has applied bent both to individuals (thieves) and things (e.g., a bent
["hot"] car). The secondary usage of bent, "homosexual,"
has been current in British slang since the fifties. The term crooked, which
parallels bent in the criminal sense, does not seem to have a sexual use. The
origins of the sexual use of "straight" (as an antonym to
"bent"?) are problematic, though it clearly was widespread in
homosexual circles before it became a part of the general vocabulary as an
equivalent for "heterosexual" during the 1970s. During the sixties
straight had acquired a new meaning: "not using drugs" or "not
under the influence of drugs at the moment" (paralleling
sober). Later expansions included "not inebriated" or
"teetotaler." The term is semantically greedy, and new usages are
appearing; thus in reference to employment, it may mean "normal/reportable
to the government/taxable." Nonetheless, there remain three main layers to
the colloquial meaning of straight: ( 1 ) honest or respectable; (2)
heterosexual; (3) drug-free/sober. As with many argot terms this polysemy
(multiplicity of meanings) serves the purpose of the deviant user group in
confusing eavesdropping outsiders, even though this effect fades as the term
seeps into general usage. From a sociological point of view, one can also note
the testimony of the word about the propinquity of populations brought together
by the maintenance of the victimless-crime laws. These groups are "birds
of a feather" because society has made them so.
Built along lines similar to "bent" is the term "kinky,"
which originated as a directional term, developed a reference to criminality,
and in recent times, perhaps in reaction to the growing sexual use of
"straight," gained a non-pejorative sexual sense as a reference to
erotic eccentricity, whether heterosexual or homosexual.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Erich Goode and Richard Troiden, Sexual Deviance and Sexual Deviants, New York: William Morrow,
1975; Edwin M. Schur, The Politics of Deviance: Stigma Contests and the Uses of
Power, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980.
Wayne R. Dynes
Diaghilev, Sergei Pavlovich
(1872-1929)
Russian cultural figure and
ballet impresario. Diaghilev
came from a family of provincial
nobles whose fortune derived from ownership of a vodka distillery. In 1890 he
went to St. Petersburg to pursue a career while living in the household of his
aunt and uncle. Their sonDmitri ("Dima") integrated the young man
into a precocious set that had formed at his gymnasium, including the artists
Alexander Benois, Konstantin Somov, and LeonBakst. The newcomer soon
established a sexual relationship with his handsome cousin Dima, and they
traveled on holiday to Italy together. Diaghilev, who eventually discovered
that he lacked the talent to become either a singer or a composer as he
intended, began to look for another area in which to make his mark. He found it
in the burgeoning artistic and cultural activity of what has come to be known
as Russia's Silver Age. Russian symbolist poets and artists were casting off
the narrow constrictions of aesthetic utilitarianism in favor of new trends
that were both cosmopolitan and at the same time in touch with Russia's
historic past.
The first great phase of Diaghilev's impact on the arts lasted from 1899 to
1909. He became the animator of Mir Iskusstva ("The World of Art"),
which was both a group of intellectuals and artists and a sumptuous magazine.
Although this work of editing and promotion brought Diaghilev into contact with
ballet, at this time he was concerned with all the arts, for the program of
cultural renovation proposed by Mir Iskusstva was all-embracing: painting,
poetry, drama, dance, even architecture and the crafts. Unfortunately for Diaghilev,
Mir Iskusstva was to lead to his breakup with his cousin-lover, for Zinaida
Gippius, an ambitious writer and member of the group, succeeded in taking Dima
away from him in 1904.
From 1906 to 1909 Diaghilev was engaged in organizing a series of exhibitions
of Russian art in Paris, as well as performances of Russian concerts and
operas. In 1908, in the course of organizing a ballet company, he had his
fateful meeting with Vaslav Nijinsky, a promising young dancer at the Imperial
Ballet. At that time Nijinsky was being kept by a wealthy aristocrat, Prince
Pavel Lvov who seemed, however, willing to part with his protege. In their five
years together, Diaghilev was able to shape Nijinsky into one of the finest dancers
the world has ever seen, a figure who is inseparable from such masterpieces as
Stravinsky's Rite
of Spring and Debussy's Afternoon
of a Faun - ballets that Diaghilev organized. However, on an ocean voyage to South America,
Nijinsky deserted him for a Hungarian ballerina. Diaghilev replaced him with the
sixteen-year-old Léonide Massine, who, though heterosexual, was willing to go along
with the relationship to learn what Diaghilev could teach him.
In the meantime Diaghilev's first efforts at establishing the ballet were difficult,
though he did present the world with the genius of Igor Stravinsky through The Firebird. In 1911 he formed his own
company, which from its base in Paris reached other Western European cities.
World War I caused problems, but Diaghilev was nonetheless able to keep things going from Rome.
Throughout his career as an impresario Diaghilev had the ability - through his matchless self-confidence -
to rescue triumphs from seemingly impossible situations.
The last decade of his life was the time of achievement that has made his name
virtually synonymous with ballet. He had not only a sure instinct for dancers,
but also for conductors, composers and artists. He was able to utilize
avant-garde artists such as Pablo Picasso, André Derain, and Georges
Rouault in such a way as to make them accessible to a middlebrow public. In
this way he made a decisive contribution to the emergence of modernist
painting from its earlier constricted environment. During his last years Diaghilev had non-exclusive affairs
with three young men: the English dancer Patrick Healy Kay (who became known by
the name that the impresario gave him, Anton Dolin); the Russian dancer Serge
Lifar; and the Russian conductor Igor Markevitch. In August 1929, after
completingtwentyyears of ceaseless creativity in Western Europe, Diaghilev died suddenly in Venice,
his favorite city, where he was buried.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Richard Buckle, Diaghilev, New York: Athenaeum, 1984; Simon Karlinsky, "Sergei
Diaghilev: Public and Private," in The Christopher Street Reader, New York: Coward-McCann,
1983, pp. 265-273.
Ward Houser
Dickinson, Emily (1830-1886)
American
poet. After brief periods at Amherst Academy and Holyoke Female Seminary, she
settled into an outwardly uneventful life keeping house for her family. Dickinson
never married. The real events in her life are her writings, which have assumed
classic status in American literature.
Emily Dickinson's letters to several of her female acquaintances convince us
that throughout her life she had strong emotional attachments, which may be
described as love relationships, with other women. A comparison of such love
letters with letters which she wrote at about the same time to women who were
merely good friends indicates that her impassioned language was not simply sentimental
rhetoric of the period, and that these involvements, while probably
non-genital, were clearly homoerotic. Those letters help to explain the forty
or fifty poems in the Dickinson canon which cannot be understood unless
recognized as love poems from one woman to another.
Certainly Dickinson had heterosexual interests as well - the Master letters,
those to Judge Otis Lord, and many of her poems are irrefutable proof. But it
is impossible to doubt the intensity of her involvement with women when one
reads letters such as those to Emily Fowler:
I cannot wait to be with you ... I was lonely without you, and wanted to
write you a letter MANY times, but Kate [Hitchcock] was there too, and I was
afraid you would both laugh. I should be stronger if I could see you oftener -
I am very puny alone.
You make me so happy, and glad, life seems worth living for, no matter for all
the trials. - early 1850 But another spring, dear friend, you must and shall be
here, and nobody can take you away, for I will hide you and keep you - and who
would think of taking you if I hold you tight in my arms? - spring 1854
and to Kate Anthon:
Distinctly sweet your face stands in its phanthom niche - I touch your hand -
my cheek, your cheek - I stroke your vanished hair. Why did you enter, sister,
since you must depart? Had not its heart been torn enough but YOU must send
your shred? - summer 1860
and especially those to the woman who becameher sister-in-law, Sue Gilbert,
with whom, if her letters and notes are any proof, she ostensibly had the most
intense and enduring emotional relationship of her life:
Oh my darling one, how long you wander from me, how weary I grow of waiting and
looking, and calling for you; sometimes I shut my eyes, and shut my heart
towards you, and try hard to forget you because you grieve me so, but you'll
never go away. - February 1852 To miss you, Sue, is power. The stimulus of Loss
makes most possession so mean. To live lasts always, but to love is firmer than
to live. - September 1871
The sentiments, and sometimes even the imagery, of such letters are occasionally
adopted in Dickson's poems and may help in the explication of those poems. For
example, the poem: "The Day she goes/ Or Day she stays/ Are equally supreme
- / Existence has a stated width/ Departed, or at Home." (Poem 1308,
Johnson edition) is more easily understood in the context of a brief note to
Sue: "To the faithful Absence is condensed presence" (about 1878).
The poem "Wild Nights - Wild Nights!" (poem 249), which caused many
critics to observe a puzzling "reversal of the lover role," becomes
clearer in the light of an early letter to Sue (about February 1852):
The wind blows and it rains. ... I hardly know which falls fastest, the rain
without, or within - Oh Susie, I would nestle close to your warm heart, and
never hear the wind blow, or the storm beat, again. Is there any room there for
me, or shall I wander all homeless and alone?
While the language of the letter lacks the poetic energy and sophisticated
imagery of the poem which was written nine years later, both seem to suggest
the same thing: "If I were moored in you, I would not be lost or lonely or
afraid of the storm." When understood as a love lyric in which the
principals, both being women, have no pre-defined roles or set sexual
functions, the poem no longer contains the puzzling role-reversal that has so
often been observed.
Several biographers, most notably Rebecca Patterson, John Cody, and Richard
Sewall, have dealt with Emily Dickinson's homosexuality. Patterson, in fact, suggests
as a major thesis in her book, The
Riddle of Emily Dickinson, that Dickinson had a love affair with Kate Scott Anthon
which, at its conclusion in the 1860s, crushed Dickinson and accounted for her
"peculiarities" during the remaining twenty-odd years of her life.
Cody adopts a Freudian approach and argues that while Dickinson's Puritan
heritage would not have permitted her to indulge in homosexual love-making, she
had no wish to fulfill a female role since she despised her weak mother and
feared her tyrannical father; thus well into adulthood she experienced
"pre-pubescent" crushes on other women, particularly Sue Gilbert, who
served as a mother-surrogate to Emily.
Sewall, while seeming at first to reject Cody's suggestion that Emily was in
love with Sue and hurt and upset when she lost her to Austin, later refers to
Emily's letters to Sue as "nothing less than love letters."
All of these writers cite ostensibly lesbian poems to support their biographical
narrative. Dickinson's homoerotic poetry seems to span the entire length of her
literary career, from one of her first poems, written in 1854 ("I have a
Bird in spring") to one of her very late poems, written in 1883 ("To
see her is a picture" in the third variant). While the subject of these
poems is sometimes identifiable (it is frequently Sue), most often she is not.
This is not surprising since, as several scholars have observed, we probably
have only about one tenth of the letters Dickinson wrote and less than a thousandth
of those written to her. But, while we may have no idea who the persons were
who evoked some of Dickinson's most moving love lyrics, of one thing we may be
certain: many of them were women.
The speaker in Dickinson's homoerotic poems is usually the lover and pursuer in
the relationship. Such a relationship is often represented by the symbol of a
nest in which the speaker finds (or at least expects to find) comfort and
"home" with the other. But she recognizes that she cannot expect
permanence in her love, not because it is an inherently flawed kind of love,
but generally because the beloved other woman will eventually marry, as it was
assumed most women would in the nineteenth century, being without an
independent source of income or a profession that would make them self-sufficient.
The speaker accepts the reality of this situation, but not without difficulty.
What is much more difficult for her to accept, of course, is abeloved woman's
cruelty which has no basis in custom or pragmatism. In such a situation the
speaker usually cries out bitterly against the other woman, but she is willing
to return to her and apparently to be hurt again. She is frequently
self-pitying. Only occasionally does she perceive herself victorious in love,
and then it is a poor victory, having conquered the other woman by arousing her
pity. These homoerotic poems are never joyous, but that is to be expected in a
society where heterosexual marriage was virtually believed inevitable and
there was little possibility of two unrelated women establishing a life
together if they were not wealthy through independent inheritance.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. John Cody, After
Great Pain: The Inner Life of Emily Dickinson, Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1971; Rebecca Patterson, The Riddle of Emily Dickinson, Boston: Houghton Mifflin
Company, 1951; Vivian R. Pollak, Dickinson:
The Anxiety of Gender, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984; Richard Sewall, The Life of Emily Dickinson, New York: Fairar, Straus
and Giroux, 1974.
Lillian Fadeiman
Dictionaries and Encyclopedias
Because
of the knowledge explosion of recent decades, there has been an increasing
demand for works of reference, both generalized and specialized, which will
serve not only the interested lay public but also those engaged in primary
research who would otherwise be unable to keep up with advances in neighboring
fields.
The history of the great reference book enterprises goes back to the eighteenth-century
Enlightenment. Stimulated by several lesser British exemplars, the great French
Encyclopédie ou dictionnaire
raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers began to appear in 1751.
Edited by Denis Diderot and Jean d'Alembert, this work strove not only to
provide a storehouse of factual information, but also to bring to readers the
latest conceptual advances. It comes as something of a shock to find that the
major article on "Sodomie" largely concerns
masturbation,
having been taken over from an earlier work by S. A. D. Tissot, a physician
obsessively concerned with that subject. Clearly the attempt to move beyond
traditional religious ideas into a realm of unbiased secular information had
not even begun at this point. Better informed is the article on "Socratic
Love" in the more personal Dictionnaire
philosophique of Voltaire ¡1764). Incidentally, this tradition of the
sometimes idiosyncratic one-person dictionary has been revived in recent years
by such scholars as Mary Daly, WayneDynes, and Monique Wittig.
The eighteenth century also saw the beginning of a more informed tradition of
treatment in medical reference works, of which the first notable example is
Robert James, A
Medical Dictionary (1743-45). This tradition continued into the nineteenth
century, as seen in the French multivolume Dictionnaire
des sciences médicales and Encyclopédie des sciences médicales.
Dictionaries
of sexual information did not appear until the twentieth century. The Handwörterbuch der Sexualwissenschaft (1923), edited by Max
Marcuse, combines articles derived from the mainstream German tradition of sex
research with newer psychoanalytic viewpoints. The first example in English is
The Encyclopedia of Sexual
Knowledge (1934), edited by the Australian homophile Norman Haire,
though this volume is largely based on German materials assembled by Arthur
Koestler. In the post-World War II period, the Encyclopedia of Sexual Behavior (1961), of Albert Ellis
and Albert Abarbanel, attempted to be truly cross-cultural with much material
on non-Western cultures, even though the coverage may seem thin or dated
today.
When not subject to censorship, slang dictionaries often contain considerable
lexicographical material on homosexuality, though the terms included are
usually culled from the usage of heterosexuals, often from the argot of the
urban lower classes or members of the criminal underworld. There are also
erotic dictionaries of various languages; significantly, the first of these
appears to be that of Pierre Pierrugues, of Latin terms and in Latin, of 1826.
The classic in this genre is Alfred Delvau's Dictionnaire erotique de la langue verte (1864).
Homosexuality and lesbianism have not fared well in general encyclopedias in
English, such as the Britannica and the Americana, perhaps because these are addressed in
part to a secondary-school readership, for which extensive discussion of such
matters is not deemed suitable. The general articles are relatively brief and
suffer from outdated and incomplete information. Biographical articles rarely
mention that the subjects are gay or lesbian, and contributions of eminent
figures to the study of homosexuality are omitted from their biographies. The
general rule is, the more accessible and popular a reference work is, the more
uninformative it is likely to be on the topic of homosexuality.
With today's demand for more information on sexual matters, it is to be hoped
that this situation will change. Yet with the increasing tempo of information
build-up, it will probably be necessary to resort more and more to information
stored in computer-accessed data banks.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Edmund F. Santa Vicca, The Treatment of Homosexuality in Current Encyclopedias, Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan, 1977 (unpub. diss.).
Ward Houser
Dionysus
Greek god
associated with wine and emotional exuberance. Although the name occurs in
linear B tablets from the end of the second millennium b.c., his figure absorbed additional elements from Thrace and
the East in the following centuries. Dionysus, called Bacchus in Latin, was the
son of Zeus and a mortal Semele. When his mother unwisely besought Zeus to
reveal himself in his true form, she was incinerated, but the embryo of her son
escaped destruction. Zeus then inserted it into his own thigh and carried the
child to term. This quality of being "twice born," once from a woman
and once from a man, points to the ambiguity of the god, who though male had
effeminate traits. In literary and artistic representations, he sometimes
served as a vehicle for questioning sex roles, otherwise strongly polarized in
ancient Greece.
According to the late-antique writer Nonnus, Dionysus fell in love with a
Phrygian boy, Ampelos, who became his inseparable companion. When the boy was
killed in a bull-riding accident, the grief-stricken Dionysus turned him into a
vine. As a result, the practices of vine cultivating and grape harvesting, of
wine making and drinking, commemorate this deeply felt pederastic relationship:
in honoring the vine [ampelos
in
Greek), one honors the god through his beloved.
In historic times Dionysus attracted a cult following consisting largely of
women, the Bacchae or maenads. During the ritual followers abandoned their
houses and work, to roam about in the mountains, hair and clothing in disarray,
and liberally imbibing wine, normally forbidden to women. At the height of
their ecstacy they would seize upon an animal or even a child, tear it to
pieces, and devour the uncooked flesh, by ingesting which they sought to
incorporate the god and his powers within themselves. From a sociological
point of view, the Bacchic cult is a "religion of the oppressed,"
affording an ecstatic relief to women, whose status was low. Occurring only
once during the year, or once every two years, these Dionysiac rites were
bracketed off from the normal life of the Greek polis, suggesting comparison
with such later European customs as the feast of fools, the carnival, the charivari,
and mardi
gras.
The
maenads assume a major role in Euripides' tragedy, The Bacchae ¡406 b.c.). Accompanied by his female followers, Dionysus appears in
Thebes as a missionary. Unwisely, King Pentheus insults and arrests the divine
visitor; after he has been rendered mad and humiliated, the transgressor is
dismembered by the maenads. Interpretations of the play differ: a warning of
the consequences of emotional excess versus a reaffirmation of the enduring
presence of humanity's irrational side. The subject probably attracted
Euripides as a phenomenon of individual and group psychology in its own right,
but it is unlikely that he intended it as a forecast of modern gay liberation
in the "faery spirituality" mode, as Arthur Evans has argued.
Inasmuch as the sexuality of The
Bacchae was not pederastic, the Greek audience would not have seen
the play as homosexual (a concept foreign to their mentality), but rather as
challenging gender-role assumptions about men and women, whatever their sexual
orientation. That the parts of the maenads were taken by men was not
exceptional: women never appeared on the Greek stage.
Bacchanalian rites were introduced into Rome during the Republic. Men joined
women in the frenzied gatherings, and (according to the historian Livy) there
was more debauchery among the men with each other than with thewomen. Apart
from their orgiastic aspects, the rites caused concern because they crossed
class lines, welcoming citizens, freedmen, and slaves alike. Condemned as a
subversive foreign import, the Senate suppressed the Bacchanalia in 186 b.c., but they evidently were soon revived. Roman sarcophagi
of the second and third century of our era show Bacchic scenes, projecting
hopes for an afterlife spent in Dionysic bliss. In its last phases the cult of
Dionysus emerged as an other-worldly mystery religion, showing affinities with
Mithraism, the religion of Isis, and Christianity. Meeting now behind closed
doors, members of the sect recognized one another by passwords and signs.
Although the early Christians regarded all pagan worship as demonic, they were
not averse to purloining the Bacchic wine harvest imagery for their own
sarcophagi and mosaics. Some Bacchic reminiscences recur in drinking songs of
medieval goliardic poets, notably the Carmina
Buiana. As a religious phenomenon
the Bacchanalia attracted discrete attention among the hermetic adepts of
theltalianRenaissance, foreshadowing the latter interest of students of
comparative religion. At the end of the sixteenth century the flamboyant
bisexual painter Caravaggio created a notably provocative image of
Bacchus-Dionysus (Florence, Uffizi Gallery).
The most influential latterday evocation of the god occurs in The Birth of Tragedy ( 1872) of Friedrich Nietzsche, who exalted the
category of the Dionysiac as a antidote for excessive rationality in the
interpretation of ancient Greece and, by implication, in modern life as well.
Nietzsche's ideas were modernized and correlated with anthropology and psychoanalysis
by the classical scholar E. R. Dodds, who in turn influenced the poet W. H.
Auden. Together with his lover, Chester Kallman, Auden turned Euripides' play
into an opera liberetto entitled The
Bassarids. Set by the gay composer Hans Werner Henze, the work
premiered at Salzburg in August 1966. While the opera has not gained a
permanent place in the repertoire, Euripides' play - with Dionysus as the
apostle of the "do your own thing" principle - found much favor in
the experimental theatre of the 1970s and 1980s, though sometimes transformed
to the point of unrecognizability.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Arthur Evans, The
God of Ecstasy: Sex-Roles and the Madness of Dionysos, New York: St. Martin's
Press, 1988; Karl Kerenyi, Dionysus:
Archetypal Image of Indestructible Life, London: Routledge, 1976.
Wayne R. Dynes
Discrimination
In its
social dimension, discrimination refers to treatment that disadvantages
others by virtue of their perceived membership in a group. Earlier studies of
such patterns concentrated on economic discrimination - the denial to a group
of earnings commensurate with ability. Interest focused on groups that are
either ethnic or religious minorities (blacks in the United States,
untouchables in India, Jews in the Soviet Union), or political or social minorities
(blacks in South Africa, immigrants from North Africa in Israel, women in most
countries). Even this aspect was neglected in the past because economists were
reluctant to interpret any significant economic phenomena in terms of the Marxian
concept of "exploitation." The growing concern of economists with
this phenomenon has been grounded in thinking that circumvents the Marxian
analysis by making an even sharper break with traditional economic theory.
This approach holds that a group can be the object of discrimination if others
are willing to sacrifice resources or gains of their own in order to avoid
employing, working beside, lending to, training, educating, or associating in
any manner with its members.
History. The attitude of Western
Christianity toward individuals known to have engaged in homosexual activity
has been one of persistent discrimination and exclusion. It was the pattern of
ostracism and general intolerance that drove homosexual men and women to
desperate measures of concealment and deception in order to avoid the economic
and social penalties which a hostile environment sought to inflict upon them. This
discrimination differed from the exclusion imposed on members of groups such
as women or religious minorities who had an inferior status within the society,
but still held a recognized place; these groups were not stigmatized as
criminals and outcasts, even though they were until quite recent times denied
access to higher education and to the exercise of certain professions.
American Developments. Until the 1940s the right
of American employers, landlords and the like to discriminate on the grounds of
racial or ethnic origin went unchallenged; then a movement began to declare
such forms of exclusion illegal that led to the enactment of many state laws
forbidding such practices and ultimately to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. But
discrimination based upon the sexual orientation of the subject was upheld by
the courts as a right to eliminate "immoral" persons from the work
force or from housing. The judiciary consistently echoed the cultural norms of
the heterosexual majority as binding upon the whole of society. Early attempts
to include homosexuals within the protections afforded cultural, religious,
and racial minorities met uniformly with failure. Only gradually did groups
concerned with civil liberties come to believe that discrimination against homosexuals
violated their civil rights. The struggle to include "sexual
orientation" (= bisexuality or homosexuality) in the protected list of
antidiscrimination laws began in the 1970s and has led to the passage of some
50 municipal ordinances with such guarantees.
Federal Employment. The United States federal
government has since the late 1940s maintained that homosexual conduct is
immoral and that homosexuality in itself establishes unfitness for employment.
The argument is that homosexual conduct is scandalous and disgraceful and
requires punitive policies on the part of the executive. While more recent
court decisions have somewhat limited the Civil Service Commission in this
area, they leave open the possibility that homosexual conduct might justify
dismissal where interference with efficiency could be proved. The military
establishment has almost uniformly been successful in defeating suits brought
against it by homosexual and lesbian members of the armed forces threatened
with discharge and often loss of benefits as well.
Public Schools. The situation of school
employees is entangled in a web of contradictory and inconsistent decisions.
While procedural due process is accorded public employees, there is no
guarantee that a teacher's classroom performance will be the basis of the
decision. Homosexual teachers and counselors often face dismissal on the basis
of substantive rules that disqualify such an employee for "moral
turpitude" or "immoral or unprofessional conduct." Because
popular belief identifies the homosexual with the child molester, public
schoolteachers face a particularly invidious type of discrimination.
Revocation of the teaching credential has been a virtual rule when a teacher
is convicted of a homosexual offense, even though the party with whom the act
was committed may have long since passed the school attendance age. More
recently, a few courts have held that an employee's private life should not be
of concern to an s since the late 1940s maintained that homosexual conduct is
immoral and that homosexuality in itself establishes unfitness for employment.
The argument is that homosexual conduct is scandalous and disgraceful and
requires punitive policies on the part of the executive. While more recent
court decisions have somewhat limited the Civil Service Commission in this
area, they leave open the possibility that homosexual conduct might justify
dismissal where interference with efficiency could be proved. The military
establishment has almost uniformly been successful in defeating suits brought
against it by homosexual and lesbian members of the armed forces threatened
with discharge and often loss of benefits as well.
Public Schools. The situation of school
employees is entangled in a web of contradictory and inconsistent decisions.
While procedural due process is accorded public employees, there is no
guarantee that a teacher's classroom performance will be the basis of the
decision. Homosexual teachers and counselors often face dismissal on the basis
of substantive rules that disqualify such an employee for "moral
turpitude" or "immoral or unprofessional conduct." Because
popular belief identifies the homosexual with the child molester, public
schoolteachers face a particularly invidious type of discrimination.
Revocation of the teaching credential has been a virtual rule when a teacher
is convicted of a homosexual offense, even though the party with whom the act
was committed may have long since passed the school attendance age. More
recently, a few courts have held that an employee's private life should not be
of concern to an employer unless it could be shown to affect the employee's
ability to perform his duties. In practice, the criterion has often been the
employee's visibility: if his sexual activity is covert and unknown to the
community, the school officials can overlook it, but if it becomes publicly
known, they feel obliged to "protect the reputation of the
institution." Such is also the logic of court decisions that uphold the
right of an employer to dismiss a gay activist whose political overtness has
made him notorious.
Housing. Discrimination in housing
is another barrier that homosexuals face, particularly when trying to rent
apartments. Single homosexuals who "pass" are not likely to
encounter difficulty; moreover, gay people are recognized by many landlords as
likely to improve property. When two prospective tenants of the same sex
apply, however, they may be denied at the whim of the owner or, in the case of
large corporate landlords, as the result of company policy. The argument is
voiced that their presence will have a "morally corrupting influence"
on the children of families living in the same building or in the general area.
Homosexuals are by definition single, even if in fact they are long-term,
stable couples; they may
have children, but they do not qualify for benefits offered to young married
couples or families with children. If one of the partners in a relationship
dies, the lease may not be transferable to the survivor because there is no
formal marriage tie.
Public Accommodations. Restaurants, bars, and hotels do not offer
the same problems for the homosexual as they once did for ethnic or religious
minorities who were explicitly denied lodging or service, though an obviously
gay couple may still be the object of rudeness or hostility. On the whole,
however, homophile activists have not raised this issue in the courts, while
for the civil rights movement of the early 1960s it was a prime concern.
Similarly, the denial of voting rights that was a major issue in the drive for
racial equality did not concern the gay movement, because homosexuals have
never been politically demarcated even for purposes of exclusion. Also, the
development of a network of guest houses, restaurants, bars, and similar
establishments that welcome a gay clientele has filled the need for such places
of recreation and leisure.
Economic Aspects. The economic dimension
of discrimination against homosexuals is difficult to assess, just because it
may consist in underemployment, denial of promotion, or rejection for an
executive position though not an entry-level one. In fields where a significant
proportion of the workers are gay (e.g., librarianship, dance), it is only those with a heterosexual
appearance or social facade who may be chosen for advancement to the upper
levels of the occupational hierarchy. Also, some homosexuals fearing discovery
or dismissal may opt out of the normal career path entirely, preferring to
create their own firms from which they cannot be fired at the whim of a
heterosexual employer.
Prívate Life. Forms
of discrimination in private life cannot be separated from the right of an
individual to choose his associates and intimates. The private citizen who
wants no part of homosexuals cannot be taken to court on any ground, even if he
engages in open rudeness. Also, there is a civil liberties issue: the freedom
of association necessarily includes theright of non-association, which can be
motivated by any number of idiosyncratic dislikes and aversions. Here only
patient education - and diplomacy on the part of homosexuals in their dealings
with unsympathetic heterosexuals - can erase the invisible barriers.
Affirmative Action. From the late 1960s onward, laws and
guidelines were enacted that called for "affirmative action" to
increase the numbers of women and ethnic minorities in fields from which they
had traditionally been excluded or limited to low-level, menial positions.
These have even included actual quotas that an employer needed to meet to comply
with the law. None of these programs has contained any measure to increase the
number of homosexuals in any firm or industry, indeed critics sometimes advanced
the very suggestion that there should be one as the reductio ad absurdum of the entire scheme. It is also a fact that
homosexuals are overrepresented in many areas of employmentrelativeto their
numbers in the general population, and in these fields quotas would not benefit
the gay community, but rather deprive its members of their hard-earned
livelihood. Then too, many homosexuals who are in noway obvious would never
identify themselves as deserving preference under a quota system.
People with AIDS. In recent years, the spread of AIDS in the gay
male population has resulted in demands for antidiscrimination measures that
have enjoyed some success as part of a general movement to protect the rights
of the disabled and handicapped. Courts have interpreted such statutes as
meaning that an employee with AIDS cannot be fired so long as he is capable of
performing competently on the job. On the other hand, efforts by insurance
companies to identify homosexual men and deny them protection have in some instances been
tacitly approved by the courts and legislatures. Also, forms of ostracism and
social isolation inspired by fear of disease have gone so far as to deny people
with AIDS seats on a commercial airliner.
Prospects and Goals. The campaign for
anti-discrimination ordinances parallel to those protecting other minorities
will be a major part of gay movement activity in the decades ahead, as removing
the negative sanctions in the law is only the first, though necessary, step.
One cannot logically ask to be protected in behavior which is per se illegal. Many homosexuals
choose not to advertise their sexual orientation to an unfriendly environment,
and desire only respect for their privacy. The long tradition of exclusion and
ostracism of homosexuals in Western civilization has only begun to recede in
the face of the organized movement for gay rights, and positive guarantees of
the fundamental liberties that homosexuals need to become full-fledged members
of modem society remain one of that movement's principal goals.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Bruce Galloway, ed., Prejudice and Pride: Discrimination Against Gay People in
Modern Britain, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983; Judith M.
Hedgpeth, "Employment Discrimination Law and the Rights of Gay
Persons," Journal of Homosexuality, 5 (1979), 67-78; Arthur S.
Leonard, "Employment Discrimination against Persons with AIDS," University of Dayton Law
Review, 10 (1985), 745-65.
Warren Johansson
Disgust
Disgust
is a physical reaction comparable to nausea that is provoked by exposure to
something experienced as distasteful or loathsome. Nausea is a primary
response of the gastro-intestinal system to substances rejected and expelled by it, typically
in the form of vomiting. The close relationship between the oral cavity, the
sense of taste, tactile sensations, and deglutition on the one hand, and the
functions of the stomach, on the other, explain the existence of tastes and
odors that are nauseating even to one who has never previously encountered
them.
The principal reason for mentioning disgust in this encyclopedia is that it
figures so frequently as an argument for the intolerance of homosexual
expression. In debates on the sodomy laws speakers often allege that
"hearing of these practices makes me sick to my stomach" or that
"what I read there nauseated me to the foundations of my being."
Further, this reaction is cited as a spontaneous expression of the voxpopuli, as the natural aversion of
the common man to "this revolting filthiness" that justifies the perpetuation
of the statutes by a democratically elected legislature.
Psychology. Modern psychology
recognizes that erotic sensations are closely associated with the arousal of
certain parts of the body known as erogenous zones. Among these, the buccal
cavity must be regarded not merely as primary and as one of the most important,
but also as one of those which retain their function into adulthood. Early in the
life of the child the feeling of disgust originates as a negative reaction
deriving from external conditioning that represses the erotic tendencies
associated with the oral cavity. Just as the complete gratification of the
hunger instinct is followed by a disgust felt for further nourishment, so the
satisfaction of sexual desires can result in disdain for further activity.
A further consideration is that the sexual acts of others are capable of
arousing disgust in an individual who regards his own with equanimity. This
reaction is not confined to high stages of civilization, but is found among
primitive peoples in an even more palpable form. It gives rise to the belief
that sexual intercourse is unclean, impure, defiling, and also to the social
compulsion to hide one's sexual activity from the light of day, to perform
erotically only in the absence of witnesses. Hence the privacy of sexual
behavior is a need recognized by virtually every human society, even if the
criminal law in the Western world has only recently become aware of the
contradiction between this norm of the "deep structure" of social
control and the century-long tradition that made the law of the state coterminous
with the canon law of the Church.
History. Of all the peoples of
antiquity, the Greeks had the least collective sense of disgust at the sexual
side of life. The nonchalance with which the classic authors discussed erotic
matters sorely embarrassed later generations of scholars who had to prepare
bowdlerized editions of their writings. The Persian religion, on the other
hand, with its pronounced dualism, relegated homosexuality to the realm of
darkness and evil, reinforcing the Judaic tradition that associated sexuality
with ritual impurity. Christianity reinforced this negativism with its ascetic
strivings that identified the flesh and sexual pleasure with sin and defilement.
In the high Middle Ages this belief system evolved into a virtual compulsion
neurosis with ritualized defense mechanisms that included violently punitive
measures against those found guilty of "uncleanness." Homosexual
sodomy became for the Christian mind the quintessence of filthiness and foul
honor, a pollution that excluded the offender from Christian society and turned
him into a "moral leper" and "plaguebearer."
Analysis. That homosexual activity
in particular should arouse disgust in the uninitiated cannot surprise anyone
given that it so often entails anal-genital or oral-genital contact, and that
the opposite ends of the gastro-intestinal tract are major loci of taboos associated with cleanliness
and propriety. It is even alleged that the very word "homosexual"
provokes in the minds of certain individuals the image of a subject engaged in
anal intercourse, with accompanying feelings of disgust and horror. The
experience of another male's semen as repugnant and defiling must also enter
into the negative reaction.
It is also a fact that the homosexual orientation may include a feeling of
disgust for the person of the opposite sex, an inversion of the attraction
experienced by the heterosexual. For some, there is not just the positive
magnetism experienced for one's own sex, but a negative repulsion that
magnifies the distasteful sides of the person of the other sex - the specific
odor of the body, the texture of the skin and hair, the perceived disharmonies
of the physique.
Concluding Reflections. To what extent should
disgust figure as a motive for legislation aimed at the control of sexual
activity? That such activity should be confined to private places or to ones
where only other consenting adults are present is tacitly assumed by all modern
legislation. On the other hand, to claim that such behavior is
"abominable" and "offensive" even when committed in
private, and therefore within the scope of the criminal law, is to deny the
significance of privacy itself; it is the state, not the sexual partners, that
is infringing the principle of privacy by invoking the sanctions of criminal
law. What adults do under conditions of strict privacy for their own sexual
pleasure offends the feelings of no one, even if it would cause profound
indignation and disgust when committed in public. In fact, at the end of the
eighteenth century, one of the chief motives for repealing the medieval sodomy
statutes was desire to avoid the scandal attendant upon sensational trials and
executions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Eugène Carp, "Quelques remarques sur la psychologie du
dégoût," L'Encéphale,
27 (1932), 107-112; Gustav Kafka, "Zur Psychologie des Ekels," Zeitschrift für angewandte Psychologie, 34 (1929), 1-46; Emilio Majluf, "Fenomenología y
clínica del asco en la neurosis compulsiva," Revista de neuropsiquiatria, 10 (1947), 257-323; C. Theodoridis,
"Sexuelles Fühlen und Werten. Ein Beitrag zur Völkerpsychologie," Archiv für die gesamte
Psychologie, 40
(1920), 1-88; Abraham L. Wolbarst, "Sexual Perversions: Their Medical and
Social Implications," Medical
Journal and Record, 134 (1931), 5-9, 62-65.
Warren Johansson
Donatello (Donato di Niccoló di Betto Bardica. 1386-1466)
Florentine
sculptor. Less well known today than some other Italian Renaissance artists of
the fifteenth century, Donatello may have been the most original. His
apprenticeship took place in the orbit of ongoing work on Florence Cathedral.
In 1408-09 he created the marble David;
the
youthful, teasing grace of this delightful figure already shows the sculptor's
homosexual tastes, which are documented from other sources. From 1416 to 1420,
for Or San Michele, he created the moving figure of St. George, a work which later became
the "boyfriend" of countless admirers of male beauty.
In 1431-33 he was in Rome with the architect Brunelleschi, studying ancient
works of art which were then accepted as touchstones of quality. On his return
Donatello created the bronze David
now in
the Bargello Museum. From 1433 to 1453 he was in Padua, where he made the high
altar of the great church of St. Anthony, as well as the equestrian monument
to the condottiere Gattamelata, which set the pattern for countless such
figures in public squares throughout Europe and the Americas. On his return to
Florence, Donatello explored new expressive dimensions of characterization,
opening avenues which were important for the paintings of Sandro Botticelli.
Donatello's patrons, including Cosimo de' Medici, took an attitude of amused
tolerance with regard to his homosexual escapades. On one occasion he is
supposed to have chased a boy to another town with the intention of killing
him, only to relent when he saw the beloved form once more. As a homosexual
Donatello was fortunate to live mainly in the first half of the fifteenth
century when attitudes were relatively relaxed. After his death, the
authorities of Florence, alarmed at the city's reputation as a new Sodom,
sought to take "corrective" action. Although the resulting
denunciations did little to stem the overall incidence of activity, they
dissolved the easy, almost carefree environment in which Donatello flourished.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
H. W. Janson, The
Sculpture of Donatello, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957; Laurie
Schneider, "Donatello and Caravaggio: The Iconography of
Decapitation," American Imago, 33 (1976), 76-91.
Wayne R. Dynes
Doolittle, Hilda (H.D.. 1886-1961)
American
poet, novelist, and translator. A Pennsylvanian, H.D. met Marianne Moore at
Bryn Mawr and Ezra Pound and William Carlos Williams at the University of
Pennsylvania. Footloose after college, she formed her first lesbian attachment
with Frances Gregg, a family friend. In 1911 she left America to settle in
Europe. Pound introduced her to his London circle and gave her the nickname
"Dryad." He also included her work in his anthology Des Imagistes (1914), and arranged for
her poems to be published elsewhere, signed (at his suggestion) "H.D.
imagiste." Her lyrics, influenced by ancient Greek poetry, were
characterized by a minimalist concision and purity of language. In 1913 H.D.
married the English writer Richard Aldington; while they were not officially
divorced until 1938, the separation caused by his wartime service effectively
ended the union.
In 1918 Annie Winifred Ellerman, daughter of one of the richest men in England,
sought her out. Ellerman, better known under her pen name of
"Bryher," had memorized H.D.'s volume Sea Garden (1918). Although she was
linked to the bisexual American writer Robert McAlmon in an
"unconventional" marriage, Bryher had long been aware of her lesbianism.
She swept H.D. off her feet and the two embarked on a number of trips together,
including visits to Greece and Egypt, a country which left a great impression,
reorienting H.D.'s subject matter. They both remained on friendly terms with
McAlmon, whose Contact Editions became H.D.'s publisher. The two women settled
more or less permanently in Switzerland, providing mutual support in their
careers as writers. They both consulted with Sigmund Freud in Vienna and helped
to spread his fame in the English-speaking world. Another passion was films, which
they made and supported with a critical journal. H.D. spent the war years in
London, returningto Switzerland where Bryher was watchful over her
deteriorating health.
The reputation of H.D. remained for a long time linked to her participation in
the imagist movement in the teens of the century, to the detriment of her later
work. In the 1960s, however, she underwent a revival, influencing a number of
contemporary poets, including Robert Duncan.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Barbara Guest, Herself Defined: The Poet H.D. and Her World, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1984.
Evelyn Gettone
Douglas, Alfred, Lord (1870-1945)
British
writer and adventurer. The third son of John Sholto Douglas, the eighth
marquess of Queensberry, Alfred Douglas was an exquisitely beautiful child. The
boy was sent to various preparatory schools and then to Winchester, where he
encountered a good deal of what Douglas called "public-school
nonsense," which he at first resisted but then accepted. While he was at
Winchester, his father took as mistress a woman so notorious that when Lady
Queensberry eventually sued for divorce the proceedings took only fifteen
minutes.
This episode marked the beginning of Alfred's alienation from his father, who
was later to declare, "I never believed he was my son."
In the summer of 1889 young Douglas had his first affair with a woman, a
divorcee whom he encountered while staying at a hotel in the south of France,
but who found herself the object of indignation for having seduced "an
innocent boy." In the fall of 1889 he entered Magdalen College, Oxford,
where despite some faults of character - he was a poor loser - he was popular,
with a dashing personality and lighthearted rebelliousness that endeared him
to his fellow undergraduates. His burgeoning literary talent also won him
admirers. The minor poet Lionel Johnson arranged an introduction to the
celebrated litterateur Oscar Wilde at his house in Tite Street in London in the
late summer of 1891.
Douglas later admitted that the friendship between them had some sexual
expression (though of sodomy "there was never the slightest
question"), which began about six months after they met and ended forever
some six months before the catastrophe that terminated Wilde's career. Wilde
did not generally care for sexual intimacy with young men of refinement and
preferred "rough trade" from the lower depths of society, while
Douglas was aggressively masculine. At the outset, moreover, each of the
friends was inordinately proud of the other. It was a few nights after Douglas
attended the premiere of Lady
Windermere's Fan (February 20, 1892) that the intimacy between them began.
During the term that followed Douglas became involved in a homosexual scandal
at Oxford and got out of it by paying £100 to a blackmailer. He was an aristocrat
in the worst sense, indifferent to bourgeois morality, and obsessed with the
belief that he enjoyed the inalienable privilege of amusing himself as he
pleased. Wilde, for his part, reveled in flirting with danger, deriving much of
his pleasure from the thought that his actions were branded as vices by
respectable society.
In the summer of 1894 there occurred an episode, trivial at the time, which had
grave consequences for the two men. A homosexual undergraduate at Oxford named
John Francis Bloxam asked Douglas for a contribution to a new periodical
called The
Chameleon. Not only did Douglas contribute two poems, but Wilde
submitted some "Phrases and Philosophies for the Use of the Young"
originally destined for the Saturday
Review. Bloxam published a homosexual story entitled "The
Priest and the Acolyte" that was later - and falsely - attributed to
Wilde.
On February 18, Queensberry began the series of events that led to Wilde's
disgrace, arrest, and imprisonment by leaving a card at the Albemarle Club addressed
"To Oscar Wilde posing as a somdomite" (sic). Alfred Douglas never
testified at any of the three trials, yet he maintained to the end of his life
that if he had gone into the witness box he could have saved Wilde, even though
the presiding judge in summing up the testimony said that "the whole of
this lamentable inquiry has arisen through the defendant's association with
Lord Alfred Douglas." After the trial Douglas wrote furious letters in
defense of Wilde and of homosexuality, although his family and its friends
wanted his liaison with Wilde utterly forgotten.
In prison Oscar Wilde composed the De
Profundis, originally as a letter of forty thousand words which he
intended to send to Douglas. However it was neither published nor delivered to
its addressee; it was ultimately brought out of the British Museum Library as
evidence against Douglas in a civil action for libel.
The two men resumed their friendship in France, after Wilde's release from
prison, despite pressure from various sources to break off the relationship.
The marquess of Queensberry died half-insane in 1900, and his son received
£15,000 from the estate. Of this he gave Wilde some £1000 during what was to be
the writer's last year of life,- he told no one and produced the evidence only
years later to prove that he had not abandoned Wilde.
During the subsequent decades of his own life Douglas had an indifferent career
as a writer and as the editor of several small magazines. In 1902 he married a
woman named Olive Custance who deserted him in 1913. At the age of forty he
converted to Catholicism and derived emotional strength from it when what he
called "the years of persecution" began. In 1933 he published a book
entitled The
True History of Shakespeare's Sonnets, not an outstanding work of scholarship, but an exploration
of the possible homoerotic attachment between the poet and a boy actor named
Will Hughes (the "Mr. W.H."). Other trials and controversies figured
in his later years, including a feud with Robert Ross, who had also been
intimate with Wilde. Remembered chiefly as the companion of the ill-fated playwright,
Lord Alfred Douglas was a defender of homosexuality before the cause had
achieved any standing in England, and also a minor author in his own right, a
personality that will continue to intrigue future generations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Rupert Croft-Cooke, Bosie: Lord Alfred Douglas: His Friends and Enemies, New York: Bobbs-Merrill,
1963; H. Montgomery Hyde, Lord Alfred Douglas, New York: Dodd Mead, 1985.
Warren Johansson
Douglas, Norman (1868-1952)
British
novelist and travel writer. Bom in Falkenhorst, Austria, of mixed Scottish and
German parentage, Douglas was educated at Uppingham, England, and at Karlsruhe,
Germany. His cosmopolitan leanings were confirmed by a career in the British
Foreign Service, which included residence in St. Petersburg from 1894 to 1896.
He abandoned this calling, however,
and went to Italy to live. Though he was married at the time, Douglas' stay in
Italy brought forth his pederastic bent. It is said that during his later years
he would take a different boy "muse" as inspiration during the
writing of each of his books. Siren
Land (1911)
and Old Calabria (1915) are evocative
records of his travels in southern Italy that mingle chronicle, observation,
historical notes, and philosophical musings. During one of these trips he
recalls spending months with Amitrano, an illiterate peasant boy of the
Sorrento countryside, renewing contact with "elemental and permanent
things ... casting off outworn weeds
of thought with the painless ease of a serpent." Evidently the casting off
was incomplete, for he could still recognize the outlines of classical
statuary in the laboring bodies of Italian fieldhands.
Douglas wrote his popular novel South Wind
(1917) to
capture the expatriate atmosphere of the Capri colony. Set against the semi
tropical ñora and fauna of "Nepenthe" (as he calls the island),
the novel evokes a gentle hedonism that softens the sharp edges of the
northern visitors. The plot, such as it is, pivots on the gradual conversion
of the straightlaced Anglican colonial bishop, Mr. Heard, to a kind of
aesthetic paganism. Although nothing in South
Wind is
overtly homosexual, the alert reader can detect allusions to the fancies and
foibles of the island's foreign gay residents. Continuously in print since its
first publication, the novel owes its success to its depiction of a
Mediterranean outpost of bohemia, whose denizens have learned to "go with the
flow."
In the nineteen-twenties Norman Douglas settled down in Florence, where he
lived in straightened circumstances, sometimes with the bookseller Pino [G. M.]
Orioli. He spent the waryears 1941-46 in England. Most of Douglas' later
fiction was not successful, owing to his lack of convincing characterization
and plotting. As a result he sometimes required subventions from more
fortunate authors such as W. Somerset Maugham. His efforts to earn money not
infrequently had entertaining results, as in his spoof of literary scholarship,
Some Limericks, Collected
forthe Useof Students, andEnsplendoui'd with Introduction, Geographical Index,
and with Notes Explanatory and Critical (1928). In this little book, the point is not so much the
bawdy limericks themselves, but the ingenious and improbable glosses supplied
by the editor.
A renowned consumer of haute cuisine and wines, Douglas had little fondness
for avant-garde literature, which he described as "rats' feet over broken
glass in a dry cellar." As he grew older his interest in people became
increasingly selective, and he acquired a reputation as a misanthrope. But his
enthusiasm for young people never waned. "A child," he remarked,
"is ready to embrace the universe. And, unlike adults, he is never afraid
to face his own limitations."
In retrospect Douglas represented the milieu of the select foreign colony in
Italy before the age of mass tourism. His Florentine circle included other
homosexual and lesbian residents, notably Harold Acton, Vernon Lee, and Reggie Turner. They
were seduced to their venerable surroundings by a largely illusory Mediterranean
paradise of the senses. But since many of them flourished and were creative
there, the illusion was a beneficial one.
Wayne R. Dynes
Drag
See Transvestism;
Transvestism, Theatrical.
Drama
See Theatre and Drama.
Dreams
Since the
beginning of time human beings have dreamed and have been fascinated,
perplexed, and terrified by their dreams. Universal as is the experience of
dreaming, the interpretation of dreams is variable and culturally conditioned.
In various traditions dreams have been understood as religious experience
(divine possession); predictions of future events, good or ill; a review of
the previous day's happenings,- wish fulfillment; and communications, often puzzling
or disguised, from the unconscious. Their elliptical, protean character
suggests that dreams are messages in code. This code requires translation by
an interpreter, who may be the dreamer in person, a village elder, a priestly
figure, an occultist, or a psychiatrist. When a dream has homosexual content,
the hermeneutic process is complicated by the ethical assumptions of the
dreamer and the interpreter, which reflect the attitudes of society toward
same-sex experience.
To understand their dream experiences human beings have formulated a lore to
which the ancients gave the name oneirocritical. Because the ancient world
accepted homosexual interest and activity as part of human sexuality, the dream
interpreters of the eastern Mediterranean cultures could calmly explain the
homoerotic episodes in dreams in terms of their overall system of signs and
meanings and without anxiety. Such was the work of Artemidorus of Daldis
(middle of the second century), which alludes to pédérastie and homosexual dream
sequences and assigns them a specific, often prophetic meaning. Not so the
Christian Middle Ages; the literature of dreams became exclusively heterosexual
because the taboo with which theology had tainted sexual attraction to one's
own sex imposed a censorship that is only now being lifted.
The folk, the occult, and the psychoanalytic traditions offer quite varied
approaches for the interpretation of dreams. Yet all work with a set of symbols
which the interpreters claim to have validated through individual experience.
Some begin by questioning the client about events in his life that may have
activated the dream and then try to elicit his own understanding, before they
proceed to an explanation or prediction on the basis of the reported dream
material. Others may simply elaborate the client's own association. An
interpreter with a flair for a particular set of images and symbols may tend
to focus on the latent content of these, while giving only formal translation-like
explanations of others. In some traditions one symbol is assigned universal
significance, but another may have a polyvalent range of meaning that is
pointed to the client's concrete life situation. If the interpreter ignores the
latter, he may encounter justified contradiction and even rejection from the
client.
The homoerotic content of dreams, in a culture where homosexuality is severely
tabooed, may provoke deep, fundamental conflicts. Such dreams are dangerous to
the subject, charged as they are with explosive content which the client may
not be ready to accept and which may therefore greatly frighten him. The interpreter
is well advised to postpone the analysis and explanation of such dreams until a
time when the client is able to accept them without needless anxiety. Other
dreams may be at odds with the subject's overt sexual life, and he may even
wish to adapt their content to his conscious orientation. Kinsey mentions
instances of such disparity in the subjects of his interviews.
According to the psychoanalytic tradition, the dream, by widening the avenues
of perception and attention, can lift amnesia of past events in the life of the
subject. The dream may reflect the role of homosexuality in psychic conflict,
portraying with special clarity the ways in which it complicates the analytic
relationship. The dream also exposes the homosexual conflicts of adolescence,
a period often relegated to the Umbo of the client's memory. Broader
intellectual and social acceptance of overt homosexuality may increase rather
than decrease the problems raised by its unconscious dynamics, as the subject
then has to confront the possibility of having homoerotic desires that are
within reach of gratification. Homosexuality becomes meaningful to a subject
only when he can integrate it with his own living experience. Future studies of
the role of homosexuality in the dream need to take account of the long
repressed homoerotic component of human culture, as well as the value assigned
specifically homosexual symbols in the traditional literature of dream
interpretation. Moreover, new research on the physiology of sleep is likely to
open future perspectives on the dream.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Leon L. Altaian, The Dieam in Psychoanalysis, New York: International
Universities Press, 1975; Sandor Lorand, Technique of Psychoanalytic Therapy, New York: International
Universities Press, 1946.
Warzen Johansson
Drugs
As used
in this article drugs are substances introduced into the body to produce
pleasure, altered states of consciousness, or hallucinations (short-term
psychosis). Not included, because they are considered neither major social
issues nor gay-related, are drugs and foods which influence brain chemistry in
other ways [for example, antidepressants; tranquilizers,- the amino acid
tryptophan; phenylethylamine, the psychoactive ingredient in chocolate).
Drugs are of diverse origins and have sharply contrasting characteristics. Some
are produced by plants (alcohol, caffeine, cannabis [marijuana], coca, mescaline,
nicotine, opium); some are concentrated extracts (cocaine, heroin, spirits);
others are manufactured (amphetamines, barbiturates, LSD, volatile nitrites).
Some drugs have a high overdose potential (heroin; PCP), others low
(cannabis); some are effective in very small doses (LSD), others only at high
doses (alcohol); some are highly addictive (cocaine, nicotine, opiates), others
mildly so (alcohol), and others not addictive at all (cannabis, LSD). In addition,
drugs vary dramatically in mode of action and effects on the brain and other
bodily systems. They can be divided into depressants and stimulants, with the
hallucinogens a subcategory of the latter.
Policy. The degree to which society
should or can tolerate recreational drug use, psychic exploration or artistic
creation through drugs, or self-destructive use of drugs, is an unresolved
question. There is a partial consensus that private use, which does not impede
societal functioning or lead to gross neglect of health, is tolerable and can
even be endorsed (the glass of wine with dinner). The use of drugs is so
widespread in human history - it has been proposed that agriculture was born
from a desire to easily produce alcoholic beverages - that their use could
respond to some biological drive. There is also a consensus that society has
the right to demand unimpaired capacity from those in hazardous activities with
responsibility for the safety of others (surgeons, pilots, drivers of
automobiles). Between those extremes there is a vast, confused area. It should
be noted that there has never been a country or society in which unrestricted
use of all psychoactive drugs has been permitted over any period of time.
Under ideal conditions, with controlled strengths and purities and a warm,
supportive environment, there is little long-term harm to the healthy subject
in infrequent use of drugs. However, drug use easily becomes frequent, and the
amount used may increase because the body develops tolerance for some drugs and
the desired effects decrease. Frequent use can cause bodily harm, although this
varies with the drug and the user, and some bodily harm (for example, sports
injuries) may be considered acceptable by society. The history of drugs reveals
that while benefits are immediately evident, harmful effects may not be
discovered until much later. Damage from drugs can be produced so slowly that
it is hard to perceive, and sometimes it has no early symptoms at all;
addiction can make the user blind to harm. Drugs can reduce the
disease-fighting capacity of the body's immune system.
Illegal drugs are seldom used under ideal conditions,- they vary widely in
potency and are sometimes adulterated. Without quick medical treatment overdoses
of the more hazardous substances, particularly those which depress respiratory
function or cause vomiting, can cause brain damage or death; overdoses of stimulants
can cause death from circulatory system failure. In some users hallucinogens
cause terrifying experiences; psychological problems can be exacerbated, and
brain damage caused. The action of stimulants is often followed by a
compensatory negative experience through which the body restores its
equilibrium. Injection bypasses natural protection against infection. Without
supervision a person with drug-impaired capacity can injure him- or herself, or
others. Even without harmful effects, there is a philosophical and sometimes
spiritual opposition to the use of chemicals to influence the brain, and
controversy about their value as a means of self-improvement. Some of the
effects for which drugs are taken can be achieved more safely by non-chemical
means (for example, yoga, meditation, sensory deprivation).
There is in addition the question of social motivation. Pleasure and spiritual
enlightenment from drugs bypass social mechanisms. When these mechanisms
misfunction, when people feel that something is wrong with their lives, the use
of drugs to supply the missing gratification is all the more attractive.
Society can tolerate drug use if it is encapsulated within an artistic,
recreational, religious, or therapeutic context; while some are able to so
control their usagé, for many that is a daunting or impossible condition, at
least in our present culture. Society can also tolerate a small proportion of
voluntarily non-productive members without offending the perception of equity.
However, civilization above a subsistence level cannot coexist with widespread
loss of productivity owing to drugs. While it might seem that the use of drugs
is inherently anticapitalistic, in that they discourage both production and
consumption, drugs can also undermine activism for social change. Repressive
governments have used drug policy as a means of pacifying the population and
circumventing challenges to their rule.
At the same time, legal restrictions on drug use have been spectacularly
unsuccessful and counterproductive. The long-term solution to the threat posed
by drugs is a fairer and more meaningful society. Meanwhile, education is more
effective than prohibition. Exaggeration of drugs' harmful effects reduces
respect for law, overwhelms the courts and prisons, inhibits research on and
therapeutic use of drugs, makes drugs of controlled strength and purity
unavailable, gives drugs the glamour of the forbidden, and encourages
progression to ever more dangerous yet legally equal substances. As with
alcohol during America's Prohibition (1920-33), the supply of illegal drugs has
become a very profitable industry, and not a passive or benign one. Foreigners
who supply drugs sometimes justify their actions to themselves and their
countrymen as a means of striking back at the political and economic power of
the United States. The costs of America's drug policies have not yet been fully
paid.
Homosexuals and Drugs. Gay people have
historically used more drugs than the population at large. The first
explanation is simple hedonism. Repression of sexuality causes focus on it,
and a commitment to the enjoyment of pleasure naturally brings a receptivity to
otherways in which pleasure might be produced or increased. Homosexuals have
been privileged to see societies' limitations and hypocrisy over sex, and this
has created a skepticism about other societal policies in conflict with
individual desires. Similarly, those who are in an oppressed minority have
extra motivation to try to learn about themselves; drugs have been used for
that purpose.
In some cases drugs which loosen inhibitions or which stimulate new and unusual
perspectives on self and behavior have helped individuals become more aware and
accepting of their homosexuality or bisexuality. Alcohol has often served this
function, but during the 1960s, there were a considerable number of reports of
people becoming aware of homoeroticism for the first time while under the
influence of LSD especially. Drugs have also been used by musicians, artists,
and writers who claim that the substances help them create, although this claim
is controversial, perhaps because if substantiated it would be a powerful
argument for drug use. Finally, homosexuals have suffered, on the average, more
emotional pain and deprivation than heterosexuals, and drugs, especially
alcohol, have been used to numb that pain.
History. Throughout classical
Mediterranean antiquity and into the Islamic period the only widely-used drug
was alcohol, in the form of wine. Wine was the drink of poets and lovers, a
distinction it still retains, though somewhat weakened. A party, such as we
see in Petronius' Satyricon,
would
often combine wine and sexual activity, and the cup-bearer Ganymede was the
mythological model for the ephebe. In the Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam, we find
that all one needed for happiness was the beloved, a garden, poetry, bread,
and wine. Wine was valued for more than hedonism, however: wine released
truths ("in vino Veritas"), and thus both produced enlightenment and brought one closer
to the divine.
The use of hashish (cannabis), eaten in sweets rather than smoked, is found in
the Bible (Song of Songs 5.1; 1 Samuel 14.25-45), and there is evidence of
psychic use of hemp (marijuana), from which hashish is made, from prehistoric
times. Herodotus, for example, reports its popularity among the Scythians.
However, widespread use of hashish begins in Islam in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries. While the Koran prohibited wine, which because of
distribution costs was somewhat more expensive than today, it was silent on
hashish, which was also much less expensive. There was debate about whether the
Koran's silence was to be taken as approval, or whether prohibition was to be
inferred from the treatment of wine; still, as long as it remained a minority
indulgence it was tolerated, as wine usually was. Hashish users became a subculture;
in particular it is linked to the mystical Sufis, who made a cult and ritual of
its use. However, almost every Islamic poet from the thirteenth to the
sixteenth centuries produced at least some playful poems on hashish, although
wine poetry is much more abundant.
A link between hashish and homosexuality is well documented in classical
Islamic literature. Hashish was thought to cause effeminacy, a preference for
the passive sexual role, and a loss of interest in sex. However, it was also
prized as the drug of scholars and lovers of young men, and an aid in seduction
of the latter. Turkish soldiers frequently ate hashish together before going
into battle.
Coffee was introduced to Europe in the seventeenth century from the Turkish
empire. Both within Islam and in Europe coffee was at first a similarly controversial
drug, subject to occasional legal restriction or suppression. Its use in coffeehouses,
later cafes, was typical of intellectuals and dissidents.
The reaction to the failure of the French Revolution and the loss of faith in
the powers of human reason, associated with the Romantic movement, led to a new
awareness of and interest in the non-rational and unconscious. For the first
time drugs were investigated as sources of self-knowledge and stimulants for
creativity, as well as for recreation. The takeover of part of the Ottoman
empire by France and England led to the introduction of hashish into Europe. In
addition to hashish and wine, opium was used, as were nitrous nitrous oxide and
ether; the recreational use of the two latter antedates their use as
anesthetics. The center of drug exploration was France, where it remained
associated with poets and dissidents throughout the century.
The first half of the twentieth century was characterized by a wave of reaction
against drugs and the establishment of legal controls throughout Westem Europe
and North America. However, the tensions of the 1960s, against a backdrop of
the Holocaust and the invention and use of the atomic bomb, brought on a new
wave of drug use. The hedonistic use of cannabis increased greatly; its enthusiasts
promoted it as an aid to sensual and sexual enjoyment. The Beat generation,
especially William Burroughs and Allen Ginsberg, had already turned to potent
psychedelics as a means of self-improvement; they became part of the
short-lived counterculture of the late 1960s. The discovery of psychedelics
was in part due to progress in anthropology and archeology. The use by native
peoples of mescaline (peyote), psilocybin (mushrooms), and other psychedelics
became known, and the possible role of such substances in visions and oracles
of the ancient Mediterranean world was proposed by scholars. The
hallucinogenic properties of the most potent psychedelic yet known, lysergic
acid diethylamine-25 (LSD), were discovered in 1943; until it became too
controversial, it was manufactured by a pharmaceutical company for research
in psychotherapeutic treatment.
Modern gay culture emerged in Germany, and perhaps for that reason was centered
on bars and the use of alcohol; this pattern spread to the United States at
approximately the time it was suppressed in Germany by the Nazis. The gay bar
remains the only gay institution in many American communities, as it was almost
everywhere until the 1970's. The visibility of gay culture in the 1970s
coincided with the wave of druguse referred to above. A variety of drugs were
used, at least by the more visible and hedonistic parts of the gay subculture,
until the early eighties: marijuana, mescaline and other hallucinogens, the
anesthetic ethyl chloride, and finally a "gay drug": poppers, so
called from the sound made when opening the glass vials in which they were
first sold.
Poppers are a vasodilator of transitory effect, and cause a "high"
from a drop in blood pressure; users say that the intensity and/or duration of
orgasm is increased, that muscles (such as throat and anal sphincters) and gag
reflexes are relaxed, and that feelings of increased union or
"melting" with the sex partner result. Many users report that
continued use (a single inhalation produces effects only for a few minutes)
inhibits erections, while other users seem unaffected. Likewise, some users say
the poppers encourage passivity and complete relaxation, while others report no
such effect. Headaches and dizziness are sometimes reported as side effects.
The pharmaceutical amyl nitrite, prescribed for treatment of angina, was
replaced for legal reasons with butyl and other related volatile nitrites with
similar effects. Under the pretense of use as a room odorizer, these were sold
under such brand names as Crypt, Cum, Locker Room, Pig, Rush, and the like.
"Pot and poppers" came to be in some circles a routine part of gay
male sex, and poppers began to be used by heterosexual Americans, most visibly,
and sexually, on disco dance floors. There has, however, been little indication
of widespread sexual use of poppers by heterosexuals or by lesbians. In the
early 1980s poppers were accused of being a cof actor in the development of
AIDS, and they were made illegal in some areas, although the accusation remains
unproven. The AIDS epidemic brought an increased concern with bodily and
especially immune system health, and a reduction in gay drug use of all sorts.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Edward M. Brecher, et al., Licit and Illicit Drugs, Mount Vernon, N.Y.:
Consumers Union, 1972;
William Burroughs, "Letter from a Master Addict to Dangerous Drugs," British Journal of
Addiction, 53 (1957), 119-31, reprinted as an appendix to Naked Lunch, New York: Grove, 1959, pp.
239-55, William Burroughs, "Points of Distinction between Sedative and
Conscious-Expanding Drugs," Evergreen Review, No. 34 (December, 1964), 72-74; C. Creighton, "On
Indications of the Hachish-Vice in the Old Testament," Janus, 8 (1903), 241-46 and
297-303; Aldous Huxley, The Doors of Perception, New York: Harper, 1954;
Andrew C. Kimmens, ed., Tales of Hashish, New York: William Morrow, 1977; Martin A Lee and Bruce
Shlain, Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD and the Sixties Rebeliion, New York: Grove, 1985;
Cynthia Palmer and Michael Horowitz, eds., Shaman Woman, Mainline
Lady: Women's Writings on the Drug Experience, New York: Quill, 1982;
Franz Rosenthal, The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Mushm Society, Leiden: Brill, 1971; Frits
Stall, Exploring Mysticism, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1975; Jay Steevens, Storming Heaven: LSD and the American Dream, Boston: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 1987; Andrew Weil and Winifred Rosen, Chocolate to Morphine:
Understanding Mind-Active Drugs, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983.
Daniel Eisenberg
Duncan, Robert Edward (1919-1988)
American
poet. He was born Edward Howard Duncan, January 7,1919, in Oakland,
California. His natural mother died after childbirth and the boy was adopted by
Edwin and Minnehaha Symmes, whose family name he used until 1942. The Symmes maintained a
prosperous middle-class household in Bakersf ield, California. As members of
the Hermetic Brotherhood (itself an offshoot from Helena Petrovna Blavatsky's
Theosophical Society), they received a prediction that their adopted boy would
embody the decadence of a civilization to be destroyed during his lifetime.
Between 1936 and 1938, Robert was a student at the University of California at
Berkeley, where he became active in radical politics, explored sex with men,
and published his first poems in campus papers. When his lover Ned Fahs graduated
and took a job in Maryland, Duncan left school and moved to the East Coast; the
two separated in 1940, but Robert lived around with both men and women as he
pursued his interest in literature. Duncan circulated within the Manhattan gay
circles in the 1940s and met Pavel Tchelitchew, Lou Harrison, Parker Tyler,
Sanders Russell, Charles Henri Ford, James Baldwin, Paul Goodman, W. H. Auden, and others. Duncan
published his pathbreaking essay in the anarchist magazine Politics (August, 1944): "The
Homosexual in Society." The essay argued that, like blacks and Jews,
homosexuals were an oppressed minority in a hostile society. Duncan's making a
political issue of homosexuality disturbed many famous New York homosexuals.
W. H. Auden later wrote begging Duncan not to publish an essay discussing
Auden's sexuality: "I earn a good part of my livelihood by teaching and in
that profession one is particularly vulnerable."
In 1945 Duncan returned to California and in 1946 (at the urging of a
boyfriend and German exile, Werner Vordtriede) he began study under Ernst Kantorowicz, another exile and a member
of the Stefan George
Circle. Heavenly City Earthly City (1947), Poems, 1948-49, and Medieval Scenes (1949) attempted to link
the world both of politics and of sexual intercourse (particularly that between
men) with hermetic spiritual truths. In 1946 at an anarchist meeting Duncan met
Jack Spicer; the two became close
friends (although not lovers). They collaborated (and occasionally quarreled)
on many political and poetry projects central to the San Francisco Renaissance.
From his earliest to his latest works, Duncan incorporated gay and lesbian
themes; in one early poem, he exclaims: "I am not afraid to be a
queen." Being woman-identified, he wrote a series of poems after those of
Gertrude Stein and took as his lifelong work an extended commentary on H.D. His
1947 "Venice Poem," weaves the themes of love and loss with the
architectural beauties of St. Mark's Square; like the Venetian empire his love
was transitory, first he won the young man, Gery Ackerman, who then ran off
with Paul Goodman.
Duncan's love life may be divided (like his poetry) between an earlier period
of promiscuity and a later period of domesticity. One New Year's Day, 1951, he
and Jess Collins, a painter, set up house together and were only separated by
the poet's death on February 3, 1988. Among the domestic volumes are Caesai's Gate (1955), The Opening of the Field (1960), Roots and Branches (1964), Bending the Bow(1968), Ground Work Before the War (1984), and Ground Work II, In the Dark (1987).
In Ground Work Before
the War, the battle is " that War which rages throughout the
world today, as enormous in its crimes and madness" as the ancient wars of
religion, a war including gay liberation. In 1973, Duncan wrote John Wieners
about the gay liberation fronts, "With the way words have of drawing us
into their depths, that term 'liberation' that is so much the jargon of the day
(so that while the bosses of the U.S - move in,on Asia burning and
exterminating as they go it is called 'liberating') does draw us deeper into
searching out for ourselves true liberations." And he predicted that the
word/world "gay" would "be searcht out until it rings painfully
true to us."
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Robert Berthoff, Robert
Duncan: A Descriptive Bibliography, Santa Barbara: Black Sparrow Press, 1986; Ekbert Faas, Young Robert Duncan: Portrait of the Poet as
Homosexual in Society, Santa Barbara: Black Sparrow Press, 1983.
Charley Shively
Dyke
This word
is a slang term in American English designating a female homosexual, which
elements of the American lesbian community have adopted as a self-designation.
It was originally a term of abuse, and only in the 1970s, with the reversal of
values that accompanied the radical upsurge following the Vietnam War, did it
obtain a positive, political value.
The term may stem from an earlier compound expression bulldyke, which is recorded from the
black American slang of the 1920s in the forms bull-diker (with the variant bull-dagger] and bull-diking woman in the sense of
"mannish lesbian."
Several theories are current concerning the etymology of dyke or dike
(both
spellings are found). There are a number that do not bear serious examination:
the suggestion that dyke stems from the Greek word dike, fancifully identified with Athena, the
"man-woman" who is the principle of total order; or from hermaphrodite, with only the last
syllable retained and then mispronounced as dyke; or from Boadicca, the queen of the ancient Britons who
fought against the Roman occupation of her country. The last is impossible on
both historical and philological grounds.
More plausible is the derivation from the verb to dike, "to attire oneself
faultlessly for social purposes," or to be diked out, which is recorded as
American student slang as early as 1851. Somewhat later dike is attested in the meaning of a man so attired, or merely
the set of male clothing. Since the original usage of bull-diker is a form denoting the
agent of a verb, the meaning would thus be "a lesbian wearing male,
particularly formal male attire."
However, this still fails to explain fully the compound bulldiker, which is all the more
noteworthy as bull
is an
English word that is quite prolific in compounds in the literary language and
even more in the dialects. Two of these are bull-dog, known from the beginning
of the Modern English period (with counterparts in Dutch bulhond and German Bulldogge], and bull-bitch "female
bull-dog," first recorded in 1681. Now in the same semantic field there
is also the word tyke,
whose
primary meaning in the Germanic languages is "bitch," but which in
the dialect of Yorkshire (northeastern England) came to be the usual word for
dog, and in the Scottish dialects meant a dog, "generally with
contemptuous force, a hulking uncouth ill-bred dog, a cur." Since the
bull is the zoomorphic symbol of maleness par excellence, it is possible that
the putative compound bull-tyke
yielded bull-dyke with the notion of "a
bitch who behaves like a bull" = a woman who behaves like a man in dress
and mannerisms. The influence of the verb to dike then produced the forms which later gave the monosyllable dyke through such expressions as dyking ourselves up which for members of
certain lesbian subcultures meant "dressing in a most beautiful, proud,
defiant masculine manner." Thus what had been a vulgar epithet with
connotations of self-hatred and shame has been adopted as a badge of rebellion
against the values of a heterosexist, male-dominated culture by the militant
lesbian of today. There is even an organization of lesbian mothers with the
name Dykes 'n Tykes. Modern Dutch has borrowed the Americanism but in the
spelling dijk,
the same
as the word meaning "sea-wall."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J. R. Roberts, "In America They Call Us Dykes: Notes on the Etymology and
Usage of 'Dyke,'" Sinister Wisdom, 9 (Spring 1979), 2-11.
Evelyn Gettone
Dysphoria, Gender
Gender
dysphoria is the feeling reported by a few individuals (sometimes labeled
"preoperative transsexuals") that they are acutely uncomfortable in
their own bodies, and that their sex organs in particular "should not be
there." The concept may ultimately stem from Karl Heinrich Ulrichs'
formulation anima
muliebris corpore virili inclusa, "a female soul trapped in a male body," although
he applied the phrase to subject homoerotics, that is to say, homosexuals who
identify with the opposite sex and play the corresponding role in relations
with their own. Gender
dysphoria syndrome is a broader concept that may include homosexuality and
transvestism as well as( transsexualism.
From the early 1950s until recently, individuals with gender dysphoria were
often guided toward transsexualizing operations in which their sex was surgically
"corrected." After recovery from surgery they were resocialized and
legally reassigned to the desired gender. Lothstein (1982) estimated that there
are 30,000 transsexuals in the entire world, of whom 10,000 are believed to
reside in the United States. Male-to-female transsexuals outnumber
female-to-male ones by at least four and perhaps eight to one, perhaps
suggesting a psychological origin of the problem. While such operations seemed
to alleviate the gender dysphoria of the subject, follow-up studies have shown
that in many cases drastic medical intervention is not the answer, and in fact
approximately two-thirds of those classified as transsexuals have not
undergone surgery, but are nonetheless living as members of the other gender on
a full-time basis. They have assumed the role of the other gender in mannerisms
and appearance in all their varied social functions and are, presumably,
passing in the eyes of the rest of society as apparent members of that sex.
Although the contradiction between transsexualism and anatomy suggests to
some that the condition is pathological, the real problem lies in society's
dichotomization of masculine and feminine forms of behavior - in its belief
that because there are only two sexes, there can be only two genders. The
transsexual has commonly heard about sex reassignment before approaching the
medical counselor and knows the questions and the "correct" answers
even before they are formally posed. In other words, the individual seeking
treatment has made a self-diagnosis and is simply asking the doctor as a surgical
technician to perform the necessary treatment. Of historical interest is the
fact that the Roman Emperor Heliogabalus (218-222) offered the physicians of
his time great rewards if they could effect a transsexualizing operation on his
person, but the task exceeded the powers of Greco-Roman medical science.
Individuals with acute gender dysphoria exhibit a great range of personality
types, with a resulting legal paradox: If the subject passionately craves the
surgery, he or she may be labeled insane and denied the wish, yet if the
subject moderately desires the surgery, he or she is pronounced competent and
granted the wish. Transsexuals tend to fall into three major clusters: (].)
individuals reporting a lifelong contradiction between their core-morphologic
sexual identity and their anatomy and an absence of effective socialization
and sexual arousal in the role appropriate to their anatomy ("true transsexuals");
¡2) males who have vacillated in their sexual identity or been ambivalent in
their sexual identity since childhood, and who have experienced genital arousal
in connection with cross-dressing ("transvestitic transsexuals"); (3)
individuals experiencing no contradiction between their core-morphologic
identity and their anatomy who have had extensive sexual activity with members
of their own sex ("feminine-male and masculine-female homosexual
transsexuals").
Even if transsexuals depend upon the most modem surgical and biochemical
techniques for the realization of their hopes, it is improbable that the
phenomenon of gender dysphoria exists solely because of medical progress or
that conflicts in gender identity and gender role lack historical and
anthropological precedents and parallels. Non-Western cultures offer examples
of alternate gender statuses in which the individual assumes, by personal
choice or by inner compulsion, the role of the other gender; the best known of
these is the berdache. Ethnographers are still to some extent perplexed by
these phenomena and their intricate psychological relationship to what modern
Western society labels homosexuality. Hence the psychiatric evaluation of
gender dysphoria must take account of the motives for alternate gender statuses
in other cultures - which, however, may be the specific cultural mode of
resolving or at least neutralizing a pathological identity crisis. In other
words, gender dysphoria may express a dissatisfaction with the way in which a
particular culture has defined and allocated sex roles rather than a
fundamental genetic disharmony within the subject. Transsexuals are reacting
to their own interpretation of the cultural meanings inherent in the concept of
gender; they are seeking to resolve the conflict between gender identity and
the socially prescribed role for the appropriate gender. What is obvious to the
individual with gender dysphoria is that his or her identity falls on the other
side of even the most tolerant line of demarcation between the sexes.
Counseling and therapy with such patients may aid them to resolve their
conflicts in a manner less damaging to their biological selves, to accept the
feminine or masculine component of their personality as no longer ego-alien
even if they retain the genitalia of the sex into which they were bom.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
David E. Grimm, "Toward a Theory of Gender: Transsexualism, Gender,
Sexuality, and Relationships," American Behavioral Scientist, 31 (1987), 66-85; Leslie
Martin Lothstein, Female-to-Male Transsexualism: Historical, Clinical and
Theoretical Issues, Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983; John Money, Venuses Penuses, Buffalo, NY: Prometheus
Books, 1986.
Warren Johansson