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Aberration, Sexual
The
notion of sexual aberration had some currency in the literature of psychiatry
during the first half of the twentieth century. Although the expression
encompassed a whole range of behaviors regarded as abnormalities, it is
probably safe to say that it was used more with reference to homosexuality than
for any other "disorder." In due course it yielded to deviation, and
then to deviance - somewhat less negative concepts.
The term derives from the Latin aberrare, "to go astray, wander off." It is significant
that the first recorded English use of the verb "aberr" (now
obsolete), by John Bellenden in 1536, refers to religious heresy. For
nineteenth-century alienists and moralists, the word aberration took on strong
connotations of mental instability or madness. Thus, in its application to
sexual nonconformity, the concept linked up with the notion of "moral
insanity," that is to say, the nonclinical manifestation of desire for
variant experience. The notion of departure from a presumed statistical norm,
and the prefix ab-, connect with the concept of abnormal. The proliferation of
such terms in the writings of psychiatrists, physicians, moralists, and
journalists in the first half of the twentieth century reveals a profound
ambivalence with regard to human variation, in which prescriptive condemnation
struggles with, and often overcomes, descriptive neutrality.
Abnormality
The lay
public remains much concerned about the question of whether homosexual behavior
is abnormal. In medical pathology the term "abnormal" refers to conditions
which interfere with the physical well-being and functioning of a living body.
Applied to social life, such an approach entails subjective judgments about
what the good life is. Moreover, insofar as homosexual and other variant
lifestyles can be considered "maladjusted," that assumption reflects
the punitive intrusion of socially sanctioned prescriptions rather than any
internal limitations imposed by the behavior itself. In other words, once the
corrosive element of self-contempt, which is introjected by the social
environment, is removed, homosexual men and lesbian women would appear to
function as well as anyone else. Another difficulty with the concept is that
the pair normal/abnormal suggests a sharp dichotomy. Kinsey's findings,
however, suggest that sexual behavior is best understood as a continuum with
many individuals falling between the poles and shifting position over the
course of their lives.
It is true but trivial that in a purely statistical sense homosexual behavior
in our society is abnormal, since it is not practiced by most people most of
the time. But the same is the case with such behavior as opera singing, the
monastic vocation, medicine - all of which are valued occupations, but ones
practiced only by small segments of the population. Labeling sopranos, monks,
or physicians abnormal would be tautological - it amounts to saying that a
member of a group is a member of a group. Needless to say, we are not
accustomed to refer to such pursuits as abnormal because they do not, as a
rule, incur social disapproval. Sometimes the matter is referred to biology, by
enquiring as to whether animals practice it . [See animal
homosexuality.) Once again, such cultural activities as religion and medicine
are not practiced by animals, but this lack does not compel us to condemn them
as abnormal. Because of the negative freight that has accumulated over the
years, augmented by numerous courses in "abnormal psychology," it
is best that the term be used very sparingly - if at all - in connection with
sexual behavior.
The history of the word itself reveals an interesting, if obscure interchange
between linguistic development and judgmentalism. As the Oxford English Dictionary noted (with unconscious
irony) in 1884, "few words show such a series of pseudo-etymological
perversions." The process that occasioned this unusual lexicographical
outburst is as follows. Greek anómalos
("not
even or level") produced Latin anomalus - and eventually our
word anomalous. Then, through confusion with norm a, "rule," the
Latin word was corrupted to anormalis,
hence
French and Middle English anormal.
The
parasitic "b" crept in as the second letter of the modern word
through scribal intervention rather than the natural evolution of speech.
(Compare the intrusive "d" and "h" in "adventure"
and "author" respectively.)
It is true that classical Latin had abnormis,
"departing
from the rule," but it did not possess abnormalis. The presence of the
"b" in our word abnormal serves to create an unconscious association
with "aberrant," "abreaction," etc. To summarize, the
pejorative connotations are enhanced by the intrusion of two consonants,
"b" and "r," which - the etymology shows - do not belong
there.
Two rare anticipations of modern usage may be noted as curiosities. In a
harangue against sodomites, the French thirteenth-century Roman de la rose (lines 19619-20) refers to
those who practice "exceptions anormales." In 1869 the homosexual theorist Károly Mária Kertbeny coined a word, normalsexual
(== heterosexual),
in contrast with homosexual
(which by
inference is not normal). Although Kertbeny's first word, in striking contrast
to the second, gained no currency, it did anticipate the twentieth-century
contrast of normal and abnormal sexuality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Alfred Kinsey et alv "Normality and Abnormality in Sexual Behavior,"
in P. H. Hoch and J. Zubin, eds., Psychological Development in Health and Disease, New York: Grune
andStratton, 1949, 11-32.
Wayne R. Dynes
Abomination
In
contemporary usage the terms abomination and abominable refer in a generic way
to something that is detestable or loathsome. Because of Old Testament usage, however - Leviticus
18:22, "Thou shalt not lie with mankind as with womankind: it is
abomination" (cf. Leviticus 20:13; Deuteronomy 22:5 and 23:19; and I
Kings 14:24) - the words retain a special association as part of the religious
condemnation of male homosexual behavior. In Elizabethan English they were
normally written "abhomination," "abhominable" as if they
derived from Latin ab- and homo - hence "departing from the human; inhuman." In
fact, the core of the Latin word is the religious term omen.
In any
event the notion of abominatio(n) owes its force to its appearance in Jerome's
Vulgate translation of the Bible, where it corresponds to Greek bdelygma and Hebrew tó'ebáh. The latter term denotes
behavior that violates the covenant between God and Israel, and is applied to Canaanite trade practices, idolatry,
and polytheism. The aversion of the religious leaders of the Jewish community
after the return from the Babylonian captivity to the "abominable
customs" of their heathen neighbors, combined with the Zoroastrian prohibition of homosexual
behavior, inspired the legal provisions added to the Holiness Code of Leviticus
in the fifth century before the Christian era that were to be normative for
Hellenistic Judaism and then for Pauline Christianity. The designation of
homosexual relations as an "abomination" or "abominable
crime" in medieval and modern sacral and legal texts echoes the wording of
the Old Testament.
The complex web of prohibitions recorded in the Book of Leviticus has defied
full explanation from the standpoint of comparative religion. Recently influential
among social scientists (though not amongBiblical scholars) has been the interpretation
of the anthropologist Mary Douglas [Purity
and Danger, London, 1967), who views the abominations as part of a
concern with the boundaries of classification categories, strict adherence to
which attests one's purity in relation to divinity.
Abrahamic Religions
According
to the French Catholic Orientalist Louis Massignon (1883-1962), the Abrahamic
religions are the three maj or faiths - Judaism, Christianity, Islam - that look to the
patriarch Abraham as their spiritual father. In their belief systems, Abraham
ranks as the first monotheist who rejected the pagan divinities and their idols
and worshipped the true God who revealed himself to him. (Modern scholars have
concluded that the book of Genesis is a historical novel written only after the
return of the exiles from the Babylonian captivity, and that monotheism in fact
began with Akhenaten, the heretical pharaoh of Egypt in the fourteenth century b.c. But completely eradicated in Egypt itself after his death,
Akhenaten's innovations left no resonance except for their possible survival
in the neighboring Israelite monarchy, which began its rule under Egyptian
cultural hegemony.)
All the Abrahamic religions proscribe homosexual behavior, a taboo that
derives from the Holiness Code of the book of Leviticus and the legend of Sodom as these were received in
Palestinian and then Hellenistic Judaism between the fifth century b.c. and the first century, when the writings of such Jewish
apologists as Philo Judaeus and Flavius Josephus show it in a fully developed form. Thus the negative
attitude of all three faiths has a single Old Testament source; its reception in
Christianity is secondary and in Islam tertiary, the Islamic tradition having
mainly been shaped by Nestorian Christianity of the early seventh century. All
three contrast in the most striking manner with the role that homosexual
behavior and the art and literature inspired by homoerotic feeling played in
Greco-Roman paganism - a legacy that the medieval and modern world has never
been able fully to suppress or disavow, but which has driven scholars and
translators to acts of censorship and artful silence when confronted with texts
and artifacts bequeathed by the ancient civilizations.
The claim of homophobic propagandists that the prohibition of homosexuality
is universal rests essentially upon its proscription in the Abrahamic religions,
which have primarily condemned male homosexuality. Lesbianism is nowhere mentioned
in the Old Testament, the New Testament, or the Koran. The passage in Romans 1:26 that has often
been interpreted as referring to lesbian sexuality actually concerns another
Old Testament myth, the sexual union of the "sons of God" and the
"daughters of men" in Genesis 6:1-4. The association of Sodom's twin
city of Gomorrah with lesbianism is an accretion of the later Middle Ages and
confined to Latin Christianity.
As for the texts in Leviticus 18:22 and 20:13, modern critical scholarship has
identified them as part of a legal novella from the Persian period, and the
entire Mosaic Law as a document compiled by Ezra and the "men of the Great
Assembly" in the years 458-444 b.c.,
hence
long after the return of the exiles from the Babylonian Captivity. The account
of the destruction of Sodom is a geographical legend inspired by the
salinization and aridity of the shores of the Dead Sea, a result of the
lowering of the prehistoric water level that exposed the barren vicinity to
full view. The book of Genesis and its later elaboration in Christian and
Islamic legend have in their totality been dismissed from history, as modern
scholars with access to Egyptian and Mesopotamia!! sources now conclude that
the authors of the Old Testament had no knowledge of any historic event
earlier than 1500 b.c. and that there was no
urban culture in Palestine in the so-called patriarchal age.
While Jewish communal life in Palestine laid the foundations, the prohibition
on homosexual behavior could not be enlarged into a Kantian imperative for all
humanity without a Hellenic supplement. Some Greek thinkers had independently
formulated a condemnation of homosexuality on philosophical and ethical
grounds, the chief of which was that sexuality was intended by nature solely
for the purpose of procreation. But this view remained a philosopher's dictum
with no support in religion or mythology. It was Judaism that brought to the
question the uncompromising prohibitions of Leviticus and the accompanying
death penalty, a sanction exemplified by the myth of the destruction of Sodom.
The four lines of attack - philosophical, ethical, legal- religious, and
mythical - converged in Philo Judaeus (ca. 20 b.c.-ca.a.d.
45), who
formulated in flawless Attic prose the arguments that Christianity was to
adopt as the basis for the intolerance of homosexuality in its own
civilization.
The enforcement of the taboo in the three Abrahamic religions is quite another
matter. For most of its history Judaism lacked the state power with which to
impose the Levitical death penalty, but could resort to ostracism and exclusion
from the Jewish community. Christianity, and above all Latin Christianity,
succeeded in creating not just a fearsome legal prohibition, but also an
intolerant public opinion that mercilessly ostracized not just those guilty of
"unnatural vice," but even those accused or merely suspected of it,
and so burdened even exclusive homosexuals with the mask of a heterosexual
identity. Islam, even after adopting this part of the Abrahamic tradition,
never effectively superimposed it upon the more tolerant folkways of the
Mediterranean societies which it conquered and won to its faith, but even
allowed homoerotic literature to flourish in the languages cultivated by its
adherents, though plastic art celebrating male beauty was restricted by
dogmatic opposition to image-making.
Louis Massignon composed a work entitled Les trois prières d'Abraham, II, La prière
sur Sodome (1930), inspired by Abraham's intercession for the Sodomites in Genesis
18, in which he professed to have discovered the "spiritual causes of
inversion." It is the most sophisticated piece of theological homophobia
the twentieth century has produced. A summary of his ideas appears in "Les trois prières
d'Abraham, père de tous les croyants," Dieu Vivant, 13 (1949), 20-23.
However deep-seated and tradition-hallowed the prohibition of homosexuality
in the Abrahamic religions may be, it stems in the last analysis from
pre-scientific ignorance and superstition and not from beliefs accredited by
modern science and philosophy. The contemporary gay liberation movement may be
regarded as a rejection of the Abrahamic tradition in regard to homosexuality
and a return to the more tolerant and accepting attitude of Greco-Roman
paganism, even though some gay activists seek to sanction their beliefs in the
guise of pseudo-Christian or pseudo-Jewish communities. On the other hand, the
unanimity of the three religions authorizes their adherents to collaborate in
good faith against gay liberation and other goals of sexual reform, however
much they have hated, shunned, and even persecuted one another over the
centuries because of their mutually exclusive claims to be the sole revealed
religion.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Guy Harpigny, Islam
et christianisme selon Louis Massignon, Louvain-la-Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain,
1981, pp. 79-106; F. E. Peters, Children of Abraham: Judaism, Christianity, Islam, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1982.
Warren Johansson
Abu Nuwas (ca. 757-ca. 814)
Arab
poet. One of the greatest of all Arab writers, Abu Nuwas was the outstanding
poet of the Abbasid era (750-1258). Abu Nuwas al-Hasan ibn Hani al-Hakami was
born in Al-Ahwaz; his father was from southern Arabia and his mother was Persian.
His first teacher was the poet Waliba ibn al-Hubab (died 786), a master who
initiated him into the joys of pederasty as well as poetry.
Abu Nuwas continued his education in theology and grammar, after which he
decided to try his luck as an author in the capital city of Baghdad. Here he
soon acquired great fame as a poet who excelled in lyrical love poetry [ghazal], in lampoons and satire,
and in mujun - frivolous and humorous descriptions of indecent or obscene
matters. He became the boon companion of the Caliph Al-Amin (ruled 809-813),
son and successor of the illustrious Harun ar-Rashid (ruled 786-809). His
irresistible humor and irony made him a favorite figure in popular stories of
the Arab world, where he played the role of court jester. (He makes several
appearances in The
Thousand and One Nights.)
Abu
Nuwas's favorite themes were wine and boys. He was one of the first Arab poets
to write lyrical love poetry about boys, and his genius brought the genre to
great heights. His preferred type of youth was the pale gazelle, whose face
shone like the moon, with roses on his cheeks and ambergris in his long curly
hair, with musk in his kisses and pearls between his lips, with firm boyish buttocks,
a slender and supple body, and a clear voice. Beardless boys held the greatest
attraction - the growth of hair on the cheek was likened to that of apes - but
here also Abu Nuwas flouted social norms by describing down on the cheek as
erotically appealing, since it preserved beauty from indiscreet glances and
gave a different flavor to kisses.
The only woman who played an important part in his life was Janan, a slave
girl, but, because of his libertine conduct, she never trusted the sincerity of
his love. When she asked him to renounce his love of boys, he refused, saying
that he was one of the "people of Lot, " with reference to the Arab
view that the Biblical Lot was the founder of homosexual love. Abu Nuwas was
sexually interested in women or girls only when they looked like boys, but even
then he considered their vagina too dangerous a gulf to cross. As he said
(symbolically): "I have a pencil which stumbles if I use it on the front
of the paper, but which takes great strides on the back." Lesbianism he
derided as pointless: 'It is fat rubbed up by fat, and nothing more. And rub as
one may, when down to bare skin, there is nothing to rise in response. There is
no wicked shaft that is smooth at the tip to drive itself home and sink into
place."
Abu Nuwas was notorious for his mockery and satire, in which the sexual
intemperance of women and the sexual passivity of men were favorite themes. A
lot of people, even those in high places, were verbally "buggered" by
him: "Your penis would not be soft if you did not widen your anus!"
Such verbal abuse landed him in prison twice; he was also jailed once for
drinking wine.
He liked to shock society by writing openly about things which transgressed
the norms and values of Islam. For example, he was probably the first Arab
poet to write about the taboo subject of masturbation, which he declared to be
inferior to the love of boys, but preferable to marriage. He did not hide his
"sinful" behavior behind a cloak of silence, as was expected in
Islam; instead he openly boasted of his love of boys and wine: "Away with
hypocrisy ... discreet debauchery means little to me. I want to enjoy
everything in broad daylight." Social blame only served as an enticement,
and regrets were not to be expected.
At the very end of his life, Abu Nuwas underwent a sudden reformation, and
devoted his final days to the composition of verses in favor of Islamic
holiness. Yet it is not these verses which brought him his fame.
See also Ghulamiyya; Islam.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Jamel Bencheikh, "Poesies bachiques d'Abu Nuwas," Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales, 18 (1963-64), 7-75;
William Harris Ingrams, Abu Nuwas in Life and Legend, Port Louis: La Typographic
Modeme, 1933; Ewald Wagner, Abu Nuwas: Eine Studie zur Arabischen Literatur der fruhen
Abbasidenzeit, Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1965.
Maarten Schild
Achilles
Greek
mythological hero. Achilles was the son of Peleus and Thetis, usually
represented as their only child. All the evidence suggests that the Greeks
thought of him as a man, real or imaginary, and not as a "faded" god,
and that his widespread cult resulted mainly from his prominence in the Iliad. His portrait was drawn
once and for all by Homer, and later writers supplied details from their own imagination
or from local traditions of obscure origin.
In the Iliad
he
appears as a magnificent barbarian, somewhat outside the sphere of Achaean
civilization, though highly esteemed for his personal beauty and valor. Alone
among the figures of Homer, he clings to the archaic practice of making
elaborate and costly offerings, including human victims. His furious and
ungovernable anger, on which the plot of the Iliad turns, is a weakness of
which he himself is conscious. When not aroused by wrath or grief, he can often
be merciful, but in his fury he spares no one. He is a tragic hero, being aware
of the shortness of his life, and his devoted friendship for Patroclus is one
of the major themes of the epic. Later Greek speculation made the two lovers,
and also gave Achilles a passion for Troilus.
The homoerotic elements in the figure of Achilles are characteristically
Hellenic. He is supremely beautiful, kalos
as the
later vase inscriptions have it; he is ever youthful as well as short-lived,
yet he foresees and mourns his own death as he anticipates the grief that it
will bring to others. His attachment to Patroclus is an archetypal male bond
that occurs elsewhere in Greek culture: Damon and Pythias, Orestes and
Pylades, Harmodius and Aristogiton are pairs of comrades who gladly face danger
and death for and beside each other. From the Semitic world stem Gilgamesh and Enkidu, as well as David and Jonathan. The friendship of Achilles
and Patroclus is mentioned explicitly only once in the Iliad, and then in a
context of military excellence; it is the comradeship of warriors who fight
always in each other's ken: "From then on the son of Thetis urged that
never in the moil of Ares should Patroclus be stationed apart from his own
man-slaughtering spear."
The Homeric nucleus of the theme of Achilles as homosexual lover lies in his
relationship with Patroclus. The friendship with Patroclus blossomed into overt
homosexual love in the fifth and fourth centuries, in the works of Aeschylus, Plato, and Aeschines, and as such seems to have
inspired the enigmatic verses in Lycophron's third-century Alexandra that make unrequited love
Achilles' motive for killing Troilus. By the fourth century of our era this
story had been elaborated into a sadomasochistic version in which Achilles
causes the death of his beloved by crushing him in a lover's embrace. As a
rule, the post-classical tradition shows Achilles as heterosexual and having an
exemplary asexual friendship with Patroclus.
The figure of Achilles remained polyvalent. The classical Greek pederastic
tradition only sporadically assimilated him, new variations appeared in pagan
writings after the Golden Age of Hellenic civilization, and medieval Christian
writers deliberately suppressed the homoerotic nuances of the figure. But in
the world of Greek gods and heroes, Achilles remains the supreme example of the
warrior imbued with passionate devotion to his comrade-in-arms.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
W. M. Clarke, "Achilles and Patroclus in Love," Hermes, 106 (1978), 381-96; Katherine Callen King, Achilles: Paradigms of the
War Hero from Homer to the Middle Ages, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987.
Warren Johansson
Ackerley, Joseph Randolph (1896-1967)
British
writer and editor. In 1918 Ackerley wrote a play "The Prisoners of
War" about the cabin fever and repressed homoerotic longings of his own
stint in a German camp during World War I. It was produced in 1925, by which
time Ackerley had become a protege of e. M. Forster. Forster
arranged for him a nebulous position with the Maharajah of Chhatarpur, whose
misadventures in pursuit of homosexual love Ackerley mercilessly lampooned in
his travel book Hindoo
Holiday (1929).
The frustrations of Ackerley's own inhibited sexual encounters with
working-class men and men in uniforms led him to concentrate his affections on
his dog, an Alsatian named Queenie, who is the main romantic interest of My Dog Tulip (1956), and of his one
novel, We
Think the World of You (1960), which juxtaposes the pleasures of owning a dog with
the difficulties of having a lower-class beloved. After Queenie's death and
Ackerley's retirement from the BBC (where he had been an editor of The Listener, 1935-59), he journeyed to
Japan, where he had a modicum of sexual gratification. Ackerley wrote an
obituary of Forster and sold Forster's letters to the University of Texas, then
predeceased him by three years.
Just before his death, Ackerley completed a memoir (My Father and Myself] in which he fantasized
that as a youth his guardsman father had prostituted himself to rich patrons, thereby
securing the financial stability that was eventually to afford his son the
opportunity to rent later generations of guardsmen for mutual masturbation.
Unfortunately, many of his admirers have taken this account to be established
fact.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Neville Braybrooke, edv The Ackerley Letters, New York: Harcourt, Brace,
Jovanovich, 1975; Peter Parker, Ackerley: A Life off.R. Ackerley, London: Constable, 1989.
Stephen O. Murray
Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
See AIDS.
Active-Passive Contrast
Common
usage divides homosexual behavior into active and passive roles. These terms
are ambivalent and often confusing.
A truism of physics is that bodies may be either at motion or at rest. Inert
objects, however, can only respond to external attraction and repulsion. It is
the property of living things that they can initiate activity as well as
respond (or refuse to respond) to stimuli. This last distinction is the basis
of commonsense notions of active personalities as against passive ones. Some
individuals seem to expend energy freely while others conserve it. In addition
to this expend-conserve model, the active-passive contrast corresponds in
large measure to those of lead-follow and command-obey.
Around such notions the popular morality of ancient Greece and Rome constructed
a sexual dichotomy that classified participants in sexual acts not so much
accordingto the male-female difference, based on body build and genitalia, or
the heterosexual-homosexual contrast of object choice, both of which are
familiar to modern thinking, but in a stark opposition of the doer and the one
who is done to. The doer (agent) is the phallic male, his receiving partner
(patient or pathic) either a female or a pubescent boy. (Sometimes older males
could enact the passive role, but they were generally disprized in consequence,
for the paradigm admits of only one role for the adult male.) The
active-passive contrast largely corresponds to the penetrator-penetratee
dichotomy. In modern sexual encounters, the penetrator can be, with respect to
overall body movement, largely passive, amounting to a contradiction. The
ancients avoided this problem by their tendency to analyze oral-phallic
activity as irrumation, that is, where the penetrator engages his partner with
vigorous buccal thrusts. A common belief in this system is the notion that only
the active partner experiences pleasure,-the role of the passive is simply to
endure. It is easy to see how such a model of dominator and dominated would
accord with the mindset of a slave-owning society.
This contrast of active vs. passive is abundantly illustrated in Greek and
Latin sexual texts, and as these are the foundation of the Western tradition
their formulae have often been echoed, though changed - consciously or unconsciously
- to fit new social norms. The contrast is also found in medieval Scandinavia, in our prisons, jails, and
reformatories, and to a large extent in contemporary Latin America.
All these
manifestations stem from popular modes of thought which tend to privilege the
active, even predatory male. Other trends were found, however, in more
cultivated spheres of Greco-Roman thinking. Self-restraint is a quality much
praised in ancient ethical philosophy, and insofar as this ideal filtered down it tended to mitigate
the notion that the more rapacious copulation the active male could engage in
the better. The Platonic tradition also reserved a special place for contemplation,
a preference which passed into Stoicism, where it even may take the form of commendation of
nonaction. These contemplative and Stoic trends migrated into Christianity, which however did break
with classical tradition by excluding the adolescent youth from the category of
licit sexual objects, thus clearing the way for the male-female dichotomy that
has been dominant in Western culture ever since. Nonetheless, the pédérastie ideal never completely
died out, despite the winds of theological disapproval. Many medieval and Renaissance texts attest to the survival
of pédérastie
patterns,
at least among a cultivated few.
In modern heterosexual practice the identification of the male with the active and the female with the passive
was sealed by the repressive norm of the passionless female and the standard
injunction of the "missionary position," in which the penetrating
male lies atop his partner. Feminism has sought to combat such restrictions
and today a variety of sexual positions are noted in every sex manual. With
respect to male and female homosexual conduct, however, the notion lingers that
sexual activity, and indeed the whole relationship, must be structured around
the active-passive contrast. Thus gay men and lesbians are often asked:
"Are you active or passive?" It is frequently difficult to persuade
the interlocutor that the two roles are assumed alternately, or that one
pattern may prevail in bed while the opposite occurs in everyday life. That is
to say, a "butch" lesbian accustomed to take the lead in social
encounters may be responsive rather than aggressive in bed. For a time "politically
correct" gay and lesbian thinking condemned sex-role differences in
couples, claiming that they were a reactionary mimicry of heterosexual norms,
but it is now generally recognized that whether these patterns are to be
honored or overcome should be a matter of individual choice.
See also Pederasty; Slavery.
Wayne R. Dynes
Activist, Gay
Familiar
in the 1970s, the expression "gay activist" has become less common
owing to the ebbing of the more strenuous and Utopian aspects of the gay
liberation movement. It served to denote someone choosing to devote a major
share of his or her energies to the accomplishment of social change that will
afford a better life for homosexual men and lesbian women. Its most famous
institutional embodiment, subsequently imitated in many parts of the world, was
the Gay Activists Alliance (GAA), formed in New York City in the wake of the
1969 Stonewall
Rebellion. The group took as its symbol the Greek letter lambda, apparently because of its
association with energy transformation in physics. Unlike the New Left, GAA
was expressly a "one issue" organization, refusing to submerge the
cause of gay rights in a network of social change groups, what came to be known
as the Rainbow Coalition. In Europe the term "gay militant" is
sometimes found as a variant, but in North America the word militant is
generally eschewed because of its Old Left connotations and limitations.
The history of the idea of gay activism displays a complicated pedigree. The
concept is rooted ultimately in the perennial contrast between the active and
the contemplative life - the latter being traditionally preferred. In 1893,
however, the French Catholic philosopher Maurice Blondel in essence turned the
tables in his book VAction.
Blondel,
in keeping with the vitalist currents of the day, held that philosophy must
take its start not from abstract thought alone but from the whole of our life -
thinking, feeling, willing.
Shortly thereafter, in Central Europe Rudolph Eucken, who received the Nobel
Prize for literature in 1906, developed his own philosophy of Aktivismus. At
this time many figures of Germany's political and literary-artistic avant-garde
were drawn to Franz Pfemfert's periodical Die Aktion (1911-32). Further
permutations occurred with the Flemish nationalist Activists in Belgium and the
Hungarian artistic movement, Aktivismus, that arose in the aftermath of World
War I. As early as 1915, however, Kurt Hiller, a political theorist and journalist, as well as an advocate
of homosexual rights, drew several strands together in his broader concept of
Aktivismus, urging the intelligentsia to abandon ivory tower isolation and
participate fully in political Ufe. How the term activist in its political (and gay movement)
sense reached North America in the 1970s can only be surmised. The mediation of
German refugee scholars is likely, as is suggested by this 1954 quotation by
Arthur Koestler: "he was not a politician but a propagandist, not a
'theoretician' but an 'activist'." (The reference, from The Invisible Writing, is to Willi Münzenberg, an energetic Communist
leader in Paris in the 1930s.)
Wayne R. Dynes
Adelswárd Fersen, Baron Jacques d' (1880-1923)
French
aristocrat and writer. Descended from Marie Antoinette's lover Axel Fersen, the
wealthy young baron wrote several volumes of poetry and fiction in the first
decade of the century, including Hymnaire
d!Adonis, Chansons légéres, Lord Lyllian, and Une jeunesse.
In
addition, he edited and contributed to twelve monthly numbers of a literary
periodical, Akademos
(1909).
At the age of twenty-three he was arrested for taking photographs of naked
Parisian schoolboys, but was allowed to go into exile on the island of Capri
for several years, later returning to France after having visited Sri Lanka
and China.
The great love of his life was the boy Nino Cesarini, who lived with him in the
Villa Lysis on Capri, which was filled with statues of naked youths and which
is now overrun by weeds and stray cats. Adelswàrd Fersen also wrote poems to a thirteen-year-old Eton
schoolboy. He was the model for Baron Robert Marsac Lagerstrôm in Compton Mackenzie's
amusing novel Vestal
Fire (1927),
and was the hero of Roger Peyref itte's historical fiction V exile de Capri
(1959).
He died of a drug overdose in 1923, having for years been an opium and cocaine
addict. He had modeled his life on that of Count Robert de Montesquiou, but the
latter refused to have anything to do with him, for even in Capri Adelswàrd Fersen had caused scandals.
He was even associated with Essebac (as the novelist Achille Bécasse was known), Norman
Douglas, and Baron von Gloeden. The story of his sexual life is to be found in
his own books, in the works of Norman Douglas, and in Peyref itte's novel,
which is spoiled by a mixture of fact and fiction.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Bruce Chatwin, "Self-Love Among the Ruins," Vanity Pair, 47:4 (April 1984), 46-55,
102-6.
Stephen Wayne Foster
ADHESIVENESS
The
concept of adhesiveness was introduced into English by the phrenologist Johann Gaspar Spurzheim (
1776-1832) in the meaning of "the faculty that causes human beings to be
attached to one another. " It derived ultimately from the Latin verb adhaerere, as in Genesis 2:24, where
St. Jerome's equivalent of "Therefore shall a man ... cleave unto his
wife" is "Quam obrem... homo... adhaerebit uxorisuae." Diffusion
of the concept of adhesiveness by the (pseudo-)science of phrenology enabled it
to became part of the special vocabulary of the emerging homosexual subculture
of the nineteenth century. Phrenologists themselves grounded this passionate
friendship - which could exist between members of opposite sexes as well as
between those of the same sex - in the brain, giving it a material base and a
congenital origin. Walt Whitman selfconsciously narrowed the reference of the
term "adhesive love" - which he also named "comradeship" -
to homosexual relationships, and in so doing coded his writings for the
initiated reader.
Permutations of the Concept.
George
Combe (1784-1858), a middle-class lawyer from Edinburgh, met Spurzheim in 1815,
and soon thereafter became a leader of British phrenology. His Constitution of Man Considered in Relation to
External Objects (1828) became the basis of orthodox phrenology. His major
contribution to the understanding of adhesiveness was his complex sense of the
working of the "organ" and his additions to the iconography. He also
contrasted the selfish side of adhesiveness with the nobler ends that had to be
directed "by enlightened intellect and moral sentiment." Excess of
adhesiveness could, however, amount to a disease.
At least two of the European contributors to the definition of adhesiveness
may themselves have been homosexual: Spurzheim himself, and his younger
Scottish contemporary Robert Macnish (1802-1837). In discussing women with
small amativeness and large adhesiveness, he said that they "prefer the
society of their own sex to that of men." Amativeness thus applied to
relations between the sexes, while the other term was discretely given the
implicit meaning of "homoerotic attachment." Romantic passions
between young people of the same sex Macnish deemed an "abuse of
adhesiveness." He went so far as to describe a male couple whose mutual
attachment was so excessive as to be "a disease."
There is no indication that Walt Whitman knew Macnish's writings. His own
acquaintance with the phrenological tradition came from the Americans associated
with "Fowler and Wells," the "phrenological cabinet" that
distributed the first edition of Leaves
of Grass and later hired Whitman to write for their publication Life Illustrated. Owen Squire Fowler
(1809-1887) took up phrenology with great gusto after hearing Spurzheim's
lectures during his student days at Amherst College. In 1840 he published an Elemental Phrenology in which adhesiveness was
defined as "Friendship; sociability; fondness for society; susceptibility
of forming attachments; inclination to love, and desire to be loved. ..." When he treated adhesiveness at
length, as he did repeatedly in journal articles in the following years, he
was strong on repetitious rhetoric but weak in analysis. Little of his sermonizing
derived from exact observation or rigorous debate.
Franz Joseph Gall (1758-1828), the founder of phrenology, had classified
excessive adhesiveness as a "mania," which meant that it could fall
within the scope of the physician's interest. However, in the middle of the
nineteenth century medical science had not gone beyond defining quantitative (as opposed to qualitative)
changes in the sexual drive as pathological. Homosexual tendencies were either
dismissed as "excesses of friendship" or relegated to the category of
"revolting moral aberrations."
Walt Whitman. Under the influence of
Fowlerian phrenology Whitman developed his own ideas on the role of
adhesiveness in his universal scheme of things. Whitman's self-conception was
powerfully shaped by the reading of his head done by Lorenzo Fowler, which
showed him to have immense potential, and in the wake of this event Whitman
underwent a self-transformation that made him the bold prophet of a new vision
of democracy.
In the 1856 edition of Leaves
of Grass Whitman wrote:
Do you know what it is, as you pass,
to be loved by strangers?
Do you know the talk of those turning eye-balls?
Here is adhesiveness - it is not
previously fashioned - it is apropos.
The restriction to love between members of the same sex - which was not
borrowed from the phrenologists - was Whitman's initial adaptation of the term.
When later in Democratic
Vistas he came to elaborate his new vision of society, he spoke of
"the adhesive love, at least rivalling the amative love." For the
phrenologists amativeness and adhesiveness had been distinct, but had not been
so polarized, simply because the opposition heterosexual: homosexual did not
yet exist in their minds, although they could recognize adhesiveness as
"the fountain of another variety of mental symptoms."
Whitman can be seen in this light as a forerunner of Hans Blüher, who, in the second decade
of the twentieth century, from an openly elitist and conservative standpoint
exalted the role of homoeroticism and of male bonding in the maintenance of
the state. For Whitman the core of social organization was same-sex comradeship,
which he set at least potentially on a par with heterosexual marriage. He could
now celebrate the equalizing effects of his version of adhesiveness, developing
it as the basis of social reform in Democratic
Vistas (1871). His ideal of comradeship linked both his early
enthusiasm for the promiscuous anonymity of Manhattan and his later, more or
less serial monogamy with his hopes for the future of American democracy.
Aftermath. In the remaining decades
of the century, the few surviving phrenologists became painfully aware of the
moral dangers of adhesiveness and of the injurious effects of the
"excessive desire for friends." In 1898, three years after the
disgrace of Oscar Wilde, the Phrenological
Journal now edited by Orson Fowler's younger sister, published a
two-part article that dwelt as never before on the excesses of friendship,
which "causes its possessor to seek company simply for the sake of being
in it, whereby their time is wasted and they become a natural prey to the dishonest,
tricky, unscrupulous, and vicious, who may take advantage of and link them into
all sorts of obligatory concerns ruinous to their pockets and their
morals."
Today discredited and forgotten, phrenology retains a historical interest as
one of the disciplines that sought to analyze the causal factors in
personality before a scientific psychology had emerged from philosophy. As
such, it brought Whitman and perhaps others involved in the homosexual
subculture of that day to a better understanding of themselves and of the
potential of homoerotic urges for the positive task of nation-building. The notion
of adhesiveness as related to male comradeship linked it to the paiderasteia of Greek antiquity, with
its emphasis on loyalty to one's comrade in arms and on duty to the state of
which one was a citizen - the latter being one of the sources of the modern
democratic ideal.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Michael Lynch, "'Here Is Adhesiveness': From Friendship to
Homosexuality," Victorian "Studies, 29 (1985), 67-96.
Warren
Johansson
Adler, Alfred (1870-1937)
Austrian
psychiatrist, founder of Individual Psychology, commonly known as the Adlerian
School. Like Sigmund Freud, Adler came from a lower middle-class Jewish family
in Vienna. A central figure in Freud's psychoanalytic circle from 1902 to 1911,
his heated disputes with the master in the latter year led to his seceding with
several other members to form an independent group.
Adler's theories are technically less complex than those of Freud, and draw
more directly on his experiences with patients of humbler social origin. As a
result they have a commonsense quality that earned them considerable popularity
in the middle decades of the twentieth century, a popularity that has since
ebbed. Alfred Adler's thinking emphasized the individual's striving for power
and self-esteem (with the inferiority complex often arising as an unwanted
byproduct) and the patient's lifestyle - a concept that, much modified over the
decades, was to play a notable role in the ideology of the gay movement.
Although he attained a qualified approbation of the goals of the women's
movement, he insisted on classifying homosexuals among the "failures of
life" - together with prostitutes and criminals. His writings on
homosexuality began with a 52-page brochure in German in 1917 and continued
sporadically through most of the rest of his life. Possessing little independent
explanatory power, Alfred Adler's views on homosexuality are now chiefly of
historical interest, as instances of stereotyped judgmentalism and reified
folk belief of a kind not uncommon among professionals of his day. Beginning in
the 1970s some adherents of (Adlerian) Individual Psychology proposed a less
negative approach to homosexual behavior, but their revisionism was opposed by
others.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Alfred Adler, Cooperation Between the Sexes: Writings on Women, Love and
Marriage, Sexuality and Its Disorders, H. L. and R. R. Ansbacher, eds., Garden City, NY: Anchor
Books, 1978; Paul E. Stepansky, In Freud's Shadow: Adler in Context, Hillside, NJ: Analytic
Press, 1983.
Ward
Houser
Adult-Adult Sexuality
See Androphilia
Advertisements, Personal
In the
years before World War I insertions by homosexuals began to appear in the
personal columns ("petites annonces") of mainstream newspapers in
France and Germany. Unlike contemporary graffiti, they avoided sexual
explicitness and were couched in the guise of seeking friendship. No
counterpart is known in English-speaking countries of the time. In the 1920s
the homophile press of Germany became even bolder, but it was soon snuffed out
by the Depression and the rise of the Nazis.
In the United States in the 1960s, the underground press represented by such
Counterculture organs as The
Berkeley Barb and The
East Village Other began to push farther the boundaries of accepted expression - as
seen in the printing of four-letter words and graphic descriptions of sexual
acts in news stories. In order to enhance revenue, these papers ran personal
ads soliciting sexual partners. This custom was taken over by the gay newspapers,
some of which have quite extensive listings. Although they are explicit and
often raunchily detailed as to the activities desired, to save space they tend
to employ a code of abbreviations recalling that used by real-estate ads. The
existence of these ads has enlarged the sexual marketplace beyond the usual
sphere of face-to-face meeting. These ads are generally separate from those
placed by "entrepreneurs of the body," models, masseurs, and escorts;
for their services payment is expected (generally at a specified rate).
Analysis of the ads reveals different styles for men and women. Women's ads
are less explicit and are more likely to turn upon qualities of personality
such as one might seek in a friend. Male ads tend to show remarkable narrowness
in somatic tastes - height, weight, hairiness, race, etc. Age restrictions in
the desired partner are common, with parameters generally going considerably
below the age of the person who places the ad, but rarely much above it. The
coming of the AIDS crisis in the 1980s led to a decline in certain appeals (as
for rimming), as well as more positive indications, such as the notation that
the advertiser is "health conscious."
As a rule American and English mainstream newspapers do not accept personal ads
for sex. In Europe, however, as a striking token of recent changes, they even
appear in middle-class, "family" newspapers.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
John Preston and Frederick Brandt, Classified Affairs: A Gay Man's Guide to the Personal Ads, Boston: Alyson, 1984.
aeschines (ca. 397-ca. 322 b.c.)
Athenian
orator. His exchanges with Demosthenes in the courts in 343 and 330 reflect the
relations between Athens and Macedon in the era of Alexander the Great.
Aeschines and Demosthenes were both members of the Athenian boule (assembly) in the year 347/46, and their disagreements led
to sixteen years of bitter enmity. Demosthenes opposed Aeschines and the
efforts to reach an accord with Philip of Macedon, while Aeschines supported the
negotiations and wanted to extend them into a peace that would provide for
joint action against aggressors and make it possible to do without Macedonian
help. In 346/45 Demosthenes began a prosecution of Aeschines for his part in
the peace negotiations,- Aeschines replied with a charge that Timarchus,
Demosthenes' ally, had prostituted himself with other males and thereby
incurred atimia,
"civic
dishonor," which disqualified him from addressing the assembly. Aeschines'
stratagem was successful, and Timarchus was defeated and disenfranchised.
The oration is often discussed because of the texts of the Athenian laws that
it cites, as well as such accusations that Timarchus had gone down to Piraeus,
ostensibly to learn the barber's trade.
Aeschylus (525/4-456 B.c.)
First of
the great Attic tragedians. Aeschylus fought against the Persians at Marathon
and probably Salamis. Profoundly religious and patriotic, he produced,
according to one catalogue, 72 titles, but ten others are mentioned elsewhere.
He was the one who first added a second actor to speak against the chorus. Of
his seven surviving tragedies, none is pederastic. His lost Myrmidons, however, described in
lascivious terms the physical love of Achilles f or Patroclus' thighs, altering
the age relationship given in Homer's Iliad - where Patroclus is a
few years the older, but as they grew up together, they were essentially
agemates - to suggest that Achilles was the lover [erastes) of Patroclus.
Plato had Phaedrus point out the confusion, and argue that Patroclus must have
been the older and therefore the lover, while the beautiful Achilles was his beloved
[Symposium, 180a).
Among Attic tragedians Aeschylus was followed by Sophocles, Euripides, and
Agathon. Sophocles (496-406 b.c.),
who first
bested Aeschylus in 468 and added a third actor, wrote 123 tragedies of which
seven survive, all from later than 440. At least four of his tragedies were
pederastic. Euripides (480-406 b.c.)
wrote 75
tragedies of which nineteen survive, and the lost Chrysippus, and probably some others
as well, were pederastic. Euripides loved the beautiful but effeminate tragedian
Agathon until Agathon was forty. The latter, who won his first victory in 416,
was the first to reduce the chorus to a mere interlude, but none of his works
survive.
All four of the greatest tragedians wrote pederastic plays but none survive,
possibly because of Christian homophobia. The tragedians seem to have shared
the pederastic enthusiasm of the lyric poets and of Pindar, though many of
their mythical and historical source-themes antedated the formal
institutionalization of paiderasteia
in Greece
toward the beginning of the sixth century before our era.
William A. Percy
Aesthetic Movement
The
origins of this trend are usually sought in the concept of "art for art's
sake," a concept that arose in France in the middle years of the
nineteenth century, when a tendency to deny all utilitarian functions of art
gained favor. However, the full development of the aesthetic movement would
not have been possible without the background in England, for it was here that
the movement in the specific sense arose. In such writers as A. W. N. Pugin
(1812-1852) and John Ruskin (1819-1900) disgust with the squalor and alienation
brought by the coming of the industrial revolution went hand in hand in reality
he was a hustler for the sailors landing at the port. The prosecution is one of
the earliest instances of the attempt to destroy a political opponent in a
democracy by attacking his sexual past. The offense of which Timarchus was
guilty was that by prostituting himself he had in effect put himself in the
power of another male, which was not a crime per se, but an act that
disqualified a free citizen from speaking before the assembly, and had no
relevance to a slave or a foreigner. Nothing in the oration suggests that a
general reprobation oipaiderasteia
prevailed
in Athenian society at the end of the Golden Age; Aeschines even says
expressly that both he and the members of the jury have been honorable
boy-lovers, but that the ignoble ("passive") and notorious conduct of
which Timarchus had been guilty rendered him unfit to participate in public
life. The oration contrasts Timarchus' behavior with the ideal of pederasty
that the Greeks derived from the comradeship in arms depicted in the Homeric
poems.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
K. J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality, Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1978, pp. 13-57, 75-76.
with a
demand for thoroughgoing reform of society, religion, and art. This agitation
called forth such diverse results as Christian socialism; the Oxford movement
and Anglo-Catholicism; the Gothic revival in architecture; Pre-Raphaelitism in
painting and poetry; and the arts and crafts movement. As this catalogue
suggests, these trends melded a nostalgic yearning for a supposed organic
society of bygone days with Utopian hopes for a new social and aesthetic order. The arts and
crafts movement in particular sought to transform the domestic environment.
The homosexual contribution to the rise of this trend has not been adequately
documented, but clearly it foreshadowed the enthusiasm of so many cultivated
gay people today for furniture and antiques.
By common consent, the high priest of the aesthetic movement in the literary
sphere was a homoerotic Oxford don, Walter Pater. His Studies in the History of the Renaissance (1873) was the bible of
the arty young man of late Victorian times, and his novel Marius the Epicurean (1885) offered further
detail, in a nostalgic Roman setting. By 1881 the type had become familiar
enough to be satirized by W. S. Gilbert in his musical comedy Patience. The trend attained triumph
and tragedy in the meteoric career of Oscar Wilde, whose trials and conviction
for gross indecency tarnished the whole tendency. Many aesthetes, to be sure,
were not homosexual, yet like Algernon Swinburne and Aubrey Beardsley they
could be accused of cognate sexual sins. In the public perception, there was
also an interface between the homosexual aesthetes and those who were merely
sissified or wimpish. The overelegant, foppish type has a history stretching
back to the dandy of the early nineteenth century and forward to the sissy of
Hollywood films.
Another manifestation lay in the sphere of religion. Many British homosexuals
were attracted to the "aesthetic" emphasis of high Anglicanism with
its elaborate ritual and lavish vestments.
Others were attracted to esoteric novelties, such as spiritualism and
theosophy. These two trends, historic ritualism and the occult, were combined
in the eccentric figure of Charles Webster Leadbeater.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
J. E. Chamberlin, Ripe Was the Drowsy Hour: The Age of Oscar Wilde, New York: Seabury Press,
1977; Ian Small, ed., The Aesthetes: A Sourcebook, Boston: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1979.
Wayne R. Dynes
Afghanistan
A
mountainous Islamic nation in central Asia, Afghanistan is inhabited by warlike
tribes and their descendents. Various empires rose and fell before the nation
of Afghanistan emerged from the ruins of Nadir Shah's empire in 1747. The royal
dynasty of the Durranis ruled until 1973, when a republic was declared. A war
between the Soviet Union and Afghan guerrillas began in 1978 and extended
over the next ten years, devastating the country. Previous invasions by the
British from India took place in 1839, 1879, and 1919.
Three quotations may serve to introduce a survey of homosexuality in
Afghanistan. The first is from C. A. Tripp: "almost 100 percent
homosexuality in Afghanistan" [Cay
News, London,
issue 118). The second is from a British soldier who fought there in 1841:
"I have seen things in a man's mouth which were never intended by nature
to occupy such a position." The third is an opening stanza from the
Afghan love song, "Wounded Heart" ["Zekhmi Dil")\ "There's a boy across
the river with a rectum like a peach, but alas, I cannot swim."
Although there is as yet no evidence of lesbianism in Afghanistan, it is safe
to assume that, as in many Islamic lands, the harems were rife with it.
A number of Afghan poets wrote about beautiful boys, including Sana'i Ghaznavi,
Husain Baiqara of Herat, Badru'd-din Hilali, and Abu Shu'ay b of Herat - the
last-named famous for his love for a Christian boy (presumably a slave).
In the tenth century, the Ghaznavid empire was founded by Subuktagin, who got
started as a king's boyfriend. The great Sultan Mahmud the Ghaznavid (died
1030) loved a slave-boy named Ayaz, a relationship comparable in Islamic
literature to the oft-cited love of the Roman Emperor Hadrian and Antinous in
Western culture.
Huseyn Mirza, who ruled from Herat (1468-1506), and his vizier (prime minister)
Hasan of Ali, both had harems of boys. Babur (1483-1530), a poet who ruled from
Kabul, became infatuated as a seventeen-year old with a boy known as Baburi;
Babur went on to found the Mughal Empire in India and eastern Afghanistan,
while Herat fell to the Persians.
During a war of the early nineteenth century, Dost Mohammed Khan fled to the
Amir of Bukhara, the pederast Nasrullah, who kidnapped his guest's
fourteen-year-old son, Sultan Djan. Dost Mohammed Khan went back to Afghanistan,
where he captured Kabul and annihilated a British army east of there in 1842.
This was the background for the "things in a man's mouth" quotation.
Herat once again became capital of a kingdom under the pederast Kamran (ruled
1829-1842). King Abd al-Rahman (ruled 1880-1901) and his sons were pederasts.
King Amanullah Khan (ruled 1919-1929) was also homosexual.
Page boys had been executed for sodomy, however, and the Penal Code of 1925
established the death penalty for sodomy. If the culprit was under 15, however,
he was not executed. These laws were not applied to the royal family.
In those days, Afghan soldiers of the regular army were in the habit of
gang-raping boys and sometimes foreign diplomats. In later decades, more
fortunate foreigners could find willing boys at a certain restaurant on the
aptly-named Chicken Street.
During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Western sexologists
and pornographers discovered an audience for lurid tales of sexual hi jinks in
Asia, yielding a good deal of gamey material about Afghanistan and other
places that may or may not be true; there are few footnotes which might allow
for verification of this material. This accumulation started
withSirRichardBurton(1821-1890) and culminated in 1959 with what has been
called "a prurient wank book" (by the writer of a letter to Gay News), Allen Edwardes' The Jewel in the Lotus. Possibly referring to Abd
al-Rahman, Edwardes quotes from an anonymous book a mention of "the Ameer
of Afghanistan, insane for rare handsome white youths." The reader is
unable to determine the author, the book's title, the name of the
"Ameer", nor the date of the reference. The scholar is tempted to
dismiss all such data, but then one finds authentication in other works for
such items as the "boy across the river" song.
From various reliable and dubious sources, we can construct a picture of
pederasty in Afghanistan over the past hundred years. Homosexuality was common
in early adulthood. The aristocrats and frontier chiefs had harems of dancing
boys and eunuchs dressed as women. Camel caravans included "traveling
wives" [zun-e-suffuree)
who were
boys dressed as women.
There was a street in Kabul, the original "gay ghetto," known as
Bazaar-e-Ighlaum, "the bazaar of male lust." Edwardes states without
attribution that "Greek" (probably Circassian) boys with blond hair
and blue eyes were especially prized by pederasts in Kabul. The popular writer
James Michener mentions the dancing boys in his novel Caravans, which is set in 1946. More
recently, the long war against Soviet troops has probably led to an increase in
homosexuality, as large numbers of women fled to Pakistan.
See also Islam.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Annette S. Beveridge, trans., The Babur-Nama in English, London: Luzac, 1922; Allen
Edwardes, The Jewel in the Lotus, New York: Julian Press,
1959.
Stephen Wayne Foster
Africa, North
This term
generally denotes Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco, a region which the Arabs
term the Maghrib, or "West." Formerly the Maghrib also embraced
Muslim Spain - including the kingdom of Granada - which are discussed
separately.
General Features. Pederasty was virtually
pandemic in North Africa during the periods of Arab and Turkish rule. Islam as
a whole was tolerant of pederasty, and in North Africa particularly so. (The
Islamic high-water points in this respect may tentatively be marked out as
Baghdad of The
Thousand and One Nights, Cairo of the Mamluks, Moorish Granada, and Algiers of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.) The era of Arabic rule in North Africa
did, however, witness occasional puritan movements and rulers, such as the
Almohads and a Shiite puritanism centered in Fez (Morocco). This puritanism
continues with the current King Hassan II of Morocco, who is, however, hampered
by an openly homosexual brother.
Islam was a slave society, and one of the chief commercial activities of North
Africa was the vast trade in slaves from sub-Saharan Africa. Slavery dated back
to Roman times, but during this era it reached very large proportions -
sometimes assuming almost the character of a mercantile trans-Saharan kingdom.
The Ottoman Turks, who followed the Arabs, were even more notorious as adepts
of pederasty. If one is to trust the reports of scandalized European visitors,
the "vice" was everywhere, and no social class was
"uninfected." The simple tolerance of same-sex eroticism was a source
of endless Christian horror.
The Christian horror was not universal. Some Europeans captured by the Turks
saw no reason to return to the fold of Christendom; other Europeans simply
emigrated (or fled the law). These "renegades" became an important
subclass in North Africa. It was frequently remarked that some of the
"renegades" became the worst enemies of Christianity; frequently
better educated than the local citizenry, they often held the reins of power.
When Moorish Spain fell in 1492, a large number of new recruits joined the
"renegades." Four hundred Franciscan friars left the Spain of Isabel
the Catholic and embraced Islam rather than "mend their ways," as she
had commanded them to do.
During the Turkish period, the bazaars or suqs of North Africa had special
sections devoted to the sale of Christian slaves, both male and female, who had
been captured by pirates on the Mediterranean to face the proverbial
"fate worse than death" - consignment to the seraglios of the ruling
classes of the notorious Barbary Coast (the most beautiful captives were
frequently reserved for the harems of Constantinople). This trade in white
Christians, kidnapped and raped on the Mediterranean, gradually supplanted
the previous trade in Negro slaves.
Universal throughout pre-colonial North Africa was the singing and dancing boy,
widely preferred over the female in cafe entertainments and suburban pleasure
gardens. A prime cultural rationale was to protect the chastity of the females,
who would instantly assume the status of a prostitute in presenting such a performance.
The result was several centuries of erotic performances by boys, who were the
preferred entertainers even when female prostitutes were available, and who did
not limit their acts to arousing the lust of the patrons. A North African
merchant could stop at the cafe for a cup of tea and a hookah, provided by a
young lad, listen to the singing, and then proceed to have sex with the boy
right on the premises, before returning to his shop.
The French conquest of the area drove much of this activity underground.
Although the French penal code, since the time of Napoleon, had no legal
sanction for same-sex activity, and the colonists were thus largely restricted
to shocked horror and verbal scorn when confronted with the behavior of the
"natives," the French did put a stop to slave-trading, piracy, and
much prostitution, which effectively eliminated the old romance and terror of
the Barbary Coast.
Its apparent benefits notwithstanding, colonialism seems to have had an
immensely destructive effect throughout much of the world, as people everywhere
suddenly desired to be modern, Western, and European - certainly not to be
"backwards." The European superstitions about homosexuality were
swallowed entire, and adopted as if they had always been in force. The present
writer has spoken with a Tunisian supervisor of schools who firmly believes in
the death penalty for all homosexuals. Thus, in their rush to modernism, Third
World leaders often adopt the sexual standards of medieval Christendom, even as
Europe and America are moving toward legalization and tolerance of same-sex
activity. Such, at least in part, is also the plight of modern North Africa.
Libya. Libya is almost entirely
desert: the Sahara takes up at least 90% of the country's surface area. The coastal
towns support some agricultural production, but the major export comes from
the desert - oil.
Early reports from Libya include the famous oasis of Siwa located near the
Libyan-Egyptian border, but since the accession of Mu'ammar Gaddafi and his purportedly
revolutionary regime, the country has not been generally accessible to
foreigners. However, numerous and independent travelers' reports indicate that
at least one highly-placed Libyan authority is addicted to blond European
lads, whom he flies in for weekend trysts and decorates with gold and silver.
There is also, for the general populace, a quasi-clandestine pederastic trade,
with the older males in automobiles and the younger on the sidewalks, where
money is exchanged for quick satisfaction of lust. Neither Libya nor its
neighbor, Egypt, has a strong tradition of hedonism.
Tunisia. A small and impoverished
country of some four million, Tunisia's high birthrate keeps the country very
young - about half the people are under eighteen. Although it is common to see
men walking hand-in-hand (as in all Islamic countries), it would not be wise
for a foreigner to adopt the practice with a male lover. Tunisians can easily
tell the difference between two friends of approximately equal status (where
hand-holding is expected) and a sexual relation (which is
"officially" disapproved of and therefore not to be made public). The
"official" disapproval means that hotels will frequently not allow
Tunisian visitors in hotel rooms occupied by foreigners. In the heartland of
homosexual tourism (the Hamma-met-Nabeul area), when summer is at its peak,
squads of police have occasionally been posted to keep the boys out of the
luxury beach hotels. They are not always successful.
Homosexual behavior in Tunisia goes back for hundreds or even thousands of
years. In the days of Carthage, the city was known for its perfumed male prostitutes
and courtesans. After Carthage was destroyed in the Punic wars, Tunisia became
a Roman colony. The country did not regain its independence until modern times.
The Romans were supplanted by the Vandals, who in turn surrendered the country
to the Byzantine Empire. The rise of the followers of Muhammad swept Tunisia
out of Christendom forever, and the country eventually passed into the Turkish
Empire, where it remained until the French protectorate. In the Islamic period,
Tunisia was centered on the town of Kairouan and known as "Ifriqiya."
Algeria. Algeria is different from
Tunisia, principally because of the savage war of independence against the
French, and the subsequent drift of Algeria into the socialist camp. Marxist
societies abominate homosexuality, and this influence has had a chilling
affect on Algeria. The passing tourist will see nothing of such activity,
although residents may have a different experience. Another fact is that
Algerians do not like the French (because of the war) and this dislike is
frequently extended to all people who look like Frenchmen, though they may be
Canadian or Polish. It is a strange country, where you can spot signs saying
"Parking Reserved for the National Liberation Front" (the stalls are
filled with Mercedes Benzes), and also the only place in all of North Africa
where the present writer has even seen a large graffito proclaiming "Nous voulons vivre français! " ("We want to
live as Frenchmen!").
The adventures of Oscar Wilde and André Gide in Tunisia and Algeria before the war are good evidence
that this modern difference between the two countries was in fact caused by
the trauma of the war. There is better evidence in the history of Algiers long
before. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Algiers was possibly
the leading homosexual city in the world. It was the leading Ottoman naval and
administrative center in the western Mediterranean, and was key to Turkey's
foreign trade with every country but Italy. Of the major North African cities,
it was the furthest from the enemy - Europe. It was the most Turkish city in
North Africa, in fact the most Turkish city outside Turkey.
Morocco. Almost nothing is known of
homosexuality in Morocco prior to the end of the fifteenth century. It is
possible that the Carthaginians introduced the religious prostitution of boys to
the indigenous Berbers. In the impressive remains of the Roman/Moroccan city of
Volubilis,
a large
bas-relief stone phallus testifies to a phallic cult. When Morocco does appear
in written history, however, it has the same guise as the rest of North Africa:
Europeans report the omnipresence of behavior which was thought to be an act
against nature, or a temptation of the Devil. The loss of Azzamur on the
Moroccan coast was blamed on "the horrible vice of Sodomie," in a
parallel to the original tale of the destruction of Sodom itself. The
bathhouses [hammams]
of Fez
were the object of scandalous comments around 1500.
Two factors assume a bolder relief in Morocco, although they are typical of
North Africa as a whole. One is a horror of masturbation. This dislike,
combined with the seclusion of good women and the diseases of prostitutes,
leads many a Maghrebi to regard anal copulation with a friend as the only
alternative open to him, and clearly superior to masturbation. It also leads to
such behavior being regarded as a mere peccadillo.
The other, more peculiarly Moroccan tradition is that of baraka, a sort of "religious
good luck." It is believed that a saintly man can transmit some of this
baraka to other men by the mechanism of anal intercourse. (Fellatio has
traditionally been regarded with disgust in the region, although the twentieth
century has been changing attitudes.)
The Frenchman responsible for establishing the French protectorate over Morocco
in 1912, Resident General Louis-Hubert-Gonzalve Lyautey, was an aristocratic
pederast, who in his youth was already working with clubs of Catholic working
men, and always paid attention to the welfare of his men. It is universally
reported that Lyautey showed great respect for local Moroccan institutions. A
member of the French Academy and a Marshal of France, Lyautey was a soldier/
pederast of great distinction. (His own love was directed toward his
aristocratic French aides.)
The city of Tangier was notorious during the period 1950-1980, when numbers of
American and European celebrity homosexuals made the city their second home.
(They had the same motivations as the composer Camille Saint-Saëns, who spent his declining
years in Tangier.) Visitors and residents included Jane Bowles, Paul Bowles, William
Burroughs, Truman Capote, Allen Ginsberg, Jean Genet, Tennessee Williams, and other notorieties.
The British playwright Joe Orton's Moroccan vacation was shown with great panache in the
biographical film Prick
Up Your Ears, and was fully described in his diaries (published
posthumously). In more recent years, there have been some indications of a
puritan backlash developing, and the city has lost much of its celebrity
glitter, although pederasty remains a constant of the Moroccan cultural scene.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Malek Chebel, L'Esprit de sérail: Perversions et marginalités sexuelles au Magreb, Paris: Lieu Commun, 1988.
Geoff Puterbaugh
Africa, Sub-Saharan
Africa
south of the Sahara presents a rich mosaic of peoples and cultures. Scholarly
investigations, which are continuing, have highlighted a number of patterns of
homosexual behavior.
Male Homosexuality. Recurrent attempts have
been made to deny any indigenous homosexuality in sub-Saharan Africa, at least
since Edward Gibbon wrote, in The
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1781),
"i believe and hope that the negroes in their own country were
exempt from this moral pestilence." Obviously, Gibbon's hope was not based
on even casual travel or enquiry. Sir Richard Burton, who a century later
reinforced the myth of African sexual exceptionalism by drawing the boundaries
of his Sotadic Zone where ^ homosexuality was widely practiced and accepted to
exclude sub-Saharan Africa, was personally familiar with male homosexuality in
Islamic societies within his zone,
but had not researched the topic in central or southern Africa, where there
were "primitive" hunter/gatherer societies and quite complex state
formations before European conquest. In a number of the latter, such as the
Azande of the Sudan [see
Evans-Pritchard),
the taking of boy-brides was well-established.
Clearly, gender-crossing homosexuality also existed from Nubia to Zulu-land on
the East Coast of Africa (and offshore on Madagascar as well). In many
societies it was related to possession cults in which women have prominent
roles and male participants tend to transvestitic homosexuality. Cross-gender
homosexuality not tied to possession cults has been reported in a number of
East African societies. Folk fear of witches is widespread in Islamic
cultures, although a link between witchcraft and pederasty is unusual in
existing ethnographic reports of Islamic cultures.
Nadel (1955) did not mention any such link in contrasting two other Sudanese
peoples: the Heiban in which there is no expected corollary of homosexual acts
(i.e., no homosexual role), and the Otoro where a special transvestitic role
exists and men dress and live as women. Nadel (1947) also mentioned
transvestitic homosexuality among the Moro, Nyima and Tira, and reported
marriages of Korongo londo
and
Mesakin tubele
for the
bride-price of one goat. In these tribes with "widespread homosexuality
and transvestiticism," Nadel (1947) reported a fear of heterosexual intercourse
as sapping virility and a common reluctance to abandon the pleasures of
all-male camp life for the fetters of permanent settlement: "I have even
met men of forty and fifty who spent most of their nights with the young folk
in the cattle camps instead of at home in the village." In these
pervasively homoerotic societies, the men who were wives were left at home with
the women, i.e., were not in the all-male camps." Among the Mossi, pages
chosen from among the most beautiful boys aged seven to fifteen were dressed
and had the other attributes of women in relation to chiefs, for whom sexual
intercourse with women was denied on Fridays. After the boy reaches maturity
he was given a wife by the chief. The first child born to such couples belonged
to the chief. A boy would be taken into service as his father had as a page, a
girl would be given in marriage by the chief (as her mother had).
Among the Bantu-speaking Fang, homosexual intercourse was bian nku 'ma, a medicine for wealth,
which was transmitted from bottom to top in anal intercourse, according to
Tessmann, who also mentioned that "it is frequently heard of that young
people carry on homosexual relations with each other and even of older people
who take boys." Even more remarkable than Fang medical benefits of anal
intercourse is Gustave Hultsaert's report that among the Nkundo the younger
partner penetrated the older one, a pattern quite contrary to the usual pattern
of age-graded homosexuality.
Besmer discussed a possession cult among the (generally Islamic) Hausa
strikingly similar to New World possession cults among those of West African
descent. As in the voudou(n) of Haiti, the metaphor for those possessed by
spirits is horses "ridden" by the spirit. In patriarchal Hausa
society, the bori
cult
provides a niche for various sorts of low status persons: "women in
general and prostitutes in particular . . . Jurally-deprived categories of
men, including both deviants (homosexuals) and despised or lowly-ranked
categories (butchers, night-soil workers, menial clients, poor farmers, and
musicians) constitute the central group of possessed or participating
males" plus "an element o/psycñoi ogicalfy disturfjea1 individuals which cuts across social
distinctions."
Herskovits reported the native view in Dahomey (now Benin) that homosexuality
was an adolescent phase: when "the games between boys and girls are
stopped, the boys no longer have the opportunity for companionship with the
girls, and the sex drive finds satisfaction in close friendship between boys in
the same group.... A boy may take the other 'as a woman/ this being called galglo, homosexuality. Sometimes
an affair of this sort persists during the entire life of the pair." Of
course, this last report shows the insufficiency of the native model. Among
the nearby Fanti of Ghana and Wolof of Senegal there are also gender-crossing
roles for men and for women.
Among the Bala (sometimes referred to as the Basangye in older literature) in
Kasai Oriental Province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, there is a
role at variance with the conventional male role in that culture (particularly
patterns of dress and of subsistence activity) with expectations of
unconventional sexual behavior. Although it seems kitesha is a gender-crossing role,
rather than a primarily homosexual role, a possible reconciliation of the
seemingly contradictory views that there is no homosexual behavior among Bala
men and that bitesha are homosexuals is that the Bala do not consider bitesha
to be men, i.e., that the Bala afford another example (compare the North
American berdache, South Asian hijara, Polynesia mahu) of a folk model of third
sex given by nature rather than volition.
In an earlier report on another Kongo tribe, the Bangala, mutual masturbation
and sodomy were reportedly "very common," and "regarded with
little or no shame. It generally takes place when men are visiting strange
towns or during the time they are fishing at camps away from their women."
In the old kingdom of Rwanda, male
homosexuality was common among Hutu and Tutsi youth, especially among young Tutsi being
trained at court. In the neighboring kingdom of Uganda, King Mwanga's 1886
persecution of Christian pages was largely motivated by their rejection of his
sexual advances. Junod (1927: 492-3) vacillated between attributing elaborately
organized homosexuality among the South African Thonga to the unavailability of
women and to a homosexual preference. The nkhonsthana, boy-wife, "used to
satisfy the lust" of the nima,
husband,
received a wedding feast, and his elder brother received brideprice. Junod
mentioned that some of the "boys" were older than 20, and also
described a transvestitic dance, tinkonsthana,
in which
the nkhontshana donned wooden breasts, which they would only remove when paid
to do so by their nima.
Female Homosexuality. Controversy continues
about the purported chastity of woman/woman marriage in three East African and
one West African culture. Other mentions of lesbian sex from the East Coast of
Africa include discussion of a woman's dance, lelemama, in Mombassa, Kenya (which
variously serves as a cover for adultery, prostitution, and recruitment into
lesbian networks without the husband's knowledge) and the wasaga (grinders) of Oman. An
Ovimbundu (in Angola) informant, told an ethnographer, "There are men who
want men, and women who want women. A woman has been known to make an
artificial penis for use with another woman." Such practices did not meet
with approval, but neither did transvestic homosexuals of either sex desist.
Among the Tswana (in addition to homosexuality among the men laboring in the
mines), it was reported that back home, "lesbian practices are apparently
fairly common among the older girls and young women, without being regarded in
any way reprehensible." Use of artificial penises was also reported among
the'Ila and Naman tribes of South Africa. Among the much-discussed Azande of
the Sudan, sisters who are married/retained by brothers were reported to have
a reputation for lesbian practices.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Fremont E. Besmer, Horses, Musicians, and Gods, South Hadley, MA: Bergin
& Garvey, 1983; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, "Sexual Inversion Among the
Azande," American Anthropologist, 72 (1970), 1428^34; Melville
Herskovits, Dahomey, New York: Augustine, 1937; Henry Junod, Life of a South African
Tribe, London:
Macmillan, 1927; s.
f. Nadel,
The Nuba,
London:
Oxford University Press, 1947; idem, "Two Nuba Religions," American Anthropologist, 57 (1955), 661-79; Giinter
Tessmann, Die Pangwe, Berlin: Wasmuth, 1913.
Stephen O. Murray
African-Americans
See Black Gay Americans.
Ageism
This new
term encompasses a cluster of attitudes that have become increasingly common
in modern industrial societies. Ageism is prejudice of young people against the
old expressed in the perpetuation of stereotypes; ridicule and avoidance of
older people; and neglect of their social and health needs. Such attitudes
frequently appear among male homosexuals, much less among lesbians. The word
ageism, which came into use about 1970, is modeled on the older terms racism
and sexism.
Cultural Analogues. The ancient Greeks divided
the course of human life into stages, the simplest scheme being one that still
lingers: childhood, maturity, and old age. Although one may assign precise
boundaries to these stages - and add intermediate ones such as adolescence
that may seem needed - age may also be viewed relatively and subjectively. A
youth of 21 may regard someone who is 38 as old, while the latter considers
himself still young.
Tribal cultures and traditional societies usually valued age as a repository of
experience. This custom of honoring the elderly balanced the tendency, found
among males through most of the world, to experience sexual attraction toward
younger people. In an era in our own society when social security income was
not yet the rule, the younger, productive members of a family acknowledged a
duty to look after elderly retirees. Now younger people, with the assurance
that their parents are provided for economically, often feel free to neglect
them socially. Another factor upsetting the traditional balance is the fact
that the virtues of youth itself came to be idealized and celebrated, beginning
in the nineteenth century. Thus in 1832 Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-1872) rallied
his supporters in the campaign for Italian independence under the banner of
Giovane Italia (YoungItaly). Hence Young Ireland, Young Poland, the Young
Turks, and so forth. At the turn of the century innovative artists in Germany
created the Jugendstil (literally "Youth Style"; a variant of art
nouveau), while Russian painters formed the Union of Youth, echoing the title
of a play by Hendrik Ibsen [De
unges forbund [The League of Youth]; 1869). Increasingly, youth was
identified with political change and artistic innovation, and journalists
habitually contrasted its energy with the inertia of the old fogies. Beginning
at the end of the nineteenth century, the enormous growth of interest in
competitive athletics made young bodies the image of strength and accomplishment,
a notion relentlessly promoted by Madison Avenue in the interests of consumerism.
In a period of rapid social change youth became synomous with progress, age
with reaction.
Homosexual Aspects. The youth cult among homosexuals has deep
roots. In classical Greek pederasty, the characteristic dyad was an adult man
and an adolescent. Yet this youth-age nexus is less significant for the origins
of ageism than it seems, because in such couples the relative (though
temporary) inferiority of the boy partner was always recognized. It was
precisely to promote his education and training in manly virtues that the
relationship existed. In pederasty the youth was not an equal partner; when he
became so, the liaison ended. With the rise of androphilia (homosexual unions
of two adults) in Europe in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, this pattern
shifted, for both partners were adults in the sense that both had attained
puberty. But age differentials did not vanish. A glance at the advertisements (personals columns) of
today's gay press will show that most gay men seek younger partners. Indeed the
advertisers often place an upper limit - 40, 30 or even as low as 21 years of
age - on partners they are willing to accept. Gay slang stigmatizes older men as
"aunties," "dogs," "toads," and
"trolls," who congregate in "wrinkle rooms."
Eroticization of youth produces various secondary manifestations among gay men:
preference for youthful clothing styles; adhesion to the latest trends in pop
music; dieting and exercizing so as to maintain a slim body; and adoption of
voguish hair styles, including bleaching to keep a boy's towhead look.
Indisputably, the erotic imagination of the gay male community privileges youth;
gerontophilia, attraction to older men, is relatively rare. This pattern of
preference contrasts with that of the lesbian community where older persons
are more likely to be prized. The difference between gay men and lesbians may
mirror that of the larger (heterosexual) society, where older men typically
marry younger women.
In the 1960s and 70s the cult of youth that had long flourished in the gay male
community was reinforced through symbiosis with the Counterculture. As a mass movement the
Counterculture was made possible by post-World War II prosperity, which gave
younger people a disposable income in amounts that could only be dreamed of by
their forerunners. The confidence born of such newfound economic power, and the
reaction against rule by the old that was perceived as tolerating racism and
war, led to open proclamations of ageist prejudice, witness the slogan
"Don't trust anyone over thirty."
As a result of the confluence of all these factors, psychological counselors
report seeing gay men, some as early as their mid-thirties, who have
internalized ageism, regarding themselves "as over the hill." As
would be expected, this subjective phenomenon of "accelerated
ageing" is not common among lesbians, though it is found among
heterosexual women, who are subjected to a barrage of commercial messages for
products that purport to keep them looking young.
The negative effects of ageism have not been ignored in today's gay community.
In the 1980s some younger gay men and women, recognizing that in due course old
age awaits them as well, joined such social organizations as San Francisco's
GLOE (Gay and Lesbian Outreach to Elders) and New York's SAGE (Senior Action
in a Gay Environment), in order to befriend and assist older people. Over the
years gay churches and synagogues have also done much to achieve interaction
of people of various age groups.
Wayne R. Dynes
Aging
Gerontology,
the social science of aging, began well before World War II, experienced rapid
growth after the war, and has recently become a major field, as an ever larger
proportion of the population reaches sixty. For many years, gerontological
research assumed that all older people were heterosexual, even though upwards
of three million North Americans over sixty are lesbian or gay. This
scientific blindness was hardly accidental. The social science of
"deviant behavior" knew that older homosexuals existed, but it
propagated the myth that "old aunties" and "aging dykes"
lived lonely, miserable lives, shunned by a homosexual subculture obsessed with
youth. Not until the year of Stonewall (1969) did Martin Weinberg publish the
first study showing that homosexuals adjust well to age. Only in the late 1980s
did gay gerontology become established as a field of research.
A major theme of gay liberation, as of black liberation and feminism, was a new
positive emphasis ("gay pride") which pushed the pendulum of gay
gerontology to the opposite extreme. Some research in the 1970s argued that
homosexuals actually enjoyed "advantages" over heterosexuals, in
adjusting to midlife and old age. More recently, a middle position has been
taken: homosexuals obviously differ in some aspects of aging, but on such key
issues as psychological health, income, friendships, satisfaction with life
they do not differ significantly from heterosexuals (Brecher, Lee).
This article supports the middle position - that homosexual elders are no less
likely to live happy, healthy and comfortable Uves than their nongay neighbors.
The focus is on interesting aspects of contemporary homosexual aging, especially
those which provide generally useful insights, whatever the person's sexual
orientation.
Accelerated Aging. For many years it was
argued that homosexuals experienced the effects of aging sooner than nongay s.
Homosexual culture was considered "obsessed with youth," thus the
loss of youthful appearance made thirty the threshold of "middle
age." Recent studies indicate that most homosexuals do not feel or act
older at 30 or 40 than their nongay peers. However, they do think that other homosexuals view them and treat them as if they were
further advanced in age. Thus, while feeling young and active at 40,
homosexuals may lie about their age because they fear other homosexuals consider
40 "over the hill." It appears that homosexuals still suffer a mutual
misunderstanding, rather like that of a male teenage virgin who lies about his
sexual conquests because he concludes from his peers' boasts that they are
already sexually experienced.
Earlier Socialization and
Later Adjustment to Aging. A young person "growing up gay" faces much the
same learning tasks as a nongay classmate, but there is an essential
difference, which the gay youth has in common with other minority groups: how
to handle stigmatized status. Unlike most minority stigmas, the young
homosexual can decide to remain secret ("in the closet") yet enter a
subculture ("the gay world") which provides numerous
facilities and opportunities for contact with others of the same minority.
Prior to "gay liberation" this was the only attractive option for all
homosexuals except the few who deliberately chose a "flaunting" role
(e.g., Quentin Crisp) or found work and friends in a tolerant, low-status
occupation (e.g., restaurant waiter; hairdresser).
One of the major themes of gay liberation is "taking pride in one's chosen
lifestyle." In this light, gerontology now distinguishes several forms of
adjustment in gay/lesbian aging: (1) the stereotypic or self-oppressing
gay/lesbian elder, who has internalized the heterosexual world's hatred of
homosexuals, and is ashamed and guilt-ridden; (2) the passing elder, who at
least partially accepts the validity of homosexuality as a lifestyle, but fears
those who do not, so admits to being gay/lesbian only among those who can be
trusted not to betray the secret; (3) the gay-positive elder, who has
"come out of the closet" to at least some nongay persons in the family,
workplace, and other social contexts, participating in the gay community without
fear of being discovered.
There is no agreement yet among gerontologists about the ways and extent
tojwhich each of these forms of adjustment affects psychological health or happiness
of the gay/lesbian elder. At least some fearful and self-oppressinggay elders
lead successful and productive lives and enjoy satisfying friendships, both gay
and nongay. There is certainly no evidence to persuade any homosexual, whether
very open or very hidden, that the elder years must be less satisfying merely
because of sexual orientation.
Older Gays/Lesbians in Their
Community. Variations
in socialization and adaptation to homosexual stigma pose serious problems for
organizations attempting to develop a place for elders in the new gay
communities. These groups must cope with the tension between public and
politically active members, and those who wish gay social contact without
disclosing their private lives, which they regard as "nobody else's
business."
Even a decision to invite a speaker from, or cooperate with, nongay senior
citizens groups, or government agencies for the aged, may be opposed by
closeted gay elders. Older homosexuals who have been married for many years to
unaware spouses, or who have prestigious positions in the work world, are
especially fearful that someone who believes them to be heterosexual, may see
them at a gay meeting. Thus, groups tend to attract more homosexuals who have
little or nothing to lose by being there, and have less resources to contribute
to the group's growth.
In spite of these special problems, the number of organizations of older gay
men and lesbians is slowly growing in North America. The most successful and
enduring organization, SAGE of New York City, has contact with about 60 other
elder gay/lesbian organizations in the USA and Canada. Many gay community
listings (such as The
Gay Yellow Pages in
Los Angeles), now include one or more gay elders' groups. There is a National
Association of Lesbian and Gay Gerontology at 1290 Sutter St., San Francisco.
The Gay Generation Gap. Differences in adaptation to stigma among
gay elders have contributed to a "generation gap" in the gay world
different from that between young and old in the nongay population. Even if not
active in the gay community and gay liberation, many younger lesbians and gay
men have grown up in a society which tolerates, and in some cases legislatively
protects, their lifestyle. This profound difference in experience adds to the
difficulty of younger and older gays understanding each other.
The "generation gap" affects gay individuals and communities by
restricting the supply of suitable role models of aging for younger gays and
lesbians. Most heterosexual young people have at least some positive images of
middle and old age among their family, or in the media, but there are very few
models of happy homosexual aging available to the younger gay/lesbian. Even
within the best-developed urban gay communities there is still little contact,
and often a good deal of deliberate avoidance, between younger and older gays,
and this is often true even within gay liberation organizations officially
opposed to "ageism" (Berger). Indeed, the generation gap has
probably contributed to the sometimes passionate disputes between
"essentialists" and "social constructionists" over the
history of gay people. [See
social construction.)
Age-Stratified
Relationships. Many
human societies are age-stratified; they portion out roles and rewards according
to the individual's age, with appropriate markers ("rites de
passage" like puberty and retirement) to indicate that the individual has
successfully passed from one age strata to another. Although there remain many
social distinctions between age levels, North American society has tended to
emphasize equal liberty of each individual; it now opposes most forms of discrimination,
including "ageism."
One of the least predictable consequences for the homosexual minority has been
the decline of age-stratified intimacy as a key structure in the gay community.
From ancient times to the Victorian era familiar pattern of relationship in
the^gay/lesbian subculture was the partnership of an older and a significantly
younger person. This pattern provided stability, resources and leadership in
the gay underworld. It had its most eloquent defense by Oscar Wilde at his
second trial, as the partnership of youthful beauty, vigor and hope, with
mature intellect, confidence, and social resources.
The age-stratified pattern also provided upward social mobility in the gay
world, by which a young man or woman of poor economic and educational
background could acquire polished manners, dress and language, and favorable
economic opportunities. The reference here is not to the "kept boy"
and "sugar daddy," though these also existed and continue to exist,
but rather to the classic mentor/protege relationship as epitomized by the
33-year partnership of Christopher Isherwood and Don Bachardy, who met when
Christopher was 48, Don 18.
Gay liberation has tended to undermine the age-stratified pattern, both through
its emphasis on social equality (the mentor/protege partnership must begin with
some recognition of inequalities), and through the development, in urban gay
communities, of facilities where young gays and lesbians can easily meet each
other without requiring (or wanting) the mediation or resources of older homosexuals.
Many gay/lesbian elders who grew up in a pre-liberation gay subculture largely
organized and financed by their elders, looked forward to a time when they
would take over leadership positions, and hopefully find their own young
protege. The new gay communities have reduced or eliminated these
opportunities, and many gay elders are finding it difficult to adjust to a gay
life largely restricted to age-peers.
Intimacy and Sexuality in
Gay/ Lesbian Old Age. In
an era which first made sexual pleasure practically equivalent to the
enjoyment of life itself, and then (since AIDS) almost synonymous with the
courtship of death, any consideration of happiness in homosexual old age must
include sexuality. One should begin with great scepticism of self-reported data
such as that of Berger's respondents who claimed not to experience a decline in
sexual opportunity and outlet with the onset of old age. Elders are no more
likely than teenage male virgins to openly admit that sexual gratification is
lacking.
More reliable studies, such as observed behavior in gay baths, studies of
advertising for partners, and participant observation in gay communities, all
suggest that sexual happiness in the gay older years, as in heterosexual old age (Brecher), involves learning to cope with
changing circumstances. Lesbians, who tend to place more emphasis on
nonorgasmic intimacy from the onset of a relationship, are more likely to make
sexual adaptations to age, including more frequent celibacy than reported by
gay male elders.
Coping mechanisms among gay males include willingness to validate sexuality as
pleasurable without orgasm; an increased reliance on pornography as stimulant to release (an important factor
in both gay and nongay populations, as all moralists and censors should be
reminded), and an improved ability to use purchased sex safely.
At least until the possibly reduced income of retirement, seniority in our
society generally brings rising income, and thus resources to purchase sexual gratification.
But a particularly dangerous form of ageism may be found among gay hustlers.
It is built into the social structure of the hustler, who reaches occupational
obsolescence long before a hockey player, and is translated into disdain,
exploitation, and sometimes violence directed at the older customer.
Another notable adaptation more typical of gay males than lesbians (but this is
changing in recent years) is the elaboration of sexual foreplay, and reduced
emphasis on genital contact and orgasm, through such means as sexual toys,
bondage, uniforms, and scenarios. In most large urban gay communities, there
is a marked difference in average age between the "twinkle" or
"disco" gay crowds, and the "leather and denim" places. As
beauty fades, older homosexuals may learn to continue attracting partners by
conveying messages of sexual self-confidence and experience through leather,
accessories, and body stance.
It is quite possible to be single and happy in heterosexual old age, but
overall, satisfaction with life (and even life expectancy itself) is generally
correlated with intimate and enduring partnership. Likewise, gay gerontology
indicates that having an intimate partner (not necessarily a "lover"
or even a gay person) in homosexual old age is a reliable predictor of general
adjustment and satisfaction with life.
Sharing old age with a partner "doubles the joys and halves the
sorrows."
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Marcy R. Adelman, Long Time Passing, Boston: Alyson, 1986; Raymond M. Berger, Gay and Gray: The Older
Homosexual Man, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982; Edward M. Brecher, et
al., Love,
Sex and Aging, Boston: Little, Brown, 1984; John A. Lee, "What Can
Homosexual Aging Studies Contribute to Theories of Aging?" Journal of Homosexuality 13:4 (1987), 43-71.
John Alan
Lee
AIDS
Acquired Immunodeficiency
Syndrome is a medical condition that produces a radical suppression of the
human immune system, permitting the body to be ravaged by a variety of opportunistic
diseases. It is believed to be caused by the Human Immunodeficiency Virus
(HIV), which can exist in the body indefinitely before symptoms emerge. In advanced
industrial countries and in Latin America, AIDS occurs mainly among male
homosexuals and intravenous (IV) drug users; in Africa it is found primarily
among heterosexuals.
The
Emergence of an Epidemic. The
as-yet-unnamed syndrome first came to the attention of the medical community
through a report released in June 1981 by the Centers for Disease Control, a
Federal agency, concerning five California cases. Because the first cases
studied were in homosexual men, the syndrome became associated with
homosexuality itself. In fact one of the first suggestions for a name was GRID
(Gay-Related Immunodeficiency). Although this was shortly changed to AIDS, a
ceaseless flow of media reports about gay men affected by the disorder served
to fix the connection in the public mind.
For the first few years the number of cases in the United States doubled
annually, and about half as many of those already infected died. Not only was
the disease spreading very quickly but it was highly lethal. While it appears
that the earlier idea that it is invariably fatal is mistaken, it is a very
difficult disease for a patient to cope with, and even with the most determined
and successful strategy no cure is effected - the disease is simply kept at
bay. At first the American cases were largely confined to New York City and
environs, the San Francisco Bay Area, greater Los Angeles, and Miami. Although
AIDS subsequently was found in nearly every state, this pattern of
concentration in these metropolises on the two coasts has continued. Foreign
physicians found AIDS in Canada, Europe, and Latin America, though the
incidences are generally lower than in the United States. (In most countries
the American acronym has been used, but French-speaking nations prefer SIDA
[Syndrome d'Immunodeficience Acquise]; SIDA is also the Spanish acronym.) By
1988 over 65,000 AIDS cases had appeared in the United States, 64% of the
reported total world-wide. However, reliable figures for incidence in Africa
are not available; they are said to be high in a number of countries of
equatorial Africa.
Transmission and Symptomatology.
AIDS cannot be transmitted
by any form of casual contact, but must go from blood to blood or from semen to
blood. Blood-to-blood transmission occurs when intravenous-drug users share
narcotics needles, or occasionally through accidental needle-sticks among
health-care givers. It may also occur that a surgeon will nick him or herself
with a scalpel, which may cut through gloves. Sexual transmission occurs when
a seminal discharge of an infected person passes into the bloodstream of
another. The sexual contact that is most at risk is anal penetration; oral and
vaginal contacts are unlikely to transmit AIDS unless there is a lesion in the
affected part of one or both partners. If it is believed that infection may
have occurred, tests can be performed for the presence of the HIV virus in the
blood, though they are not absolutely reliable.
A few medical experts have expressed doubts that the HIV virus is the culprit,
but they are in a great minority. If not a cause, HIV is at least a good
indicator of exposure to whatever is the cause. There has also been discussion
of a variety of potential "cofactors," but none has been convincingly
isolated.
The majority of persons infected with HIV show no symptoms, and it remains
uncertain how many will develop AIDS itself. The emergence of the condition is
signaled by night sweats, loss of weight, and other signs of physical distress.
In some cases a diagnosis of ARC (AIDS-Related Complex) is made; many of these
patients will progress to full-blown AIDS. The patient will usually develop
either Kaposi's sarcoma - a previously rare type of cancer producing numerous
lesions on the outside or inside of the body - or Pneumocystis carinii (PCP),
a form of pneumonia that is devastating to the patient. PCP usually requires
hospitalization with intensive care and the administering of a variety of
drugs prescribed by the physician. However, many patients can return home after
the first crisis has been met - if there is a home to return to.
Response. Members of the gay community have charged
government agencies with inadequate response to the epidemic. An expression of
genuine concern, these complaints are valid only in part. It was the first
time in many years that advanced countries had to deal with the outbreak of a
hitherto previously unknown disease, and the initial recognition of the
problem could not have occurred immediately. Moreover, a few decades earlier,
when prudery and censorship kept the whole issue of homosexuality from being
discussed publicly at all, the official response would have been either
helpless or schizophrenic, as the social locus of the epidemic would have been
a taboo subject. Still, there is no doubt that bureaucratic red-tape, as well
as jealousies among physicians and officials eager for the glory of being
identified with breakthroughs, have been a handicap. Again, because the
disease was new and because there was no treatment, it inspired a whole set of
amateur, politically motivated, at worst paranoid explanations of its etiology
- and corresponding quack methods of treatment by special diets and medical
regimes of the kind held out as a last resort to dying cancer patients. By
contrast, the self-medication movement, which has placed possibly effective
drugs in the hands of people with AIDS, bypassing government tests that can
take years, may be a positive development. Patients abroad, where much of the
research and testing was being done, had access to drugs that Americans did
not. Here too dangers exist, but the situation has highlighted a serious
dilemma of public policy.
Locally some communities handled the crisis better than others. Nonetheless,
real progress was made in the middle years of the 1980s against a very cunning
viral adversary. The gay press carried warnings of the lethal consequences of
unsafe sex practices, and others were reached by leafletting and word of mouth.
These campaigns had a noteworthy effect as measured by the decline in cases of
all sexually
transmitted diseases, including
syjmilis and gonorrhea, among gay men. The* climate of the 1970s, characterized
for some by a seemingly limitless horizon of sexual experimentation, yielded to
a new sense of caution, and many sought long-term, essentially monogamous
relationships.
Gay self-help groups specifically concerned with AIDS sprang up, involving many
people who in the previous decade had turned a deaf ear to the call for movement
work. By the end of the 1980s there Were several
hundred of these organizations in North America, and many others in Europe.
Other groups were formed of people with AIDS (PWAs, the term preferred by
those who have the condition). Gay and lesbian lawyers mobilized to meet a host
of legal problems triggered by the spread of the epidemic. This manifold
response contrasted with the apathy of the IV-drug user community, which
remained unorganized, without media of its own, and therefore almost entirely
dependent on public health advocates and facilities.
Gay men and lesbians (the latter little affected by AIDS) rallied to apply
pressure on politicians for more funding and to deal with some of the backlash
that was developing. In the panic-laden years of the mid-1980s some religious
and right-wing leaders obtained support in their calls for quarantine or
drastic treatment of those who might be infected. Although these calls
generally fell on deaf ears, the general public, which had previously been showing
increasing tolerance of homosexuals as measured by opinion polls, now registered
a moderate tendency to move in the other direction. Often insensitive reports
on the nightly television news, supplemented by rumor and a flood of malicious
AIDS jokes, served to spread dismay even among those who had formerly offered a
modicum of support for gay rights. The publicity had the side effect of
acquainting otherwise cloistered souls with some explicit realities of oral and
anal sex. People even suspected of having AIDS found themselves harassed on the
job and denied insurance coverage, while dentists and doctors became wary of
treating persons with the disease. On the whole, however, the late 1980s showed
a decline of these pressures as better information became available and gay
organizations showed that they would not bow to hostile pressure.
Cultural Responses. Several plays, notably As Is (1985)
by William Hoffman and The
Normal Heart (1985)
by Larry Kramer, an early passionate advocate of group action by the gay
community to stop the disease, have been successfully presented in the United
States and abroad. Fictional responses are more numerous and varied, ranging
from the serio-comic fable Tweeds
(1987) by Clayton R. Graham
to the probing stories in The
Darker Proof (1988) by Adam Mars-Jones and Edmund White. The poet and
novelist Paul Monette has written Borrowed
Time: An AIDS Memoir (1988), an eloquent account of a decade of living with Paul
Horowitz, who died in 1986. Other memoirs include a mother's story, The Screaming Room (1986) by Barbara Peabody,
that of a wife, Good-bye,
I Love You (1986) by Carol Lynn Pearson, and those of several persons
with AIDS, including Mortal
Embrace: Living with AIDS (1988) by the Frenchman Emmanuel Dreuilhe. In 1985 NBC
Television presented a drama, An Early
Frost, with Aidan Quinn, which offered a sensitive exploration of
the emotional effects of the disease on a person with AIDS and his family. Bill
Sherwood's independently made film Parting
Glances (1986) focused on a relationship between two men, one of
whom has AIDS. Several leading contemporary photographers, including Nicholas
Nixon, Rosalind Solomon, and Brian Weil, have produced moving portraits of
people with AIDS.
The Names Project Quilt began early in 1987 with a single cloth panel to
commemorate one person who died of AIDS. In a little over a year the project
grew to over 5000 panels, which were exhibited in a national tour. The colorful
panels are rectangular and contain the name of the deceased which is painted on
or appliqued. The victim's survivors who make the quilts often add other
appliques of cloth, sequins, and the like to suggest favorite residences and
avocations of the departed. The quilt, which takes up a long-established
American folk tradition, constitutes a collective work of anonymous art. Not
only has it provided a moving experience for visitors, it may serve as a
salutory challenge to existing elitist notions of art itself.
None of this cultural activity can be construed as a "silver lining"
that in any way compensates for the enormous suffering that AIDS has caused,
but it gives evidence of a real effort to confront the problem rather than to
hide it or to hide from it
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Ronald Bayer, Private Acts, Social Consequences: AIDS and the Politics of
Public Health, New York: Free Press, 1989; Douglas Crimp, ed., AIDS: Cultural
Analysis/Cultural Activism [October, 43, Winter 1987); Harlon L. Dalton and Scott Burns, eds., AIDS and the Law: A Guide
to the Public, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987; Elizabeth Fee and
Daniel M. Fox, eds., AIDS: The Burden of History, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1988; Victor Gong, ed., AIDS: Pacts and Issues, New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers
University Press, 1986,- H. Robert Malinowski and Gerald j. Perry, AIDS Information Sourcebook, Phoenix: Oryx Press, 1988;
Eve K. Nichols, Mobilizing Against AIDS: The Unfinished Story of a Virus, Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 1986; Sandra Panem, The AIDS Bureaucracy, Cambridge, ma: Harvard University Press, 1988; Cindy Ruskin, ed., The Quilt: Stories from
the NAMES Project, New York: Pocket Books, 1988.
Ward Houser
Alan of Lille (ca. 1120-1203)
French
theologian and poet. A prolific writer in Latin, Alan was a leading figure in
the "Renaissance" of the twelfth century. His surviving works include
disquisitions in practical and speculative theology,- sermons; a preaching
manual; a theological dictionary; a guide for confessors; an attack on
heretics; a book of versified parables; and two substantial poetic allegories,
Anticlaudianus and The Complaint of Nature.
In the
last-named work Alan offered original variations on the Early Christian
polemic against homosexual behavior as a sin against nature. These animadversions
were prompted by the prevalence of sodomy among the clergy of his day, which
Alan opposed. In a series of ingenious, if bizarre comparisons, Alan likened
sexual inversion to grammatical barbarism. This allegory of grammatical
"conjugation," licit or illicit, was to have many successors
throughout the Middle Ages. In a more general sense, Alan is a link in a chain
of antihomosexual argument based on the claim that it is unnatural.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Richard H. Green, "Alan of Lille's De Planctu Naturae/' Speculum, 31 (1956), 649-74; Jan
Ziolkowski, Alan of Lille's Grammar of Sex, Cambridge, MA: Medieval
Academy of America, 1985.
Wayne R. Dynes
Albania
Until
recent decades, remoteness and a distinctive language permitted this Balkan
country to retain, more than its neighbors, cultural traits from the past.
Travelers in the nineteenth and early twentieth century noted that Albanian men
showed a particular passion for handsome youths, so much so that they would
even kill one another in disputes over them. Albanians would also contract
male-male pacts which were blessed by priests of the Orthodox church; these, it
was claimed, were Platonic. Yet this assertion of purity seems to be
contradicted by a common term for the pederast, buthar, literally "butt
man." Among the Muslim Sufis some held a belief in reincarnation,-having lived a
previous life as women, they believed, it would be natural for some men to be
attracted to male sex objects. It is tempting to regard these customs as a
provincial relic of Greek institutionalized pederasty, or even (following Bernard
Sergent) of some primordial "Indo-European" homosexuality. Sometimes
the Albanians attributed the custom to a Gypsy origin. Yet Turkish Islamic
influence is a more likely source, supplemented by the Byzantine custom of
brotherhood pacts. Of further interest is the fact that many Janissaries and Mamluks were recruited among the
Albanians.
Since 1945 Albania has been ruled by a puritanical and repressive Marxist
regime. Although homosexuality is not mentioned in the Penal Code, elementary
prudence requires that relations between "friends" be conducted with
the utmost discretion. Foreign tourists report sexual contacts - but only with
other tourists.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Paul Nacke, "On Homosexuality in Albania," Interna* tional Journal of
Greek Love, 1:1 (1965), 39-47.
Albertine Complex
In Remembrance of Things Past, Marcel Proust's female character
Albertine contains elements taken from the personality of the novelist's
chauffeur Agostinelli, with whom Proust was in love. Accordingly, it has been
suggested that the habit of gay and lesbian novelists - once a necessity - of
"heterosexualizing" relationships by changing the sex of the characters
be called the "Albertine complex." In W. Somerset Maugham's Of Human Bondage (1915) the waitress with
whom the main character is in love is surely a man in disguise. A different
device appears in Willa Cather's My
Antonia (1918), where the choice of male authorial persona, Jim,
allows the writer to express interest in various female characters.
It must be granted that this critical procedure can be reductive if it simply
seeks to "restore the true sex" to a character that is a composite
product of the literary imagination. It may also falsely imply that gay and
lesbian novelists are incapable of creating convincing characters of the
opposite sex. Nonetheless, E. M. Forster gave eloquent testimony of his dissatisfaction with the
procedure by abandoning writing novels in mid-career. After writing five
published books simulating heterosexual relationships (and one, Maurice, on a homosexual's quest
for love, which Forster believed was unpublishable), he declined to play the
game any longer.
A related, though different phenomenon appears in the disguise dramas of the
Renaissance. La
Calandria (1513), by Bernardo Dovizi da Bibbiena, concerns two twins,
one male, one female. The twins appear on stage four times, once both dressed
as women, once both dressed as men, once in reverse attire, and once (at the
end) in the appropriate dress. These permutations allowed the dramatist to
explore for comic effect the confused emotions induced in other characters who
are attracted to them. In less complete form the device spread into Spanish and
Elizabethan drama, including Shakespeare's familiar As
You Like It. At the end of these plays the sexual ambiguities are resolved,
to the relief of the audience - or at least of the censor. Thus the effect of
such dramas contrasts with that of the later novelistic Albertine complex where
the device is not meant to' be detected. In both cases, however, preservation
- or apparent preservation - of normality is the aim.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Justin O'Brien, "Albertine the Ambiguous/' PMLA, 64 (December 1949),
933-52.
Alcibiade Fanciullo a scola, L’
According
to the notation on the title page, this spirited dialogue in defense of pederasty
("Alcibiades the Schoolboy") was published anonymously at
"Ginevra [Geneva], 1652" - though it was probably actually printed in
Venice. In 1862 a new limited edition of 250 copies appeared in Paris; it is
almost as rare as the original. However, an Italian critical edition appeared
in 1988 (Rome: Salerno).
The identity of the author long remained mysterious. The title page of the
first edition bears the initials "D.P.A," which has been interpreted
as "Divini Petri Aretini" - an unlikely attribution to Aretino. In 1850 Antonio Basseggio
gave it, on stylistic grounds, to to Ferrante Pallavicino (1616-1644), a
freethinker who was a member of the Accademia degli Incogniti in Venice.
Finally, an article of 1888 by Achille Neri solved the puzzle. Neri included
the text of a letter by Giovan Battista Loredan, founder of the Accademia degli
Incogniti, which revealed that the author was Antonio Rocco (1586-1652), a
"libertine" priest, Aristotelian philosopher, and a member of the
Academy. The initials on the title page could be resolved as "Di Padre
Antonio." It is likely that Loredan, a noble Venetian, had a hand in the
printing of the little volume.
While the obscenity of the story is quite explicit, it must be understood in
the context of similar texts of the trend of libertinism, using the term in its
original sense of a sceptical philosophical tendency. The colloquy is
conventionally set in ancient Athens and the teacher is modeled on Socrates, as suggested also by the
derivation of the literary form from the Platonic dialogue. Having conceived
a unquenchable passion for his pupil, the instructor resolves to overcome his
charge's every objection to consummation of the relationship. Through astute
marshalling of argument, as well as rhetorical skill, the preceptor is
successful, thus demonstrating also the value of education. The persuader
uses examples from Greek mythology and culture, which had become familiar to
many Italians through the Renaissance revival of classical antiquity. He rebuts counterarguments
of later provenance, such as the Sodom and Gomorrah story. Anticipating the eighteenth century,
he appropriates the argument from naturalness for his own ends, saying that Nature gave us our sexual organs
for our pleasure; it is an insult to her to refuse to employ them for this
evident purpose.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Laura Coci, "L'Alcibiade fanciullo a scola: nota bibliográfica," Studi secenteschi, 26 (1985), 301-29;
Giovanni Dall'Orto, "Antonio Rocco and the Background of His 'LrAlcibiade
fanciullo a scola' (1652)," Among Men, Among Women, Amsterdam: University,
1983, pp. 224-32.
Giovanni Dall’Orto
Alcibiades (ca. 450-404 bx.)
Athenian
general and statesman. Reared in the household of his guardian and uncle
Pericles, he became the eromenos and later intimate friend of Socrates, who saved his life in
battle. His, brilliance enabled him in 420 to become leader of the extreme
democratic faction, and his imperialistic designs led Athens into an alliance
with Argos and other foes of Sparta,
a policy
largely discredited by the Spartan victory at Mantinea. He sponsored the plan
for a Sicilian expedition to outflank Sparta, which ended after his recall in
the capture of thousands of Athenians, most of whom died in the salt mines
where they were confined, but soon after the fleet reached Sicily his enemies recalled him
on the pretext of his complicity in the mutilation of the Hermae, the phallic
pillars marking boundaries between lots of land. He escaped, however, to Sparta
and became the adviser of the Spartan high command. Losing the confidence of
the Spartans and accused of impregnating the wife of one of Sparta's two kings,
he fled to Persia, then tried to win reinstatement at Athens by winning Persian
support for the city and promoting an oligarchic revolution, but without
success. Then being appointed commander by the Athenian fleet at Samos, he
displayed his military skills for several years and won a brilliant victory at
Cyzicus in 410, but reverses in battle and political intrigue at home led to
bis downfall, and he was finally murdered in Phrygia in 404.
Though an outstanding politician and military leader, Alcibiades compromised
himself by the excesses of his sexual life, which was not confined to his own
sex, but was uninhibitedly bisexual, as was typical of a member of the Athenian
aristocracy. The Attic comedians scolded him for his adventures; Aristophanes wrote a play (now lost)
entitled Triphales
(the man
with three phalli), in which Alcibiades' erotic exploits were satirized. In his
youth, admired by the whole of Athens for his beauty, he bore on his coat of
arms an Eros hurling a lightning bolt. Diogenes Laertius said of him that
"when a young man, he separated men from their wives, and later, wives
from their husbands," while the comedian Pherecrates declared that
"Alcibiades, who once was no man, is now the man of all women." He
gained a bad reputation for introducing luxurious practices into Athenian life,
and even his dress was reproached for extravagance. He combined the ambitious
political careerist and the bisexual dandy, a synthesis possible only in a
society that tolerated homosexual expression and even a certain amount of
heterosexual licence in its public figures. His physical beauty alone impressed
his contemporaries enough to remain an inseparable part of his historical
image.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Walter Ellis, Alcibiades, New York: Routledge, 1989; Jean Hatzfeld, Alcibiade: Etude sur l'histoire d'Athènes à
la fin du Ve siècle, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1951.
Warren Johansson
Alcoholism
The
linkage of alcoholism and homosexuality has produced a long and fascinating
body of literature. Both share similar characteristics: they are stigmatizecT
behaviors, are subject to legal and moral sanctions, have etiologies that are
not completely understood, are often concealed from others, have inconsistent
definitions, and are dealt with in a variety of conflicting ways. How
homosexuality and alcoholism are perceived is typically a function of the
theoretical position taken. The shifts from a more psychoanalytic model, to a
learning theory approach, to a sociocultural viewpoint illustrate the varied
attitudes toward these stigmatized behaviors by the dominant culture. Each
school, however, seems to accept that the rate of alcoholism among homosexuals
is significantly higher than in the rest of the population.
The Psychoanalytic
Model. The earliest connections
evolved from the school of psychoanalysis
founded
by Sigmund Freud.
Emphasizing
the idea of latent homosexuality as the etiology of problem drinking,
neo-Freudians sought a causal model to explain what they perceived as sexual
pathologies. Alcohol use was seen as the cause of regression to a level of
psychosocial development in which latent homosexuality, sadistic and masochistic
tendencies, and lewdness are released (Israelstam and Lambert). Excessive
alcohol use, therefore, was the means of overcoming the repression of homosexuality
and other sexual inhibitions.
The connection between homosexuality and alcoholism stressed the oral
dimensions. Using such phrases as "oral neurotics" and "oral
diseases," the psychoanalytic school focused on only certain aspects of
drinking behavior and homosexuality. Alcoholics were seen to be fixated in the
oral stage, to be anxious about masculine inadequacy and incompleteness, to
have experienced traumatic weaning, or to have an irrational fear of being
heterosexual (Nardi). Similar phrases were used to describe the etiology of
homosexuality. Oral frustrations were linked to both homosexuality and alcoholism.
Tennessee Williams' play Cat
on a Hot Tin Roof[ 1955) reflects the prevalence of the psychoanalytic
argument: Brick's alcoholism is linked to his frustrating relationship with
his wife Maggie and his repressed homosexual feelings about his dead friend
Skipper.
Much of the early empirical research on the linkage between homosexuality and
alcoholism emphasized the psychoanalytic assumptions. However, rather than
studying alcoholism among homosexual populations, researchers tended to look
for homosexuality among alcoholics. Unfortunately, their definitions about what
demonstrated homosexuality were faulty. Numerous studies used
masculinity-femininity scales with the belief that high femininity scores indicated
homosexuality in the male.
Clearly, then, a problem with these early studies is the faulty assumptions
underlying the empirical and theoretical models. There is an overemphasis on
oral aspects of homosexuality, thereby ignoring the range of sexual practices
and the emotional-love dimensions of same-sex relationships. It is also assumed
that only homosexuality has these oral dimensions to it, while implying that
heterosexual practices do not. Furthermore, the psychoanalytic approach does
not account for lesbians, for the repressed homosexuals who are not alcoholic,
for the open gays and lesbians who are not alcoholic, and for the open gays and
lesbians who are alcoholic (Small and Leach).
While repression of fundamental characteristics of self can often lead to
destructive behavior, the focus of psychoanalytic perspectives is of
particular relevance here. The relationship between latent homosexuality and
alcoholism assumes that learning to overcome one's repressed homosexual
feelings and to love heterosexually is the best "cure" for alcoholism.
Thus, the focus of therapy is on one's sexuality, not on the drinking or the
repression. The pathology is the homosexuality, not just the alcoholism.
During the 1960s and 1970s, however, the psychoanalytic models started losing
favor. With the introduction of humanistic Rogerian psychology, the existential
models of R. D. Laing, and the sociological approaches of labeling theory, the
link between homosexuality and alcoholism took on different emphases (Israelstam
and Lambert). With the rise of gay and lesbian rights movements, research began
to look at a newer link: the relationship of homophobia and alcoholism. The
tone was no longer on sexual repressions and regressions to oral stages, but on
the social contextual dimensions of gay lifestyles. The theories now
emphasized behavior and the role drinking played in integrating people into a
subculture or in reducing stresses caused by hostile social settings.
Alcoholism was seen as a response to situational factors, not as a correlate
of homosexuality. While some argue for the dominance of biological and genetic
explanations for alcoholism (and homosexuality as well), most researchers
believe that the social context plays an important part in understanding the
connections.
The Learning-Theory
Approach. Social learning theory has contributed much to our
understanding of the link between context and deviant behaviors. Alcoholism is
seen as a learned behavior resulting from reinforcement of pleasurable
experiences and the avoidance of negative ones. Tension reduction, relaxation,
peer approval, and feelings of power have all been connected to alcohol consumption.
Thus, a learning model explanation of excessive drinking among gay men and
lesbians stresses tension-reduction and the positive reinforcement of
participation in an open gay lifestyle of bars and other alcohol-related social
events. The tension, anxiety, and guilt feelings generated in the context of a
society which does not condone homosexual behavior are reduced by increased
alcohol use. For some, the resultant feelings of power allow gay people to
make sexual contacts and overcome social resistances.
The role of the gay bar becomes an important component of this approach. The
emergence of gay bars as a common institution for introduction into a gay
community derives from their history of permissiveness and protectiveness. Gay
bars provide some anonymity and segregation from the dominant culture while
contributing to and maintaining a gay identity for its patrons. The positive aspects
of belonging to a gay community tend to reinforce drinking patterns. Heavy
drinking, in this model, is not used to escape from some latent fears or to
fulfill oral needs, but as a way to participate in a group. Initial
socialization into a gay social network often occurs by attending gay bars,
cocktail parties, and meals involving alcohol. Achieving a gay identity, for
some people, necessitates learning roles which include an alcohol component.
Since there are many different types of homosexuals and many forms of
alcoholism, searching for a single link to explain all drinking by homosexuals
is a misguided task. For some open gays, a pleasure-seeking explanation is
probably a more accurate learning model. For others just "coming out," a tension-reduction
approach may serve as a clearer explanation. For those still "in the closet" and repressing their
identity, alcohol may serve as a means to disinhibit their feelings or to deny
them further. Whichever is used, all illustrate a learning model, stressing the
importance of the situation for understanding problem drinking. The shift away
from pathologies and oral fixations represented a major step in the theoretical
understanding of the linkage between homosexuality and alcoholism.
Sociocultural Perspectives. The approach to studying
the linkage took another direction with the growing emphasis in the 1970s of a
gay lifestyle
and subculture. From this viewpoint,
drinking patterns are a function of a group or sub-culture's norms, values, and
beliefs. How a culture defines drinking and drunkenness, what meanings are
construed for behavior while "under the influence," and what
situational factors are relevant, all affect drinking rates. The whole lifestyle
must be taken into account: the connections between drug use, alcohol consumption,
and sex; the value placed on attending bars; the laws and norms directly
related to alcohol consumption in that geographic area; and the attitudes of
the larger social context toward the stigmatized group.
This theoretical approach focuses on the social context in which gay people
find themselves, how they define reality and perceive their situation, and what
symbols and values they hold with respect to alcohol use. Understanding the
linkage between homosexuality and alcoholism, thus, requires understanding how
certain gay individuals manage and control their feelings in an oppressive
social context. In other words, homophobia is seen as a contextual explanation as
to why some gay men and lesbians drink excessively. Being a homosexual is not
the pathology leading to alcoholism; alcoholism is the response to a homophobic
environment. Alienation, low self-esteem, and morally weak labels are
maintained by the social system, thereby increasing vulnerability to addictive
behaviors. To study alcoholism and homosexuality now means researching the
subculturally approved responses to perceived and actual homophobic
situations. Gay men and lesbians become the focus of study; their thoughts,
behavior, and perceptions are the data. Rather than looking at alcoholics and
assessing whether they are latent homosexuals or high scorers on a femininity
scale, current research, under the socio-cultural model, goes directly to gay alcoholics and studies their
views and responses to their social situations.
Research
Problems and Prospects. Unfortunately, the reliability about the extent of
alcoholism problems in the gay community has suffered from faulty research
methodology. Small sample sizes, lack of control groups, non-random samples,
inconsistent definitions of alcoholism and homosexuality, and anecdotal
information typify much of the recent research in this area. Generalizations to
the cliversity of homosexuals are very difficult to make. Not only are those
"in the closet" impossible to study, but generating non-middle-class
samples of open gays and lesbians is not an easy task. In addition, asking
people to relate their drinking patterns with honesty and accuracy becomes
problematic the more they drink excessively.
Despite these problems with current research, the move away from the
neo-Freudian, psychoanalytic models is an important step in understanding the
linkages between alcoholism and homosexuality. Results from many of the recent
studies seem to indicate an alcoholism rate at two to three times that of the
rest of the population. While some of this is due to the same factors that
affect other alcoholics (such as low self-esteem, difficulty in expressing
one's feelings, having an alcoholic parent, ethnic and religious background,
and other drug use), it is the unique aspects of establishing and maintaining
a gay identity in a generally hostile environment that has become the focus of
attention in recent research.
The theoretical approaches discussed (psychoanalytic, learning theory, and socio-cultural perspective) represent
specific sociological and psychological viewpoints. Other models can, and have,
been developed to assess alcoholism using economic, political, biological, and
genetic variables, and explanations. Each of these can be used to further an
understanding of the linkage between homosexuality and alcoholism.
Treatment
and Prevention. Which model one adopts can have important implications for
the development of treatment and prevention programs. Some people define
alcoholism as a disease, thereby invoking a medical model with very different
consequences from a learned behavior model adopted by others. Those stressing
the psychoanalytic approach focus on curing the pathology of homosexuality,
while the socio-cultural model leads to the emphasis on getting the client to act on
one's homosexual feelings. In general, most practitioners today believe that
treating the alcoholism is the first priority. This, however, typically
requires a climate in which the patients can feel comfortable about discussing
their identity openly. Being honest about oneself and one's feelings is
essential for recovery. This cannot be attained in a homophobic context. Some,
therefore, strongly encourage homosexual clients to seek treatment in gay and
lesbian facilities. When these are not available, it is very important that
treatment programs and therapists can accept and encourage gay and lesbian
clients to be themselves. While the techniques for treatment may be the same
for everyone, the importance of establishing a climate in which the clients can
express themselves openly becomes of prime importance.
Similarly, while prevention and education programs have messages relevant to
all people, some specific tailoring to the needs, issues, and language of gays
and lesbians is essential. For example, recent evidence on the role alcohol and
drugs play in lowering immune system functioning has important prevention
implications for aids.
There are
also some indications that excessive alcohol use can lead to higher risk
taking, especially in sexual situations, thereby increasing the possibilities
of engaging in practices with a higher probability of contracting the AIDS
virus. Prevention and education programs aimed at the gay and lesbian
populations must, therefore, take into account the unique dimensions of their
lifestyles and sexuality. It is in prevention and treatment programs that the
link between homosexuality and alcoholism becomes an important aspect.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Stephen Israelstam and Sylvia Lambert, "Homosexuality as a Cause of
Alcoholism: A Historical Review," International Journal of the Addictions, 18:8 (1983), 1085-1107;
Peter M. Nardi, "Alcoholism and Homosexuality: A Theoretical
Perspective," Journal of Homosexuality, „ 4 7:4 (1982), 9-25,
reprinted in Thomas Ziebpld and John Mongeon, eds., Gay and Sober, New York: Harrington
Press, 1985; Edward Small and Barry Leach, "Counseling Homosexual Alcoholics,"
Journal
of Studies on Alcohol, 38:11 (1977),2077-86.
Peter M. Nardi
Aletrino, Arnold (1858-1916)
Dutch
criminal anthropologist and literary figure. Of Sephardic Jewish ancestry,
Aletrino published works on homosexuality in Dutch and French. A follower of
the school of Cesare Lombroso, who had sought to explain criminality with
reference to inherited degeneracy of the central nervous system, Aletrino broke
sharply with his teacher by asserting in a Dutch article of 1897 that
homosexuality ("uranism") could occur in otherwise perfectly normal
and healthy individuals, and in later works he campaigned for the end of the
legal and social intolerance that still oppressed the homosexuals of early twentieth-century
Europe.
At the fifth congress of criminal anthropology in Amsterdam in 1901, his
defense of the homosexual brought a storm of abuse on his head from the
psychiatrists and criminal anthropologists who accused him of "defending
immorality" - the first harbinger of the later antipathy of the medical
profession to the gay rights movement. Down to the end of his life he continued
to collaborate with the initial pioneers in enlightening the general public on
the subject, and was involved in the founding of the Dutch branch of the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in 1911. His literary compositions still keep
his memory alive in the Dutch-speaking world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Maurice van Lieshout, "Stiefkind der Natuur: Het Homobeeld bij Aletrino en
Von Römer," Homojaarboek, 1 (1981), 75-106.
Warren Johansson
Alexander the Great (356-323 bx.)
King of
Macedonia and conqueror of much of the civilized world of his day. The
Hellenizing aspirations of his father Philip II caused him to summon Aristotle
from Athens to tutor his son. On his succession to the throne in 336 Alexander
immediately made plans to invade Asia, which he did two years later. In a
series of great battles he defeated the Persian king and took possession of his
vast empire. Unwisely extending his expedition into India in 327-325, he returned
to Babylon where he died.
Historians still debate the significance of Alexander's plans for the empire:
it now seems unlikely that he intended a universal culture melding the diverse
ethnic components on an equal footing.
His concessions to his new subjects were probably intended to secure their
loyalty, while preserving Greek supremacy. His romantic figure has exercised an
unceasing fascination over the centuries, though usually with minimal
acknowledgement of his bisexual appetites, which supreme rule allowed him to
gratify to the full.
Although he entered into a state marriage with the Sogdian Roxane and had
relations with other women, all his life Alexander was subject to unbounded passions
for beautiful boys (Athenaeus, Deipnosophists,
XHI, 603a).
From childhood Alexander had been closely bonded with his friend Hephaistion,
whose death in 324 he mourned extravagantly, reportedly devastating whole
districts to assuage his grief. His relationship with a beautiful eunuch
Bagoas, formerly the favorite of king Darius, is the subject of Mary Renault's
novel The Persian Boy (New York, 1972).
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Roger Peyrefitte, Alexandre le Grand, Paris: Albin Michel, 1981,- idem, Les conquetes d Alexandre,
Paris:
Albin Michel, 1979; idem, La jeunesse d'Alexandre, Paris: Albin Michel, 1977.
Warren Johansson
Alexandria
Ptolemy i, Alexander the Great's successor in Egypt, transferred the
capital from Memphis to the city near the Nile's western mouth, which had been founded
by Alexander after he conquered Egypt to accommodate large fleets and thus
secure his communications with Europe. Ptolemy ii and Ptolemy iii
made
Alexandria the center of Hellenic learning by endowing (1) the Museum, where
Herophilus and his younger contemporary Erasistratus conducted vivisection on
condemned slaves to advance surgery, anatomy and physiology, while Eratosthenes
calculated the circumference of the globe; and (2) the Library, arranged by
Aristotle's pupil Demetrius of Phalerum according to the Master's cataloguing
system, which grew to contain over 100,000 (perhaps even 700,000 scrolls) where
Callimachus, Apollonius, and Theocritus vied with one another in editing classical
Greek texts and in composing pédérastie verses. From 300 b.c. until 145 - when Ptolemy
VII Physcon expelled the scholars - and again after order was restored,
Alexandria was also the literary center of Hellas. The golden age of
Alexandrian poetry lasted from ca. 280 to ca. 240 with an Indian summer in the
early first century b.c., when Meleager produced
his Garland, so important a part of the
Greek Anthology, and his contemporaries wrote other works that soon became
popular in Rome and influenced Latin literature.
Imitating the elegists and lyricists who had flourished in the Aegean ca. 600 b.c., the Alexandrians of the golden age enthusiastically
composed pédérastie
verse.
The seven greatest Alexandrian tragedians were dubbed the Pleiad. In the second
century b.c. Phanus, Moschus, and
Bion continued the traditions of Callimachus, Apollonius, and Theocritus with
archaic fastidiousness and recondite allusions of the earlier librarians
there. Big city inconveniences produced a longing for the rural life expressed
in pastoral poetry. Whether ideal or sensual, love - especially pédérastie - held a central
position.
The luxurious gymnasia, temples, and baths erected by the Ptolemies, of whom
the seventh kept a harem of boys, surpassed those of the homeland. A local
peculiarity was the Serapeum, a temple which attempted to fuse Dionysiac with
Egyptian religion.
This commercial port linked Europe with Africa, and via the canal built by the
ancient Pharaohs that the Ptolemies reopened between the Mediterranean and
the Red Sea, also with India, for the Greeks learned to follow the monsoon to
complete the periplus there and back. Its great Pharos (lighthouse) symbolized
its maritime dominance, and Ptolemaic fleets often ruled the Aegean.
Alexandria, whose synagogues overshadowed those in Palestine, attracted
diaspora Jews even before the Seleucid Antiochus IV began to persecute them and
the Diaspora began in earnest, continuing during and after the Maccabean
uprisings. In Alexandria seventy Jewish scholars were believed in later legend
to have translated the Pentateuch into the koine, as the Hellenistic Greek
of the newly acquired colonial regions was styled. Riots often occurred among
the ethnic groups, especially against the Jews, who had their own quarter in
the capital. Resembling New York, with a true cacophony of languages,
Alexandria became the largest Greek as well as the largest Jewish city and
certainly the richest in the world. Philo Judaeus, who clearly judged the
homosexual behavior of the Sodomites responsible for the destruction of the Cities
of the Plain, synthesized Old Testament homophobia with Greek philosophical
condemnation: the Mosaic prohibition with Plato's notion of "against
nature," while the Ptolemies married their sisters and nude Greek men
chased eromenoi
in
gymnasia or hired poor boys in the teeming streets or bazaars.
Lavishing the wealth for which the Ptolemies were famous, Cleopatra married
first three of her brothers (Ptolemy Xni, XIV, and XV), then Julius Caesar (if she was not merely his
mistress), and finally Mark Antony. She committed suicide to avoid gracing the
triumph of Octavian, who annexed Egypt for Rome, as Augustus, administering it
as a special, incomparably valuable province. Trade with India via Alexandria
reached such a height during the Pax Romana (31 b.c.-a.d.
180) that
the Empire was drained of specie to pay for Eastern luxuries. The later
"Alexandrian" Latin poets of the first century b.c., of whom Catullus is the only surviving exemplar, wrote
bisexual verses, like those of their models. In the early Empire, even more
than in the last century of the Republic, things Egyptians were the rage.
Athenaeus of Naucratis, another seaport at a mouth of the Nile, ca. a.d. 200 wrote of an elaborate symposium where scholars
discussed pederasty as well as fine foods and wines, and pagan learning
continued in Alexandria until Hypatia, a female mathematician and
Neo-Platonist, was torn limb from limb by a mob of Christian fanatics incited
by their bishop St. Cyril in 415, after which pagan learning declined. The
neglected Library repeatedly suffered from fires, book burnings, and other
catastrophes, perishing in the Arab conquest of 641.
Christianity, too, flourished in Alexandria from the time the Apostle Mark
introduced it there. Combining Platonic with Biblical homophobia in the
tradition of Philo Judaeus, Clement, Origen, Arian, and Athanasius and other
Patristic writers shaped Orthodox dogma.
As the center of learning of the Hellenistic world and the rival of Rome for
wealth and population, it was naturally the home of the most erudite
Christians. They were as shocked as the Jews by the lasciviousness of the
pagans with whom they rubbed shoulders in the cosmopolitan streets of the
metropolis. "Nothing," it was said, "was not available in Alexandria
except snow." This applied to sex where the vices, like the merchandise,
of Asia, Africa, and Europe met and were exchanged amid great wealth and
extreme poverty. The Patriarch of Alexandria, like that of its Hellenistic
competitor Antioch, rivaled the one Constantine appointed at the new capital in
330 and the one at Jerusalem - all of whom vied with the bishop of Rome.
Alexandria was scarcely affected by the Germanic occupation of the West. Arab
hordes newly inspired by the religion of Islam, however, invaded Egypt in 638
and captured Alexandria in 641, the grief of the loss causing the death of the
Emperor Heraclius (610-641). Although the Moslems removed the capital to
Fustat (Old Cairo), near ancient Memphis, Alexandria remained a vital port as
long as they dominated the Mediterranean, a Moslem lake from about 700 to about
1100, when the crusaders regained dominance of that sea for Christendom. With
its women secluded even more than in the Ptolemaic and Byzantine epochs, Moslem
Alexandria, now called al-Iskandariya, continued the tradition of pederasty.
Dynasties followed one another, the Shiite Fatimids (965-1171), the Sunnite
Ayyubids (1171-1250), whose Saladin fought Richard I the Lionhearted, followed
by the Mamluks, a group of unmarried, often castrated Slavic bodyguards known
for pederasty, one of whose number was chosen Sultan from 1250 to 1519. Under
the Mamluks Cairo completely outshone Alexandria, which declined to little more
than a fishing village.
In 1881 the British established a protectorate over Egypt, Turkish sovereignty
being purely nominal. Thereafter Alexandria became the center of a cosmopolitan
blend of Eastern and Western civilization known as Levantine. With its languid
sensuousness and sexual promiscuity, Alexandria, like other Levantine ports,
attracted gay writers and expatriates in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. The modern Greek poet Cavafy, the Russian writer Mikhail Kuzmin,
Lawrence Durrell and others put the city permanently on the literary map of
the world. In his lyric poems Constantine Cavafy (1863-1933) evoked the moods
and memories of Hellenistic Alexandria at its zenith - as the capital of the
cosmopolitan civilization his ancestors had created. E. M. Forster had a love
affair with an Egyptian tram-conductor, Mohammed el-Adl, in 1917, during World
War I. He also wrote a guide to the city, and introduced Cavafy's poems to
English-speaking readers.
The resurgence of Arab and Egyptian nationalism spelled the death of the
"colonial," Levantine Alexandria by forcing most of the permanent
foreign residents to emigrate. Now the premier beach resort of Egyptians, the
city abounds in summer with homosexual activity in spite of the revival of
Moslem puritanism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
E. M. Forster, Alexandria: A History and a Guide, London: Whitehead Morris
& Co., 1922; P. M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 3 vols., Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1977; Jane Lagoudis Pinchin, Alexandria Still: Forster, Durrell, and Cavafy, Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1977.
William A. Percy
Alger, Horatio, Jr. (1832-1899)
American
novelist. The son of a clergyman, he sought to emulate his father's career in
a church in Brewster, Massachusetts. In 1866, however, he abruptly left the
ministry and went to New York City, where he devoted the rest of his life to
grinding out an enormous number of books for boys, most of which have the same
plot, the legendary "rags to riches" tale about a poor boy who makes
good. The most famous of these books were Ragged Dick (1868) and Tattered Tom (1871). The total number
of Alger books sold, both before and after his death, is estimated at being
anywhere from one to four hundred million. Alger became known as the
inspiration for many of the American boys who in real life went from poverty to
wealth, and even today it is said in obituaries that a man's "life was
like a Horatio Alger story."
Alger's status as a wholesome legend was ironically the cause of his eventually
being found out. In The
American Idea of Success ¡1971), Richard Huber told how he had discovered in the
archives of the church in Brewster evidence that Alger had "been charged
with gross immorality and a most heinous crime, a crime of no less magnitude
than the abominable and revolting crime of unnatural familiarity with
boys." Alger had gone to New York to escape the wrath of the parents of
Brewster. This bombshell lay dormant until a journalist read Huber's book and
broadcast the news across the United States.
Alger was included in Jonathan Katz' Gay
American History (1976) and is now a standard member of everybody's list of
famous homosexuals. The story of Alger's life has been the subject of several
biographies both before and after the Huber bombshell, and this is a story in
itself. One early biography was a pack of lies in which Alger has relationships
with various women, and other early biographies had also invented episodes here
and there, and these false "facts" were repeated innocently by later
biographers. Even in these early biographies, however, it was possible to read
between the lines - or between the lies - to see that Alger was attracted to
boys. He spent a lot of time around the Newsboys Lodging House in New York, a
sort of hotel for homeless boys and a paradise for any pederast who could
succeed, as Alger did, in winning the confidence of the owner and the young
residents. The greatest love of Alger's life was a ten-year-old Chinese boy
named Wing, who was later killed by a street-car. All of this information was
reported by the early biographers, but nobody seemed to understand what it
meant until Huber found the evidence.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Michael Moon, "'The Gentle Boy from the Dangerous Classes': Pederasty,
Domesticity, and Capitalism in Horatio Alger," Representations, 19 (Summer 1987), 87-110;
Gary Scharnhorst and Jack Bales, The Lost Life of Horatio Alger, Bloomington: Indiana 4> University Press, 1985.
Stephen Wayne Foster
Allston, Washington (1779-1843)
American
artist. The slave-owning Allstons of South Carolina enjoyed a life of near
baronial splendor. Traditionally families such as his have demonstrated their
appreciation of art only through patronage, since artists, like all craftsmen,
must work with their hands. Allston chose to deny his family's inculcated
values when, having graduated from Harvard, he insisted on pursuing his muse.
In 1801 Allston sailed for England to study for several years at the Royal
Academy with Benjamin West and Henry Fuseli. They imbued the aspiring artist
with the spirit of romantic classicism which was to become his stylistic hallmark.
During his first European sojourn, Allston traveled extensively, settling by
1804 in Rome. There he first met Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Washington Irving.
He insinuated himself into the circle of Rome's German colony, which centered
around the Prussian consul, Wilhelm von Humboldt, and the habitues of the Caffe
Greco. There he got to know Wilhelm's homosexual brother, Alexander von Humboldt,
and such neoclassical sculptors as Thorvaldsen and Canova, together with the
artists Asmus Jakob Carstens, Gottlieb Schick, and Joseph Anton Koch. Then in
1808 he left Rome precipitously, sailoring for Boston, where he married Ann
Channing, a socially prominent New Englander who had been affianced to Allston
for nine years.
With his new wife, Allston traveled to England again in 1811. This time he
secured the patronage of the influential Sir George Beaumont. His painting of
"The Dead Man Revived" won a prize of two hundred guineas at the
British Institution. In the Annals
of the Fine Arts in 1816, he was listed as one of the principal history
painters in England. The illness and death of his wife, in 1815, was the one
ostensibly disturbing interlude of these very successful years. But a second
time, giving his friends no warning, he decamped for America in 1818.
Back in Boston, Allston fixed his attentions on a Boston Brahmin spinster,
Martha Dana, whom he married in 1830, after a courtship strung out over ten
years. The course of his professional life matched that of his private life in
its failure to find a focus and locate a goal. Ensconced in a studio in the
suburb of Cambridgeport, the artist manifested behavior we would now perceive
as highly neurotic. He habitually abandoned major, multifigured canvases - by
his own report of 1836, five in 18 months. Over the years, he managed to
disappoint the Boston Hospital, the Pennsylvania Academy, the State of South
Carolina, the United States government, and private individuals as highly
placed as the Duchess of Sutherland. None of his undertakings, however,
provided him with a better excuse for a dilatory performance than the
never-to-be-finished "Belshazzar's Feast." After a visit to his
studio in 1838, the English art critic Anna Jameson observed that his
sensitivity on the subject of his unfinished "Bel" did "at last
verge on insanity."
Why did Washington Allston live in a state of psychic imprisonment which
paralyzed his will to create and made him guilt-ridden? To cast his dilemma
into perspective, we must acknowledge that some of the most puzzling moments of
his Ufe
begin to
make sense only on the hypothesis that he was a closeted homosexual. During
his lifetime, family and friends shielded him or pretended not to know, as
evidenced in his official biography written by his reverential nephew, Jared
Flagg. Scholars in this century have perpetuated the subterfuge when they
failed to evaluate the documented evidence.
In chronological sequence, the first document - omitted in the modern
biographies - is a letter of Allston's, quoted in the first comprehensive
history of American art. Here Allston reminisced about* his earliest patron, a
South Carolinian named Bowman. The latter offered to the handsome scion of the
Allston family an annual stipend of 100 pounds for the period of his study abroad.
The stipend declined, Bowman upped the ante by volunteering to send him away
with "a few tierces of rice." "His partiality was not of the
everyday kind," the mature artist observed. And in truth Bowman's partiality
was not, since the gift of a "few tierces of rice" was a highly
negotiable commodity of great value. Not surprisingly, in Flagg's recycling of
the incident, the word "partiality" was suppressed, leaving the
inserted pronoun without antecedent: "it was not of the everyday
kind." In context, the suppressed word would not have raised eyebrows; but
since Allston's adoring nephew removes the word, and so ineptly, we may
conclude that family tradition wanted something hushed up.
Next, there is the matter of those courtships of unusual length even for the
nineteenth century. Collectively, they provided a cover for a total of nineteen
years. But the most telling circumstance involves the cause for Allston's
second departure from England.
The period of Allston's sojourn in England followed years in which England
instituted harsh penal measures against homosexuals. Nobles were exiled, members
of the working class hanged. Under these conditions, blackmail became a common
practice,- and we have it from Allston himself that he was continuously
importuned by beggars who were literate, since they petitioned through the
mails. Accordingly, he wished his new address in America kept secret. After his
return, he instructed his pupil, C. R. Leslie, to forward no more
correspondence: "I know, my good fellow, you will excuse this, for you
know what I have already suffered. . . . There are letters of this unpleasant
kind I have had from Bristol and other places. Tell Mr. Bridgen never to take
out any letter to me from the Dead-Letter Box. If any should be there let them
remain; for I do not want them." Leslie would be just the person to
sympathize with his teacher's predicament, since his own sexual orientation
made him equally susceptible. His liaisons with some of the London actors whose
portraits he painted fell short of discretion. Flagg, who was probably ignorant
of Leslie's proclivities, applied to this former pupil for further information
about his uncle's seemingly inexplicable decision. Leslie, in his written
reply, elided the truth; and his explanation, as redacted by Flagg, reads like
a fairytale: "Leslie gives as his belief that one cause for his leaving
England was the result of his open-handed charity to street beggars in
London" - as though Allston were a soft-hearted American, helpless to resist outstretched palms and needing to put
an ocean between unlettered beggars and his own purse.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
William H. Gerdts and Theodore E. Stebbins, Jr., "A Man of
Genius": The Ait of Washington Allston (1779-1843), Boston: Museum of Fine
Arts, 1979; Phoebe Lloyd, "Washington Allston: American Martyr?" Art in America (March 1984), 145-55,
177-79; E. P. Richardson, Washington Allston, New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1948.
Phoebe Lloyd
Amazonia
In addition to holding the
world's largest tropical rainforest, the Amazon basin of South America has
remained until recently the home of many tribal peoples scarcely touched by
Western civilization.
Initiation and Joking
Behavior. As
in the Melanesian cultures of the Pacific, initiation, more than marriage, is
indispensable in northwest Amazonia to the transition from the asexual world of
childhood to the sexual world of adults. In these customs, anthropologists have
been struck by the commonness of joking sexual play among initiated but
unmarried men. "Missionaries working in the Piraparaná are frequently shocked by the apparent
homosexual behavior of Indian men. However, the Barasana distinguish between
this playful sexual activity and serious male homosexuality. This play, rather
than stemming from frustration of normal [sic] desire, is regarded as being
normal behavior between brothers-in-law, and expresses their close,
affectionate, and supportive relationship" (Hugh-Jones). Claude Lévi-Strauss who had reported "reciprocal sexual
services" by classificatory "brothers-in-law" among the
Nambikwara in 1943, added: "It remains an open question whether the
partners achieve complete satisfaction or restrict themselves to sentimental
demonstrations, accompanied by caresses, similar to the demonstrations and
caresses characteristic of conjugal relationships." Although maintaining
that "the brother is acting as a temporary substitute" for his
sister, he admits: "On reaching adulthood, the brothers-in-law continue
to express their feelings quite openly." Stephen Hugh-Jones similarly
reported, "A young man will often lie in a hammock with his
'brother-in-law,' nuzzling him, fondling his penis, and talking quietly, often
about sexual exploits with women." About the Yanamamo, Chagnon wrote:
"Most unmarried young men having homosexual relations with each other have
no stigma attached to this behavior. In fact, most of these bachelors joked
about it and simulated copulation with each other in public." Alves da
Silva reported public mutual masturbation by boys, although officially,
homosexuality only occurs in the puberty rites for boys.
Other Aspects. Nimuendaju and Lowie noted formalized,
intense, but apparently non-sexual friendships among another Ge tribe, the
Ramko'kamekra. Wagley's 1939 ethnography of the Tapi-rape - a southern Amazon
tribe with a Tupi-Cuarani rather than Ce language, who were therefore likely
pushed from the coast rather than being traditionally jungle dwellers prior to
1500 - included reports of males in the past who had allowed themselves to be
used in anal intercourse by other men. "They were treated as favorites by
the men, who took them along on hunting trips. Kamairaho gave me the names of
five men whom he had known during his lifetime or about whom his father had
told him 'had holes.' Some of these men were married to women, he said, but at
night in the takana
[men's house] they allowed
other men to 'eat them' (have anal intercourse). His father told him of one man
who took a woman's name and did women's work. . . . Older men had said that the
"man-woman" had died because she was pregnant. *Her stomach was
swollen but there was no womb to allow the child to be born.'" None of Wagley's informants could
recall a case of a woman who had taken the male-role or who preferred sex with
another female.
Gregor added a muddled account of conceptions of homosexuality as |1)
inconceivable, (2) situational, and (3) forgotten for the Mehinaku of the
Xingu River. Soares de Souza asserted the Tupinamba were "addicted to
sodomy and do not consider it a shame.... In the bush some offer themselves to
all who want them." In the upper Amazon, Tessmann found that "while
there are no homosexuals with masculine tendencies, there are some with extreme
effeminacy. My informants knew of two such instances. One of them wears woman's
clothing. . . . [The other] wears man's clothing, but likes to do all the work
that is generally done by women. He asked one member of our expedition to
address him with a woman's name and not with his masculine name. He lives with
a settler and prostitutes himself as the passive partner to the settler's
workers. He pays his lovers. He never practices active sexual
intercourse." A more extended description of widespread homosexual play
and of fairly-enduring but "open" relationships is provided by
Sorenson: "Young men sit around enticingly sedate and formal in all their
finery, or form troupes of panpipe-playing dancers." Occasional sex is regarded
as expectable behavior among friends; one is marked as nonfriendly - enemy - if
he does not join, especially in the youth 'age group' (roughly 15-35)."
Homosexual activity was limited neither to within an "age group" nor
to unmarried men. Moreover, inter-village homosexuality was encouraged and
some /'best friends" relationships developed. That the "best
friend" is more likely later to marry a sister of his "best
friend" is implied in Sorenson's report.
Some of the denials that homosexual behavior among "my people" is
"really homosexuality" say moré about the observer than the observed. In other cases,
denials of what can be observed come from natives. In such cases, it is
difficult to know whether the concern that imputations of accepting
homosexuality will stigmatize their tribe are the result of Western
acculturation or more venerable cultural concerns.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Alcionilio B. Alves da Silva, A CivilisafSo Indígena do Uapes, Sao Paulo: Centro de Pesquisas, 1962; Napoleon A. Chagnon,
Yanomamo
Warfare, Social Organization and Marriage Alliance, Ph.D. dissertation,
University of Michigan, 1967; Thomas Gregor, Anxious Pleasures: The
Sexual Life of an Amazonian People, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985; Stephen
Hugh-Jones, The Palm and the Pleiades, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1979; Claude Lévi-Strauss,Tristes Trapiques, New York: Atheneum, 1974; Curt Nimuendajú and Robert H. Lowie,
"The Social Structure of the Ramko'kamekra (Canella)," American Anthropologist, 40 (1938), 51-74; Gabriel
Soares de Souza, "Tratado Descriptivo do Brasil em 1587," [Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Brasil] Revista, 14 (1851, [1587]); Arthur
P. Sorenson, "Linguistic Exogamy and Personal Choice in the Northwest
Amazon," Illinois Studies in Anthropology, (1984), 180H?3¡ Günter Tessmann, Die Indianér Ñordost-Perus, Hamburg: De Gruyter, 1930; Charles
Wagley, Welcome of Tears, New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.
Stephen O. Murray
Amazons, American Indian
A
distinct gender role for masculine females was accepted in many American
Indian tribes of North and South America. This role often included a marriage
between such a female and a woman. Though sometimes mistakenly referred to by
anthropologists as "female berdaches," this term historically was
applied only to males and does not account for the special character of the
amazon role. Even though the Indians did not live in separate all-female
societies, the earliest historic references to such masculine females referred
to them as "amazons" rather than as "berdaches," and the
Portugese explorers in northeastern Brazil named the large river there the
River of the Amazons after the female warriors of the Tupinamba Indians.
The extent to which this gender role was socially accepted in aboriginal
cultures is unclear, owing to the lack of attention paid to women in the
male-written documents of the early European explorers. It is also unclear to
what extent these females were "gender-crossers" who were accepted as
men, or as "gender mixers" who combined elements of masculinity and
femininity with some other unique traits to become an alternative gender. There
was probably variation between tribes and among individuals.
Such females were noted for their masculine interests from early childhood, and
as adults they often famed for their bravery as warriors and skill as hunters.
In some tribes, parents who had no son would select a daughter to raise as a
hunter, and this child would grow up to do all the roles of a man, including
the taking of a woman as a wife. The amazon's avoidance of sex with a man would
protect her from pregnancy, and thus insure her continued activity as a
hunter. Kaska Indians of the western Canadian subarctic explained that if such
a female had sex with a man, her luck in finding game would be destroyed. Her
sexual affairs and marriage with a woman were the accepted form.
Some tribes, like the Mohave, held the view that the true father of a child was
the last person to have sex with the mother before the baby's birth. This meant
that an amazon would easily claim paternity to the child of her wife, if this
wife had been previously impregnated by a man. Therefore, these marriages
between an amazon and a woman were socially recognized with their children as
families.
Because of their uniqueness, amazons often had the reputation for spiritual
power and a gift of prophesy. This was sometimes shared by another form of
female gender variance among Plains tribes, known as Warrior Women. Here, women
would sometimes participate in male occupations on the hunt or in warfare, but
this did not imply an alternative gender role since they continued to be
defined as women. Still, there were some amazons on the Plains, the most famous
of which was Woman Chief, a leader of the Crow Indians in the nineteenth
century. She was the third highest ranked warrior in her tribe, and was married
to four women.
For those who were socially defined as women, it was more important that they
reproduce the population than that they be exclusively heterosexual. Motherhood
was highly valued, and a woman's status was usually related to her role as a
mother more than as a wife. As long as a woman had children, to whom she was
married was of less concern to society. Since the amazon was not seen as
feminine, and was not socially defined as a woman, she was able to gain status
based on her hunting and military abilities.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Paula Gunn Allen, The Sacred Hoop: Recovering the Feminine in American Indian
Traditions, Boston: Beacon Press, 1986; Evelyn Blackwood, "Lesbian
Behavior in Cross-Cultural Perspective," M.A. thesis in Anthropology, San
Francisco State University, 1984; idem, "Sexuality and Gender in Certain
Native American Tribes: The Case of Cross-Gender Females," Signs, 10:4 (1984), 27-42; Walter
L. Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American
Indian Culture, Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.
Walter L. Williams
Amazons, Classical
Greek
mythology includes references to a legendary race of female warriors. Homer's Iliad offers only scanty indications of them, and the name given
to them is antianeirai,
later
interpreted as "man-hating" or "man-like." The main
features of the later Greek Amazon legend are as follows. Coming from the east,
they founded a commonwealth of women in the northeast of Asia Minor on the
Thermodon, between Sinope and Trapezus, with Themiskyra as its capital. They
honor Ares as their ancestor and Artemis. For breeding purposes they live
during two months of the spring with a neighboring people. The male children
are killed (or rendered unfit for military service or returned to the fathers).
The girls are brought up as warriors; they remain virgins until they have
slain three foes. Their weapons are bow and arrow and a sword hanging from a
band that runs over the breast; they are mostly mounted. In their genealogies
they do not count the father. The major sources of this legend are Didorus
Siculus and the geographer Strabo of Alexandria. Herodotus connects the
Amazons with the Scythians and makes the Sauromates (Sarmatians) descend from
them. There is a pseudo-etymology that derives the name from a-privative and mazos,
"breast,"
with the explanation that they cut off one of their breasts so as better to aim
their arrows; the artistic depictions of them always show both breasts.
The legend is sometimes interpreted as the echo of historic combats with matriarchal
Asiatic tribes combined with fairy tale motifs such as the abduction of women.
The Amazons were a favorite theme of ancient art and sculpture; particularly
renowned were statues of the wounded Amazon by four artists of the fifth
century b.c.:
Polycleitus,
Cresilas, Phidias, Phradmon.
The Amazon legend both tempted and intimidated the explorers of Latin America;
societies of Amazons were reported from Brazil, whence the name of the Amazon
River; Guiana; the western part of the Peru of the Incas; Colombia; Nicaragua;
the Western Antilles; Mexico, Yucatan, and Lower California. Modern scholarship
tends to discredit these accounts as reverberations of the classical myth or
as fictions invented by the natives to discourage the Europeans from proceeding
farther inland. Some lesbian writers of modern times have reinterpreted J. J.
Bachof en's conception of matriarchy (1861) in the direction of a primitive,
predominantly female and matrilineal society, but admit that Amazonism and
lesbianism are distinct phenomena, however they may coincide in time and space.
Warren Johansson
American Indians
See Indians, American.
Anal Sex
The anus
is the posterior opening of the alimentary canal. The actual closing and
opening is effected by a muscle known as the sphincter, beyond which lies the
rectum, leading to the sigmoid colon. For many in our society, the anus is
either a neutral part of the body, or one that can induce pain, through
hemorrhoids or other disfunctions. While a majority of the population seems to
have experimented in some way with anal stimulation, many decline to practice
anal sex regularly, whether heterosexually, homosexually, or autoerotically. It
has been asserted that this reluctance reflects deep-seated cultural taboos,
which is undoubtedly part of the explanation for avoidance. It is also likely,
however, that many people simply find other sexual practices more rewarding.
Techniques. For those who derive
erotic stimulation from them, anal activities fall into two main categories,
external or internal. The former may consist of either digital stimulation or
anilingus, that is, tongue-to-anus stimulation, known in street language as
"rimming" or "rear French." While it is very ancient, the
practice of tonguing the anus has been shown to hold serious risks for
hepatitis and parasitic infections. External stimulation of the anus may
constitute foreplay, to be followed by some other activity, including anal
penetration.
Internal stimulation of the anus may be effected through the insertion of the
penis (anal copulation or anal intercourse), the fingers, 6r through the
introduction of some inert but flexible implement, such as a dildo. In all
these practices lubrication of the inserting agent is required. In older
writings penile penetration of the anus is sometimes termed pedication (from
the Latin pedico),
not to be
confused with pederasty. The most common positions for penile penetration are
standing, with the receptive partner usually bending forward; lying, with both
partners prone, the penetrator reclining with his abdomen on the receptor's
back; and lying, with the receptive partner supine on his back with his legs
drawn up against the other's chest so that the two are face to face. In this
last position the seeming discomfort is balanced by the resultant elevation of
the anal opening, facilitating entry, and the ease of kissing. A nonpenile
variant, apparently introduced relatively recently in our society, is fisting
or handballing. In this practice the hand, with nails carefully trimmed, is the
inserting implement. Because of the danger of puncturing the colon, which may
lead to fatal peritonitis, fisting should be avoided.
Folk belief holds that in male couples practicing anal intercourse one, the
"active" partner, will aways take the insertor role, while the other,
the "passive" partner, will always be the penetratee. Surveys show
that this role polarization is not in fact common in advanced industrial
countries such as the United States, though it lingers in Latin America and among
prison populations.
Recent medical studies have indicated that use of a condom is indispensable
in anal intercourse. For the receptive partner unprotected anal copulation with
an infected companion has been shown to be a high-risk practice for Acquired Immune
Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS). This risk may be primarily due to the fact that the
rectal mucosa is easily torn, with resultant bleeding and access of
AIDS-virus-infected sperm to the receptive partner's bloodstream. Moreover, it
is possible that the virus may directly infect the cells of the colonic mucosa
(the inner lining or wall of the colon, which includes the anus and the
rectum). In the case of dildos and other anal toys, care must be taken that
they are not inflexible, contain sharp angles, or are provided with internal
wires that could emerge and tear the lining of the passageway. No small objects
that are capable of being "lost" should be inserted. Dildoes should
be carefully washed before use, especially if shared. Finally, engaging in such
activities while under the influence of drugs is doubly risky. As a general
rule, the riskier the activity, the fewer chemicals are advisable.
Popular perception holds that in anal sex only the insertor derives pleasure,
while the receiving partner simply agrees to bear it to please his or her
partner. If this were the case, autoerotic stimulation would not be practiced.
In fact the walls of the lower alimentary canal are lined with nerve endings,
or proprioceptors, which transmit the pleasurable sensations. In the male,
stimulation of the prostate is often found to be enjoyable, and may lead to
ejaculation on the part of the receptor.
Historical Aspects. Descriptions of homosexual
anal copulation are abundant from ancient Greece. In Greek society, as to a
large extent in traditional China, Japan, and Islam, the practice was age
graded, with the older man penetrating his adolescent partner. Adult men who
took the insertee role tended to be scorned. Among the North American Indians
the berdache commonly was the receptor in anal intercourse. In medieval and
early modern British texts, anal copulation is sometimes termed buggery or
sodomy, but these terms are confusing as they can also refer to other forbidden
modes of sexual gratification such as bestiality and oral-penile sex, which
were also subject to criminal sanctions. Some of the conceptual confusion is
probably grounded in the horror that the practices engendered, inasmuch as
they were associated in the popular mind with diabolism, heresy, and un-cleanness
in general. In the view of some, these acts were crimes that could not even be
named, at least in the vernacular. In more recent legal texts the two major
criminalized practices are commonly designated more precisely by the Latin
terms "per os" (oral) and "per anum." Modern methods of
sanitation, and the influences of other cultures, made the Anglo-Saxon world
more tolerant of anal sex in the twentieth century.
From early times anal copulation has also been practiced heterosexually, the
male penetrating the female. This has been done mainly for contraceptive reasons,
though some men also hold that it is more pleasurable because the anal sphincter
is tighter than the vulva. Recently, some heterosexual men have discovered that
dildo stimulation by their female partner produces a pleasant sensation in the
prostate.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Jack Morin, Anal Pleasure and Health: A Guide for Men and Women, 2nd éd., Burlingame, CA: Yes Press,
1986.
Ward Houser
Anarchism
The
Russian thinker Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921) defined anarchism as "a
principle or theory of life and conduct under which society is conceived
without government - harmony in such a society being obtained, not by
submission to law, or by obedience to any authority, but by free agreements
concluded between the various groups, territorial and professional, freely
constituted for the sake of production and consumption, as also for the satisfaction
of the infinite variety of needs and aspirations of a civilized being."
While anarchists agree in abhorrence of government, there are many schools of
anarchism, with some emphasizing the rights of private property and
individualism (libertarianism), others the necessity for voluntary cooperation
and community self-control.
Anarchists agree in opposing the regulation of sexual behavior by governments
and other powerful organizations (such as the church). State power has frequently
been used to persecute homosexuals: thus homosexuals and anarchists have often
shared a common enemy. Anarchism as a philosophy and as a movement has offered
legitimation to homosexuals and homosexuals have contributed much to anarchism.
Forerunners. Etienne de la Boétie (1530-1563) and William
Godwin (1756-1836) wrote two proto-anarchist classics. Boétie's Discours de la servitude voluntaire (1552-53) (translated as The Politics of Obedience and as The Will to Bondage) is still read by
anarchists. Montaigne dedicated his essay on friendship to Boétie after the young man's
death.
William Godwin's Inquiry
Concerning Political Justice (1793) provided a philosophy for his circle which included
Mary Wollstonecraft (his wife), Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley, and Percy Bysshe
Shelley (who translated Plato's Symposium);
another
daughter of Godwin's bore a child of Byron's. Their whole circle deviated
wildly from conventional sexual standards. Among the followers of Godwin's
philosophy was Oscar Wilde.
Diffusion of Anarchism. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
(1809-1865) first used the term anarchie
to
designate a political philosophy (rather than a form of disorder); like his
famous "property is theft," Proudhon's anarchism challenged convention.
His De la Justice dans la
Revolution et dans l'Eglise (1858; untranslated) celebrated the Greeks and denounced
the Roman Catholic Church. He interpreted Anacreon's poems as gay and praised
Socrates for his link with Alcibiades. "We all want to see," he
wrote, "to caress attractive young boys. Pederasty comes not so much from
lack of marriage bed as from a hazy yearning for masculine beauty."
Max Stimer's individualist classic DerEinzige
und sein Eigentum (1845; The Ego and His Own) awakens a cry of recognition
in every lesbian or homosexual who has ever felt she or he was the only one.
The boy-lover John Henry Mackay (1864-1933), who wrote widely on both
pederastic (under the pseudonym "Sagitta") and anarchist topics,
prepared the first (and only) biography of Stirner in 1898.
MikhailBakunin (1814-1876) and Sergei Nechaev (1847-1882) are the most famous
anarchist pair of friends. After leaving Russia, Bakunin agitated across Europe
in the revolutions of 1848, was captured, shipped to Siberia, escaped (via San
Francisco, London, New York, and Paris) and played a maj or role in organizing
the First International (a federation of working-class political organizations,
1864-76), where he engaged in a prolonged struggle with Karl Marx. Using a word
learned in San Francisco, Bakunin nicknamed Nechaev "boy." George
Woodcock maintains that the fascination that Nechaev "wielded over Bakunin
reminds one of ... Rimbaud and
Verlaine, or Lord Alfred Douglas and Oscar Wilde" [Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas
and Movements, New York: Meridian, 1962).
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels had a personal disgust for homosexuality (Engels
told Marx to be grateful that they were too old to attract homosexuals). Marx
published full-length diatribes against Proudhon, Stirner, and Bakunin. He used
Bakunin's relationship to Nechaev as an excuse for expelling the anarchists
from the International in 1872. Lenin later denounced anarchists as politically
"infantile," just as Freudians argued that homosexuality was an
arrested infantile (or adolescent) development.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, anarchism became popular
among painters, poets, and bohemians as it likewise spread among workers and
farmers in Italy, Spain, Greece, and other countries where homosexuality was
less persecuted than in Germany, England, and the United States. In England,
Oscar Wilde went to prison for his "love that dare not speak his
name," but his anarchist leanings are less publicized. Besides writing the
Soul of Man Under Socialism in 1891, Wilde signed
petitions for the Hay market Martyrs (1886) and publicly identified himself as
an anarchist. Thomas Bell, a gay secretary of FrankHarris and a trick of
Wilde's, has written a book on Wilde's anarchism, available only in Portuguese.
During the Third Republic (1871-1940), Paris became a center for those
celebrating their political, artistic, and sexual unorthodoxy. Stuart Merrill
(who had met Walt Whitman) wrote Symbolist poems and supported the anarchist
paper Les Temps Nouveaux. Apollinaire's sexuality
was as boundaryless as his poetry, his nationality, and his politics. The
Surrealists have a real but unclear tie to anarchism and to homosexuality, but
they welcomed Sade, Lautreamont, and Jean Lorain into their pantheon.
In Spain during the Civil War (1936-^39), anarchists fought against both the
fascists and the communists, and for a time dominated large areas of the
country. Many gay men and lesbians volunteered to fight in the war, while
others worked as ambulance drivers and medics. Jean Genet, who was in Barcelona
in 1933, described a demonstration of queens ("Carolinas") after their favorite pissoir fell in a battle: "in
shawls, mantillas, silk dresses and fitted jackets" they deposited on the
fallen urinal "a bunch of red roses tied together with a crepe veil."
American and Contemporary Developments.
In the
United States, Emma Goldman (1869-1940) and Alexander Berkman (1870-1936) both
supported homosexual freedom. Goldman herself preferred passive cunnilingus
with either a man or woman to other forms of sexual intercourse. She is
unquestionably the first person to lecture publicly in the United States on
homosexual emancipation; she firmly supported Wilde against his persecutors.
Berkman wrote appreciatively in his Prison
Memoirs (1912) of men who loved men. Whether from choice or necessity,
anarchists have written extensively against prisons and in favor of prisoners,
many of whom either from choice or necessity have experienced prison homosexuality.
William Godwin opposed punishment of any kind and all anarchists have opposed
any enforced sexuality.
Among the American anarchists, Paul Goodman wrote prolifically on anarchism and homosexuality. Robert Duncan published his 1944 essay
on homosexuality in Politics,
an
anarchist publication, and he first met Jack Spicer at an anarchist meeting.
Goodman, Duncan, and Spicer had reservations about the Mattachine Society because of its
conservative positions during the late fifties and early sixties.
While not always formally recognized, much of the protest of the sixties was
anarchist. Within the nascent women's movement, anarchist principles bcame so
widespread that a political science professor denounced what she saw as
"The Tyranny of Structurelessness." Several groups have called
themselves "Amazon Anarchists." After the Stonewall Rebellion, the New York Gay
Liberation Front based their organization in part on a reading of Murray
Bookchin's anarchist writings. The Living Theater embodied many of the
countercultural drives of the sixties. Julian Beck, who directed the group with
his wife, Judith Malina (both active in anarchist organizations), had a male
lover; the theater collective included people of every gender and sexual
orientation.
During the seventies, Tom Reeves and Brett Portman were active both as
anarchists and as homosexuals. Ian Young of the Catalyst Press in Toronto
combined poetry and anarchism in his speeches and writing. In New York, Mark
Sullivan edited the gay anarchist magazine Storm and organized the John Henry Mackay Society, which has undertaken publication of
Mackay's out-of-print works. Both anarchists and gays can be found in the Punk Rock movement. Since many
anarchists do not really believe in organizations, they can often be as hard to
identify as homosexuals once were. During the early eighties at the New York
Gay Pride marches, gay anarchists, S/M groups, gay atheists, NAMBLA, Pag Rag and others all marched
together with banners as individual members drifted back and forth between all
the groups.
Enlivened by the nascent French gay liberation movement, Daniel Guérin (1904 - 1988) showed the
interconnections between Homosexualité
et révolution (Paris: Le Vent du Ch'min, 1983); Guérin also advanced the notion that interclass homosexuality
promoted revolutionary consciousness. In 1929 he wrote a novel, La vie selon la chair (Life According to the
Flesh), in which he mocks the apostle Paul; in 1983 (in an article in Gai Pied)
he
attacked a Communist party official and poet who publicly denounced homosexuality
but privately maintained a harem of boys.
A major question is whether homosexuals are inherently attracted to anarchism
or whether homosexuals have been equally attracted to democracy, communism,
fascism, monarchy, nationalism or capitalism. Because of the secrecy, no one
can ever figure what percentage of homosexuals are anarchists and what
percentage of anarchists are homosexual. But only among anarchists has there
been a consistent commitment, rooted in basic principles of the philosophy, to
build a society in which every person is free to express him- or herself
sexually in every way.
Charley Shively
Andean Cultures
The
northwestern coast of South America was notorious for "shameless and open
sodomy" according to the chroniclers of the Inca and Spanish conquests
(fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, respectively). The Inca empire and those
conquered by and absorbed into it lacked writing, so that what is known about
earlier societies derives from chronicles of the conquerors' conquerors,
supplemented by archeological and linguistic evidence.
Chroniclers' Reports. The conquistador
historian Pedro de Cieza de Leon's Chronicle,
written
between 1539 and 1553, mentions that Guayaquil men "pride themselves
greatly on sodomy." Continuing south, Cieza recorded cross-dressing males
on the island of Puna, reported that both there and on the mainland (Tumbez
or Puerto Viejo) sodomy was rife, and related a Manta myth of the origin of an
all-male world. Cieza reported personally punishing male temple prostitutes in
Chincha (south of modem Lima near Pisco on the coast) and in Conchucos (near
Huanuco in a highland valley). The Incas and other mountain peoples (serranos),
specifically including the Colla (Aymara) and Tarma, he judged free of the
nefarious sins so common on the coast, especially in what had been the Chimu
empire, conquered by the Incas less than a half century before the arrival of
the Spaniards. (Pedro Pizarro is the only chronicler who claimed that Cusco's
nobility ever engaged in sodomy - during times of drunken celebrations in the
precincts of Inca gravesites or huecos,}
Half a
century later Garcilaso de la Vega in his Comentarios reales (written between 1586 and
1612 and drawing on oral history from his Inca relatives and considerable
invention of his own) aimed to show the virtuousness in Christian terms of Inca
society. Counter-Reformation Catholicism and the Inca theocracy apparently
concurred in their abhorrence of sodomy and attempts to extirpate sodomites.
Speaking of coastal peoples (Yungas), Garcilaso wrote that before Inca conquest
they had prostitutes available for sodomy "in their temples, because the
Devil persuaded them that their gods delighted in such people." Clearly
there was a sacred role for sodomites in the coastal tribes the Incas
conquered. In contrast, sodomy was "so hated by the Incas and their people
that the very name was odious to them and they never uttered it." This
formulation seems to be a projection of "the sin not named among
Christians," especially since Garcilaso could not have known directly what
words were in common use more than a century before.
Attributions of sodomy to particular tribes or areas conquered by Inca armies
are more reliable than the resemblances Garcilaso adduced between Catholic
and Inca ideology. The practice of sodomy was not attributed to all conquered
tribes, and open practice of sodomy was attributed to still fewer, so charges
of sodomy do not appear to be a general purpose rationale for Inca conquests.
One should not assume that sodomy only occurred in the areas in which explicit
mention is made, but can accept that it was recognized rather than invented in
the areas for which mention was made. The tenth Inca, Capac Yupanqui, who
reigned from 1471 to 1493, vigorously persecuted sodomites, according to
Garcilaso. His general Auqui Tatu burned alive in the public square all those
for whom there was even circumstantial evidence of sodomy in the [HJacari
valley (south of Nazca), threatening to burn down whole towns if anyone else engaged
in sodomy. Again in Chincha, Yupanqui burned alive large numbers, pulling down their
houses and any trees they had planted. Unlike Cieza, Garcilaso attributed
sodomy to the Tarma and Pumpu, but followed Cieza in mentioning the notorious
and (embarrassingly) serrano sodomites of Callejón de Huaylas. Capac Yupanqui's son, Huayna Capac, who reigned
from 1493 to 1525, appears to have been less zealous in attempting to extirpate
sodomy from the lands he added to the Inca empire. He merely "bade"
the people of Tumbez to give up sodomy. Garcilaso did not record any measures
taken against the Manta, who he said "practiced sodomy more openly and
shamelessly than all the other tribes."
The giants of Santa Elena, whose legend fascinated the conquistadors, also
purportedly practiced open/public sodomy. According to Garcilaso, this all-male
race was destroyed in a fire while everyone was engaged in a society-wide orgy
of sodomy.
This legend is clearly a parallel to that of the destruction of Sodom. In the
.indigenous myth "a youth shining like the sun" descended from the
sky and fought against the oppressors of the Indians, throwing flames that
drove them into a valley where they were all finally killed, and where what
were believed to be their bones were found by a Spanish captain in 1543
(Zarate).
Other Evidence. In addition to mention of
sodomy in the chronicles, archeological excavations have produced evidence of
coastal homosexuality, especially Mochica ceramics. Modern anthropologists
have also attributed tolerance for male and female homosexuality to the modern
Aymara on the basis of vocabulary relating to masculine women, effeminate
(castrated?) men, and fellatio in an early seventeenth century dictionary.
Although there are no reports of homosexual behavior or roles among the
contemporary Aymara, most of the vocabulary has survived (Murray).
South of what was the southern end of the Inca Empire (and south of the modem
Chilean capital of Santiago), socially respected third gender (gender-crossing
homosexual) shamans have been reported among the Araucanians from the report
of "the happy captive," Nunez de Pirfeda, in 1646 through fieldwork
done in the'early 1950s (Murray). Hardly anything is known about the social
structures and cosmologies of the indigenous peoples who lived between the
Aymara and the Araucanians (such as the Atacameno, Chango, Lipe and the Chilean
Diaguita), whose cultures did not survive for twentieth-century fieldwork, and
whose populations were not as large and concentrated as those on the northwest
coast of South America. Late marriage ages for the Argentine Diaguita probably
indicate elaborate initiation rites, but nothing is known of their content,
homosexual or otherwise.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Pedro Cieza de Leon, The
Incas, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959; Garcilaso de la
Vega, The Royal
Commentaries, Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1966¡ Stephen O. Murray, ed., Male Homosexuality in Central and South
America, New York: Gay Academic Union, 1987 (Gai Saber Monograph 5);
Pedro
Pizarra, Relación
del descubrimiento y conquista de los Reinos del
Perú, Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica, 1986; John H. Rowe, "The Kingdom of
Chimor,"
Acta Americana, 6 (1948), 26-59; Augustín de Zarate, The
Discovery and Conquest of Peru, London: Penguin, 1968.
Stephen O. Murray
Andersen, Hans Christian (1805-1875)
Danish
writer of fairy tales. The son of a shoemaker and an almost illiterate mother,
Andersen came to Copenhagen at the age of 14, and there found protectors who
sent him to grammar school and then to University. His fame rests upon the 168
fairy tales and stories which he wrote between 1835 and 1872. Some of the very
first became children's classics from the moment of their appearance; the tales
have since been translated into more than a hundred languages. Some are almost
childlike in their simplicity; others are so subtle and sophisticated that
they can be properly appreciated only by adults.
A lifelong bachelor, Andersen traveled extensively in almost every country in
Europe. He considered Italy his second homeland, but his ties with German
culture were much closer. He developed an intense affection for Edvard Collin
that peaked in the years 1835-36, when he wrote a letter to Collin asserting
that "Our friendship is like 'The Mysteries,' it should not be
analyzed." To describe his feelings for Collin he used expressions like
"my half-womanliness," "as tender as a woman in my
feelings," "I long for you as though you were a beautiful Calabrian girl," and "The
almost girlish in my nature." The letters reflect the farthest acceptable
limit to which a tender friendship between two males could extend at that time.
Collin himself did not reciprocate the affection, and after Andersen's death he
wrote that his inability to do so "must have inflicted suffering on a man
of Andersen's nature."
In the novel O.T., written in the autumn of 1835, Andersen seems to have
attempted to escape his frustrations in the relationship with Collin by
describing a tender friendship between two students, one of whom consents to
intimacy with the other and joins him on a long trip abroad. His own feminine
qualities are transferred to the character modeled on Collin, while his alter
ego is a capable and wealthy student who nevertheless has a self-perception as
a deviant and stigmatized person - to a far greater degree than warranted by
his actual social background and by the attitudes of the people surrounding
him.
An attempt has been made to deny Andersen's homosexuality with reference to
the fact that the concept appeared only late in his lifetime, yet a crucial
component of the homosexual "identity," particularly after the trial
of Oscar Wilde in 1895, was the feeling of membership in a stigmatized and
ostracized minority. While it is impossible to look into the mind of the
novelist to determine whether he understood that the physical consummation of
his passion was socially unacceptable, it is remarkable that the villain of the
novel uses the secret of the hero's (Andersen's) childhood for blackmail - a
Damocles' sword over the head of every homosexual in those days - and is made
to drown "accidentally" on the last page of the work. It has also
been speculated that the the fairy tale "The Little Mermaid,"
completed in January 1837, is based on Andersen's self-identification with a
sexless creature with a fish's tail who tragically loves a handsome prince, but
instead of saving her own future as a mermaid by killing the prince and his
bride sacrifices herself and commits suicide - another theme of early
homosexual apologetic literature. In lines deleted from the draft of the story,
the mermaid is allowed to say: "I myself shall strive to win an immortal
soul... so that in the world beyond I
may be reunited with the one to whom I gave my whole heart." The
"Little Mermaid" was thus a monument to his unconsummated friendship
with Edvard Collin, which still probably rested upon his homosexual love for a
heterosexual who had no way of returning it. Thus if Andersen was not an
"overt homosexual" in the modern sense, he seems to have been aware
of his orientation and the insoluble conflict with nineteenth-century sexual
morality that it entailed.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Wilhelm von Rosen, "Venskabets mysterier" [Mysteries of Friendship], Andexsemana, 3d ser., 3:3 [1980), 167-214 (with
English summary).
Warren Johansson
Anderson, Margaret (1886-1973)
American
publisher, editor, and memoirist. With her lover Jane Heap, Anderson edited the
Little Review in New York (1915-27),
which - despite its tiny circulation - was one of the best literary journals of
the time. Under the banner of "Life for Art's sake," she charted a
course of "applied Anarchism, whose policy is a Will to Splendor of
Life." With Ezra Pound as its foreign editor, the magazine published
James Joyce's Ulysses
in
installments. In July 1920, however, a reader complained about a section of
the novel containing Leopold Bloom's erotic musings. The editors were arrested
but, undaunted, they continued with the series. Later when she had moved to
Paris with the magazine, Anderson concluded that Pound was lacking in
understanding for women, especially lesbians. Clearly the continuing success of
the Little Review depended on the close bond
between Anderson and Heap. As Anderson later remarked, "my greatest
ambition in [the magazine] was to capture her talk, her ideas. As she used to
say, I pushed her into the arena and she performed to keep me quiet."
In France Anderson and Heap - together with Heap's ward Fritz Peters, who later
became a homosexual novelist - became adherents of the mystic George Ivanovich
Gurdjieff, who was then at the height of his influence. Anderson spent most of
her later years in semi-seclusion in London, where she wrote her memoirs, which
are an important source for the literary history of the period.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Margaret Anderson, The Fiery Fountains, New York: Hermitage House,
1930; idem, My Thirty Years' War, New York: Covici Friede,
1930; idem, The Strange Necessity, New York: Horizon, 1970;
Hugh Ford, Pour Lives in Paris. San Francisco: North Point
Press, 1987, pp. 227-86.
Evelyn Gettone
Androgyny
An
androgynous individual is one who has the characteristics of both sexes.
Ideally, this quality should be distinguished from hermaphroditism in the
strict sense, whereby the fusion of male and female is anatomically expressed
through the presence, or partial presence, of both sets of genital organs.
There is a tendency to consider androgyny primarily psychic and constitutional,
while hermaphroditism is anatomical. In this perspective most (psychic)
androgynes are not strictly hermaphrodites in that anatomically they are no
different from other men and women,- some hermaphrodites may not be
androgynous, that is to say, despite their surplus organ endowment, they behave
in an essentially masculine or feminine way.
The term androgyne stems from the Greek androgynos,
"man-woman."
The famous myth recounted in Plato's Symposium
presents
three primordial double beings: the man-man, the woman-woman, and the
man-woman. The first two are the archetypes of the male homosexual and lesbian
respectively; the third, the androgynos,
is -
paradoxically from the modem point of view - the source of what we would now
call the heterosexual. Other ancient writers use the term to refer to an
anatomical intermediate between the two genders, synonymous with hermaphrodites. From this practice stems
the modern conflation of the meaning of the two terms, which is unlikely to
disappear.
Basic Concepts. Modern languages use
"androgynous" in a variety of senses. First, identifying it with the
hermaphrodite category, it may denote a somatic intermediate. In fact, the
pure type with fully developed genitals of both sexes is clinically so rare as
to be virtually nonexistent in the human species. The individuals known as
(pseudo-) hermaphrodites generally haveincompletely
formed
genitals of one of their two sexes or both. That is to say, an individual may
have a fully formed vagina togetherwith astunted, unfunctioning penis, or a
well developed penis with a shallow, nonuterine vagina. Of course, in the plant
and animal kingdoms there are many fully hermaphroditic species that are
androgynous in this sense. Secondly, nineteenth-century writers extended the
physiological concept to apply to those whose genitals are clearly of one sex
but whose psychic orientation is experienced as primarily of the other: Karl
Heinrich Ulrichs' "female soul trapped in a male body." Since Ulrichs
and others were primarily interested in same-sex behavior, the term often
carries the connotation of "homosexual," even though such usage begs
several questions. Thirdly, with reference to male human beings "androgynous"
implies effeminacy. Logically, it should then mean "viraginous, masculinized"
when applied to women, but this parallel is rarely drawn. Thus there is an
unanalyzed tendency to regard androgynization as essentially a process of
softening or mitigating maleness. Stereotypically, the androgyne is a half-man
or incomplete male.
In addition to these relatively specific usages there is a kind of semantic
halo effect, whereby androgyny is taken to refer to a more all-encompassing
realm. Significantly, in this broader, almost mystical sense the negative
connotations fall away, and androgyny may even be a prized quality. For example
the figures in the Renaissance paintings of Botticelli and Leonardo are sometimes admired for
their androgynous beauty. It comes as no surprise that these aspects of the
artists were first emphasized by homosexual art critics of the nineteenth
century.
Permutations of the
Androgynous Ideal. Cross-cultural material bearing on androgyny is very
extensive, especially in the religious sphere. In Hinduism and some African
religions there are male gods who have female manifestations or avatars. A
strand of Jewish medieval interpretation of Genesis holds that Adam and Eve
were androgynous before the Fall. If this be the case, God himself must be
androgynous since he made man "in his own image." Working from
different premises, medieval Christian mystics found that the compassion of
Christ required that he be conceived of as a mother. Jakob Böhme (1575-1624), the
German seer, held that all perfect beings, Christ as well as the angels, were
androgynous. He foresaw that ultimately Christ's sacrifice would make possible
a restoration of the primal androgyny. Contemporaneously, the occult discipline
of alchemy presented androgyny as a basic cosmic feature.
After a period of neglect, interest in the theme resurfaced among the German
romantics. Franz von Baader (1765-1841), who interpreted the sacrament of
marriage as a symbolic restitution of angelic bisexuality, believed that primordial
androgyny would return as the world neared its end. In France the eccentric
Evadist (Eve & Adam) thinkers advocated the equality of man and woman; one
of their leaders, Ganneau, styled himself Mapah. The occultist and decadent writer
Josephin Péladan (1858-1918) was a tireless propagandist for androgyny;
through his Rose + Croix society he had a considerable influence on Symbolism
in the visual arts.
In the twentieth century the psychologist Carl Gustav Jung (1875-1961) was preoccupied
with androgyny, which he illustrated through his ingenious, but eccentric
interpretations of alchemical imagery. Some of his followers have suggested
that androgyny is a way of overcoming dualism and regaining a primal unity;
the half-beings of man and woman as we know them must yield to the complete
man-woman. Thus androgyny points the way to a return to the Golden Age, an era
of harmony unmarred by the conflict and dissension of today which are rooted in
an unnatural polarization.
Contemporary Perspectives. In the field of academic psychology, the researches of Sandra
L. Bern and others have sought to present empirical evidence that the
androgynous individual enjoys better mental health and can function better
socially. Significantly, it is usually "androgynous" women who score
higher on such psychological tests than men. Thus these findings may be an
artefact of the strategic situation in which a career-minded women finds
herself: to succeed in a male-defined professional world an ambitious woman
will find it expedient to incorporate some male qualities.
The androgynous ideal had considerable appeal for feminist and homosexual
thinkers in the 1970s. It was pointed out, no doubt correctly, that the
straitjacket of the masculine role tended to keep men from expressing their
feelings, as through kissing or crying. Men can practice a wider range of
expressiveness, and therefore lead more satisfying lives, if they will discard
the extreme polarization inherent in the traditional masculine role. Science fiction writings, notably the Left Hand of Darkness (1969) by Ursula LeGuin,
explored what complete androgyny might mean. In popular culture there was a
kind of "androgyne chic," as exemplified by such rock stars as David
Bowie and Boy George.
As the initial enthusiasm cooled, however, it was perceived that, applied to
present day society, the androgynous ideal might lead to a disregard of the
inherent strengths of male and female, whether these be culturally or
biologically determined. Thus some feminist thinkers today emphasize
nurturing and cooperative behavior as distinctive and desirable female traits.
Despite some exaggerations, recent discussions have had the merit of helping
bring into question earlier popular negative dismissals of androgyny, promoting
a more supple concept of the relation between sex roles and gender.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Androgyn:
Sehnsucht nach Vollkommenheit, Berlin: Reimer, 1986; Sandra L. Bern, "The Measurement
of Psychological Androgyny," Journal of Counseling and Clinical Psychology, 42 (1974), 155-67; Mircea
Eliade, Mephistopheles and the Androgyne, New York: Harper and Row,
1965; L. S. A. M. von Römer, "Ueber die androgynische Idee des
Lebens," Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen, 5 (1903), 709-940: June
Singer, Androgyny: Toward a New Theory of Sexuality, Garden City, NY: Anchor
Press/ Doubleday, 1976.
Wayne R. Dynes
Androphilia
This
rarely used term serves to focus attention on those homosexuals who are
exclusively interested in adult partners rather than adolescents and children.
In our society such a focus would seem self-explanatory, inherent in the definition
of homosexuality itself. Yet in other societies, such as ancient Greece, China, and Islam, and in
many tribal groups, age-graded differences were or are the norm in same-sex
conduct in contradistinction with androphilia, which is most familiar to us.
Because of the prevalence of androphilia in modem Western culture, its assumptions
are sometimes unwittingly or deliberately imported into other settings; some
discussions of homosexual behavior in ancient Greece, for example, tend to
gloss over the fact that it was predominantly pederastic (though not pedophile in the narrow sense of
attraction to prepubertal boys).
In the early years of the present century, the great German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld offered a three-fold
classification of homosexuals: (1) ephebophiles, who prefer partners from puberty to the early twenties (in
current usage, from about 17 to about 20); (2) androphiles, who love men from
that age into the fifties; and (3) gerontophiles, who seek out old men.
Contemplating this scheme from the standpoint of an individual of, say, thirty
years of age, it is evident that the first and third categories of sex object
constitute differentiation, the second relative similarity.
The shift to dominance of androphilia, in which the two partners are of
comparable age, occurs only with the rise of industrial society in Europe and
North America in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; in Mediterranean countries the shift
remains incomplete, and in much of the world has barely begun or has not
occurred at all.
Attempts at explaining the new homosexual pattern include keying it to a change
in heterosexual marriage, which led the way by becoming more companionate and
less asymmetrical; to the rise of the democratic ideal; to demographic changes
such as increased life expectancies; and to changes in the social treatment
of youth
which
made the young less available as sexual partners. Nevertheless, the dynamics
behind this fundamental transition remain historically mysterious, a major
challenge to any attempt to draw up a reasonably comprehensive history of
homosexuality.
Wayne R. Dynes
Anglicanism
Anglicanism,
or Episcopalianism as it is also termed, is a worldwide Christian religious
fellowship, stemming from the state-supported Church of England. Generally
regarded as a form of Protestantism, Anglicanism (especially in its High
Church variety) may also claim to represent a third path between Catholicism
and Protestantism in the strict sense.
The Church of England and homosexuality began on an antagonistic footing,
stemming not only from the inherited homophobia of Christianity as a whole,
but from the reformers' polemical critique of Catholic monasteries as dens of
corruption and sexual indulgence. It has also been argued, though the matter is
disputed, that Henry VflTs law of 1533 on buggery was linked to his "smear campaign"
against the monasteries. In ensuing centuries it was a commonplace of English antihomosexual propaganda to attribute
the presence of sodomy to the complaisant customs of Catholic Europe, whence
the infection is supposed to have spread to the otherwise untainted British
Isles. Several notable scandals, including those of John Atherton, Bishop of
Waterford and Lismore (1640), Reverend John Fenwick (1797), Reverend V. P.
Littlehales (1812) and Percy Jocelyn, bishop of Clogher (1822), show that
members of the Anglican clergy were by no means exempt from the "vice."
In the latter decades of the nineteenth century a more comfortable relationship
developed, at least de facto, between homosexuals and the Church of England.
This rapprochement was due to the High Church or Oxford movement, which favored
an aesthetic approach to religious ceremonial. This atmosphere appealed to
homosexual aesthetes, who were welcomed, as long as discretion was observed, to
the churches practicing the High Church liturgy. Conversely, adherents of the
opposing faction, the Broad Church, were tempted to pillory their ritualist
opponents as sissies or worse.
In 1955 Canon D. S. Bailey's book Homosexuality
and the Western Christian Tradition appeared, influencing both secular and ecclesiastical
thinking. Bailey was a member of the Church of England's Moral Welfare Council,
the predecessor of the Board for Social Responsibility. This work of these
bodies was part of the background of the successful decriminalization of male
homosexuality in Britain and Wales in 1967, a legal change strongly supported
by the archbishop of Canterbury, Michael Ramsey. At the pastoral level,
Anglican clergy offered counseling and support to British gay people. In 1979 a
Board for Social Responsibility working party, chaired by the bishop of
Gloucester, produced Homosexual
Relationships, & report that acknowledged the possibility of permanent gay
relationships. The appearance of the report was indicative of a new atmosphere
in which many homosexuals in the church felt free to proclaim their identity.
Yet counterforces were gathering. A new breed of militant evangelicalism
regarded homosexual behavior as a corrupting influence. This kind of religious
intolerance accorded with the rise of Margaret Thatcher within the Conservative
Party and the growth of New Right economic and political ideas. Local councils
in Britain's cities that were seeking to promote positive images of gay people
came under heavy attack from the right and from the tabloid press. In this
context the 1987 General Synod was presented with a motion by Tony Higton,
leader of the Alliance for Biblical Witness to Our Nation, calling in effect
for the removal of "practicing" gay clergy. Although the resolution
was rejected in favor of a compromise one, no serious theological debate took
place. The popular press seized the occasion to run stories under such headlines
as "Holy Homos Escape Ban" and "Pulpit Poofs Can Stay."
Under these circumstances Anglican gay clergy felt intimidated. Then in May
of 1988 the Lesbian and Gay Christian Movement was evicted from its home in
St. Botolph's church in London, where it had been located since 1976.
Cay Anglicans have fared better in the United States. In the era of gay
liberation, the lay Episcopal group Integrity was formed, encountering the
benevolent support of many Anglican clerics. In 1976 the General Convention of
the Protestant Episcopal Church in the U.S.A. passed a resolution stating that
"homosexual persons are children of God, who have a full and equal claim
with all other persons upon the love, acceptance, and pastoral concern and care
of the Church." Reverend Paul Moore, bishop of New York, has been
outspoken in his defence of gay people, whom he has also ordained. To be sure,
his positive attitude is not universally shared among American Episcopalians,
but on the whole their church has borne the stress of the age of AIDS with
calmness and compassion
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
David Hilliard, "'Unenglish and Unmanly': Anglo-Catholicism and
Homosexuality," Victorian Studies, 25 (1982), 181-210; James Wickliff, ed., In Celebration, Oak Park, IL: Integrity,
1975.
Wayne R. Dynes
Anglo-Saxons
Our
information about homosexual behavior in Anglo-Saxon England is chiefly
linguistic. The word baedling,
a
diminutive of baeddel,
occurs in
an Old English glossary as the equivalent of the Latin terms effeminatus and
mollis, designating the effeminate homosexual. A synonym is the word waepenwifstere (approximately: "male
wife"). Evidently, these words reflect an Anglo-Saxon stereotype of the
homosexual as an unwarlike, womanish type. In all likelihood, this negative
concept derives in part from a common Germanic archetype, attested by a passage
in Germania (12) by the Roman
historian Tacitus - where death by drowning is stipulated for such individuals
- but probably modified in the early Middle Ages by Mediterranean-Christian
influences.
Similar in form to baedling is deorling,
the
source of the modern English darling. While the Old English word had a general
sense of a beloved person or thing, it was also used more specifically to label
a minion, a youth favored because of his sexual attractiveness.
At the present stage of research further data about homosexual behavior in
Anglo-Saxon times (that is, from ca. 500 to 1066) remains elusive. For its
part, however, the word baeddel survived, turning eventually - through a
process of semantic expansion - into the general English adjective of
pejoration, "bad." The word also forms part of two place names in
England: Baddlesmere ("baeddel's lake") in Kent and Baddlinghame
("the home of the baedlings") in Cambridgeshire.
The broadening of the meaning of the word baeddel in the direction of general
desparagement ("bad") has several historical parallels. The first,
from another Germanic sphere, is the shift from old Scandinavian aigz, cowardly, effeminate, to modem German arg, bad, wicked. Then early medieval France seems to have witnessed
the creation of felo/felonis,
evil
person (the etymon of our legal term felon) from Latin fellaie, to fellate. It is also
possible that Russian plokhoi,
bad, is
cognate with Greek malakos
(with
change of the initial labial from m
to p), as the Polish piochy
has the
meaning of "timid, fearful," another of the nuances of aigi.
Animal Homosexuality
A body of
evidence has accumulated showing homosexual behavior among many species of
animals - behavior that has been observed both in the wild and in captivity.
While this evidence suffices to dispel the old belief that homosexuality is
unknown among animals, more extended comparisons with human homosexual behavior
remain problematic.
Examples and Characteristic
Features. In the 1970s the well-publicized reports of the German
ethologist Konrad Lorenz drew attention to male-male pair bonds in greylag geese.
Controlled reports of "lesbian" behavior among birds, in which two
females share the responsibilities of a single nest, have existed since 1885.
Mounting behavior has been observed among male lizards, monkeys, and mountain
goats. In some cases one male bests the other in combat, and then mounts his
fellow, engaging in penile thrusts - though rarely with intromission. In other
instances, a submissive male will "present" to a dominant one, by
exhibiting his buttocks in a receptive manner. Mutual masturbation and fellatio
have been observed among male stump-tailed macaques. During oestrus female
rhesus monkeys engage in mutual full-body rubbing.
Those who have observed these same-sex patterns in various species have noted,
explicitly or implicitly, similarities with human behavior. It is vital,
however, not to elide differences. Mounting behavior may not be sexual, but an
expression of social hierarchy: the dominant partner reaffirms his superiority
over the presenting one. In most cases where a sexual pairing does occur, one
partner adopts the characteristic behavior of the other sex. While this
behavioral inversion sometimes occurs in human homosexual conduct, it is by no
means universal. Thus while |say) Roman homosexuality, which often involved
slaves submitting to their masters, may find its analogue among animals, modern
American androphilia largely does not. This difference suggests that the cultural
matrix is important. Human sexual behavior, whether heterosexual or homosexual,
has a vast expressive dimension which has both sociological (group) and
psychological (individual) aspects. Cross-cultural study reveals wide
variations in the social organization of homosexual behavior. In the
psychological realm, we know of persons, such as some members of monastic
orders, who - because of their erotic fantasy life - regard themselves as
completely homophile yet have never had a homosexual experience. Such a thing
is possible among animals, of course, but it is very unlikely - and in any case
there is no way of studying an animal's consciousness except on the basis of
its overt behavior.
Human homosexuality is a complex interaction of physiological response, social
patterning, and individual consciousness. For many, homosexuality in human
subjects demands the complete suppression of the dialectic of sexual polarity
- it involves the masculine in the male seeking the masculine in another male,
or the feminine in the female seeking the feminine in another female. It can
be doubted that homosexuality, by this definition, ever occurs in animals; the
mechanisms that trigger sexual arousal and activity would not allow it.
In the light of this complexity, a simple identification of human homosexual
behavior with same-sex interactions among animals is reductive, and may block
or misdirect the search for an understanding of the remaining mysteries of
human sexuality. Still, for those aspects to which they have relevance, animal
patterns of homosexual behavior help to place human ones in a phylogenetic
perspective - in somewhat the same way as animal cries and calls have a
relation to human language, and the structures built by birds and beavers
anticipate the feats of human architecture.
Classical Antiquity and
Animalitarianism. The observational powers of the Greeks encompassed the
question of same-sex behavior among animals, which some affirmed and others
denied. There were also folkloric beliefs, such as the notion that males of the
partridge species are so highly sexed that in the absence of females they
readily assault each other sexually. Early Christian writers associated the
hare with pederasty because of the fantastic belief that it grows a new anus
each year. More radically, the hyena symbolized gender ambiguity because it
changed its sex each year. Finally, the weasel, which was supposed to conceive through the mouth, stood for the practice of
fellatio. To be on the safe side, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas forbade
eating the flesh of any of these creatures.
These "bad examples" from the animal kingdom, are exceptional and
atypical. The contrasting notion that the conduct of animals is in key
respects superior to that of human beings, and therefore serves as a yardstick
to determine our "naturalness/' has been dubbed
"animalitarianism" by the historian of ideas George Boas. The Greek
writer Plutarch (second century of our era) has a fanciful essay,
"Gryllos/' in which a talking pig asserts that animals are better than
human beings because they do not practice pederasty. (This idea was in fact
adumbrated by Plato in the fourth century b.c.J
As been noted, recent evidence shows that in fact animals do engage in
homosexual behavior, but of a circumscribed kind: perhaps animalitarians could
now argue that less is better ("A little homosexuality is acceptable,
but...").
Since the Greeks, the animalitarian gambit has enjoyed a long run of popularity,
answering to a sentimental hankering for a pastoral life without pressures and
ambiguity, for a never-never land of the "state of nature," which the
life of animals - guided solely by instinct - is supposed to preserve. The
beast standard is, of course, selective, inasmuch as its advocates are not
apparently willing to discard a host of conveniences - from clothing to
computers - not available to animals. Normare
these persons inclined (as
Aristophanes pointed out when the thesis was first broached) to perch on roosts
at night like birds, or to throw .feces as a friendly way of gaining attention
like apes. Human beings use a wide variety of soaps and deodorants to reduce or
mask smells which their bodies produce. The argument that animal ways are best,
then, rests on a kind of selective amnesia which makes it possible to ignore
some types of human departure from the animal model, while focusing moral
indignation on others.
In statements by contemporary antihorn osexual prop agandis ts, it is revealing
that they will sometimes first insist that homosexuality must be unnatural,
since "even the lowest animals don't do it," and then when confronted
with ethological evidence to the contrary exclaim with outrage that same-sex
relations drag man down to the subhuman level, "behaving like a filthy
swine." Such dodges suggest that moral distinctions are first posited
and then superimposed on interspecies comparisons, instead of being derived from
them in any consistent way. From time immemorial human beings have used animal
comparisons as criticism (dumb as an ox, scared as a rabbit) and as praise
(bold asalion, far-sighted as an eagle); the choice depends upon the
presuppositions of the speaker.
Every species has patterns of sexual behavior unique to itself, so that
claiming on supposedly moral grounds that man should imitate the lower animals
is absurd. Moreover, social control of human sexual activity can only be
justified on the groun ds that the policy pr omot es the higher interests of
mankind - including the evolutionary progress of the species - rather than
following the lead of the instinctual life of creatures far lower on the
evolutionary scale. All living things exist in a world in which - as Darwin
showed - they must compete for scarce resources; but while nature confronts
scarcity with redundance, man confronts scarcity with f oresight. That is to
say, lower forms of organic life survive by engendering such myriads of young
that at least a minimal number will reach adulthood and the reproductive stage;
but man survives by economic and demographic measures that seek to proportion
his numbers to the resources available for consumption. Especially given the
absence of superfetation in the human female, the notion that
"homosexuality means race suicide" is preposterous. All human sexual
activity, homosexual and heterosexual, occurs in a context of economic and
social values that removes it entirely from the genetically programmed
coupling of animals, even though such behaviors as competition and courtship
anticipate the sexual rivalry and m ating of human beings. Finally, the prolonged phase of
education through which members of civilized society must pass - with the need
for mentoring and initiation into the world of adulthood - lends a
significance to homosexual bonds between adult and adolescent that could find
no parallel in the social life of animals.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Frank A. Beach, ed., Human Sexuality in Pour Perspectives, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press, 1977, pp. 306-16; James D. Weinrich, Sexual Landscapes, New York: Charles
Scribner's Sons, 1987, pp. 282-^309.
Ward Houser
Anonymous Sex
See Impersonal Sex.
Anthologies
An
anthology is a collection of selected literary pieces or passages, usually by
several authors. The selection may be determined by considerations of quality,
period, or subject matter. The first homosexual example is Book XH of the
collection known as the Greek Anthology, a collection of poetry that spans a
thousand years.
With the establishment of Christianity as the state religion such same-sex
gatherings became impossible - at least none is known until after the French
revolution. Heinrich Hoessli, the pioneering homosexual scholar, included a
good many selections from ancient and Islamic verse in his Eros: die Mânnerliebe der Griechen (Glarus, 1836-38), which
makes him a forerunner. However, the first true anthology of male
homosexuality was created during the efflorescence of homosexual studies that
occurred in Germany by the artistically inclined Elisàr von Kupffer [Lieblingminne und Freundesliebe in der
Weltliteratur, Berlin, 1900). This collection, with its interspersed
commentary, was almost immediately imitated- by Edward Carpenter in his Iolaus: An Anthology of Friendship (London, 1902), which had
many subsequent editions. Despite Carpenter's cautious discussion of the matter
in terms of friendship, this volume was dubbed the "bugger's bible."
After Carpenter's time the custom largely lapsed. On the European continent
periodicals, some of which published contemporary and older fiction, largely
took up the slack, while in the English-speaking world the subject became more
taboo than ever. In 1961, however, Carpenter found a successor, albeit a timid
one, in Eros:
An Anthology of Friendship, edited by Alistair Sutherland and Patrick Anderson (London,
1961). This had been preceded by the American Donald Webster Cory's short
story collection Twenty-one
Variations on a Theme (New York, 1953). With the easing of censorship in the
United States, however, pulp publishers undertook to produce various soft-core
specials - some aimed at gay men, others seeking to exploit a broader interest
in lesbianism; since they include little that is now hard to find, they are now
justly forgotten.
The rise of militant gay liberation after 1969 created a need for new collections
such as those edited jointly by Karla Jay and Allen Young, as well as the two Gay Liberation Anthologies, mainly of nonfiction, made
by Len Richmond and Gary Noguera (San Francisco, 1973-79). The importance of
periodicals was recognized by anthologies assembled from the pages of The Ladder, Christopher Street, The Body
Politic, and Der
Kreis. Ambitiously, David Galloway and Christian Sabisch created
an international anthology of male homosexuality in twentieth-century
literature: Calamus
(New
York, 1982). A wide span of mainly French material appeared in Les Amours masculines (Paris, 1984), while
Joachim S. Hohmann issued several useful anthologies of German material. Other collections
gather Dutch, Italian, and Latin American writings. Another development of this
period is the creation of anthologies on a particular sector of gay experience
and writing, as black gays, Chicano lesbians, lesbian nuns, older people.
Genres were also singled out: poetry, plays, science fiction and fantasy. Some
of these new anthologies, especially those produced by lesbians, tend to
emphasize personal experience rather than "fine writing" in the
usual sense.
Anthropology
According to an old, but
serviceable tradition, anthropology has two main branches, physical and
cultural. Interfacing with biology, physical anthropology focuses on
reconstructing the evolution and structure of the material embodiment of
humanity. Cultural anthropology, the discipline of interest in the
understanding of sexual behavior, studies the lifeways and belief systems of
human groups. Cultural anthropology comprises both ethnography, the examination
and recording of specific cultures, and ethnology, the comparative and
historical analysis of culture. In the United Kingdom the field has usually
been termed social anthropology in keeping with the traditional British
emphasis on social structure in contrast to the American emphasis on the
concept of culture. Although in principle cultural anthropology addresses all
human societies, in fact it tends to be restricted to the preliterate or
tribal peoples of the third world, leaving the study of industrial society and
its past to sociology and history respectively. Since the 1960s, there has
appeared a welcome crossing of this tacit boundary in urban anthropology, which
studies groups within the modern city.
The accumulating body of research in cultural anthropology has gradually
dissolved the deeply rooted belief that any single culture offers an ultimate
or absolute standard of value, the view known as ethnocentrism. To be sure,
even today a few diehard absolutists maintain that homosexual behavior has been
despised and condemned everywhere, but comparative studies have shown this
notion to be utterly false: it tells us something of the wishes of those who
propound it, but nothing about humanity. Cultural attitudes toward
homosexuality run the gamut from outright condemnation to mandatory
participation in same-sex rituals. The cultural relativism inherent in the
anthropological enterprise has served not only to enhance our understanding of
the range of human capabilities, but has fostered the growth of tolerance in
our own society.
Historical Precedents. The Greek traveler and historian Herodotus
(ca. 480-ca. 420 b.c.)
is rightly regarded as the
founder of a comparative approach to human societies. Avoiding overt ethnocentrism
- the kind of parochial glorification of their own culture that was rife among
the ancient Greeks - he examines the cultural patterns of a number of peoples
in the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond. Yet recent studies have shown that he
does not examine them with the objectivity cherished by modem anthropology,
but rather viewed them in a "mirror" of Greece, emphasizing the very oddity (and therefore
bizarreness) of traits that most differed from the Greek ones. Because he took
same-sex behavior for granted, Herodotus rarely mentioned it - except among
the Persians (his central subject) and the Scythians, where a still mysterious
phenomenon, that of the asexual Enarees, prevailed. Other Greek and Roman writers
actually professed to prefer the customs of primitive groups to their own as
less corrupted by luxury. In his idealized picture of the ancient Germanic
tribes, Tacitus notes, with his usual dry concision, the aspect of their
military ethos that required the execution of cowards and effeminates. Later
the Christian Salvian, a Patristic
writer, was to transform
this perception into a true homophobic pro-Germanism.
Medieval
travel writers and protoethnologists believed that remote parts of the world
were inhabited by races with strikingly different physical characteristics and
correspondingly bizarre customs (the "monstrous races"). John
Mandeville, for example, claimed that a region of Asia was actually inhabited
by a race of hermaphrodites possessing the physical organs of both sexes, a
myth that has reverberated in later times. When the Spanish conquistadors took
possession of the New World they tended to assimilate the practices and
beliefs of the indigenous peoples to archetypes inherited from their ancient
and medieval past. Thus the weaknesses of pre-Columbian Mexico and the Andean
cultures, according to some Spanish writers, was bound up with their
toleration of sodomy. The Amazon takes its name from the belief that it was
dominated by tribes of viraginous women, as in the classical legend.
The Rise of Cultural
Relativism. Eighteenth-century Pacific voyages engendered a European
idealization of Polynesian societies as a kind of earthly paradise.
Montesquieu used the device of a set of fictitious Persian Letters (1721) to criticize
European customs. Toward the end of the century Johann Gottfried von Herder (
1744-1803) gave an impetus to the emerging discipline of folklore, by
emphasizing the need to listen to the "many voices of the peoples."
The interest in differences between peoples ultimately paved the way for
attention to differences within
peoples -
including difference of sexual orientation. These trends fostered ethical
relativism and diversitarianism, the appreciation of variety for its own sake.
While they helped to erode chauvinistic prejudices, they bore within them the
seeds of a contrary exaggeration, the ethnoromanticism that sees only harmony
and virtue in remote primitive societies.
These developments notwithstanding, even travelers tended to see non-European
cultures in the mirror of classical civilization: the lure of Hellenism. In
time the comparison rebounded on the study of classical philology itself. A
striking example is the career of the Swiss scholar Johann Jakob Bachofen
(1815-1887), who formulated the hypothesis of primitive matriarchy, a
prehistoric stage of society preceding the establishment of patriarchy. This
fantasy - for little conclusive evidence has been offered for a universal
horizon of matriarchy in humanity's past - has returned today among some
anthropologists, who search for traces of a lost system of social organization
which probably never existed.
Modern Anthropology. The extension of European
domination throughout the globe helped to create a much larger pool of data
about tribal cultures. Armchair scholars such as Adolf Bastian, Lewis Henry
Morgan, and Edward Burnett Tylor then sought to synthesize this material,
creating the foundations for modern cultural anthropology. This trend culminated
in Sir James Frazer's massive The
Golden Bough (1890-1936), a work that was more influential in literary
quarters than among anthropologists. There also developed a popular genre of
sensationalized reporting of "the strange customs and practices of
savages," that sometimes included sexual data. Although it is commonly
asserted that there is little information about same-sex behavior from
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century travelers and anthropologists, the
great survey of Ferdinand Karsch-Haack, Das
gleichgeschlechtliche Leben der Naturvolker (Munich, 1911) shows that
in fact much was observed and recorded. But since the recorders were often
European government agents and missionaries, due allowance must be made for
professional bias.
After some impressive nineteenth-century amateur efforts - especially with
regard to the American Indians - American anthropology was put on a firm
footing by the practical work and teaching of Franz Boas (1858-1942), a German
immigrant. Although Boas professed methodological agnosticism, most of his followers
rallied to some form of Hegelian holism. Seeing cultures as homogeneous units
dominated by a single "modal" personality type, they were
inattentive to subgroups who might engage in homosexual behavior. However, the
reception of European psychoanalytic ideas, embodied in the "culture and
personality" trend, produced some manifestations of interest in same-sex
behavior, as by Ruth Benedict and Abraham Kardiner. Yet on the whole American
anthropologists continued to neglect the subject until the 1950s, perhaps
tacitly holding that indigenous peoples - at least those unpolluted by
acculturation - were exempt from this typically Western vice.
Flushed with confidence in a newly emerging discipline, a few anthropologists
became pundits and sages, commenting on the problems of American life. In the
case of Margaret Mead (1901-1978), the "lesson" she drew from her
less-than-perfect research in Pacific island cultures - namely, that gender
roles are essentially malleable rather than fixed - may have been on balance salutory.
Yet the sense that scientific findings were being bent to serve sociopolitical
ends caused unease. Not surprisingly, Mead was eventually dislodged from her
popular standing as the virtual personification of the anthropological
discipline. Gradually, however, the relativistic message sank in. Even if most
lay people did not accept the idea that Kalahari bushmen are on the same level
as, say, modern Danes, the idea that cultures were valuable for their own sake
promoted tolerance. Whether intentionally or not, by "destabilizing"
the conventional ethnocentric wisdom of American culture, anthropology
prepared the way for the social experiments of the 1960s.
At midcentury a major scholarly instrument emerged in the Human Relations Area
Files at Yale University. This vast compilation of world culture traits, though
it has rightly been faulted for crudity and errors in coding, did yield information
of a substantial number of societies in which homosexual behavior was
tolerated as a matter of course, thus eroding one aspect of the
"homosexuality is unnatural" argument.
A new positive element appeared in the 1950s, as professional anthropologists
took up again the berdache phenomenon among the American Indians [see W. L. Williams, for details). A further step was taken in
the 1970s with the formation of the Anthropological Research Group on
Homosexuality. The Newsletter
of this
group (now termed the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists) serves as an
instrument of comunication among serious researchers.
Problems and Prognostics. Twentieth-century
cultural anthropology has not been able to shake free of its earlier dilemma.
In principle value-free, individual researchers find it hard in practice to
steer a completely even course between the Scylla of overattachment to their
own cultural norms and the Charybdis of ethnoromanticism. Until recently many
cultures were known essentially from one ethnography produced by a single
investigator, who may have leaned to one or the other side in the
"ourvalues/theirvalues" contrast. More disturbingly, when second and
third opinions became available, the portraits drawn of the cultures were often
very different. Although this so-called "Rashomon effect" can often
be explained by the fact that different field workers have been looking at
different aspects of the society under study, discrepancies point up the need
for fuller confirmation of many assertions. Then too, questions have been
raised about the limits of ethical neutrality: is it appropriate to observe,
say, slavery or clitoridectomy ("female circumcision" ), and to
conclude that such practices are simply a valid part of a culture different
from ours? It is hard not to grant that in a universal horizon of human rights,
some behavioral patterns are simply unacceptable.
Many cultures are being contaminated by acculturation or simply disappearing,
and anthropologists must scramble. In many cases, however, tribal informants
have learned to tailor their responses to what they believe the investigator
expects - or else to make a fool of him for their own amusement. Such informant
self-editing may include denial of homosexual practices, which in any event are often
associated with tribal rituals closed to outsiders. Institutions thought to be
dead, such as the North American berdache, are sometimes surviving marginally
- but for how long? At the same time urban anthropology has extended its
methods to more developed environments, especially in the third world. Acknowledging
criticisms of subjectivism and lack of cross-checking, a few anthropologists
have proposed simply to "write novels," a trend that is unlikely to
become dominant, as it would seriously erode the scientific credentials of
the discipline.
Despite these continuing problems, enough data have accumulated to essay a
tentative world map of male homosexual behavior in tribal societies. There
appear to be two main types. In the first, common in Sub-Saharan Africa and
Melanesia in the Pacific, age asymmetry predominates, with an older man pairing
with a boy or adolescent youth. In the second type, one of gender-role
variation, some men depart from gender norms to become berdaches. This type
predominates among the North American Indians, in Polynesia, and on Madagascar.
In addition to this typology, anthropologists are beginning to discern
regularities within a culture area, as the initiatory homosexuality of
Melanesia.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Evelyn Blackwood, ed., Anthropology and Homosexual Behavior, Binghampton, NY: Haworth
Press, 1986; Stephen O. Murray, Social Theory, Homosexual Realities, New York: Gay Academic
Union, 1984; Walter L. Williams, The Spirit and the Flesh: Sexual Diversity in American
Indian Culture, Boston: Beacon, 1986.
Wayne R. Dynes
ANTINOUS
Adolescent
favorite of the Roman Emperor Hadrian (ca. 111-130), who won his lover's
affection by his beauty and grace. During a trip up the Nile in which he
accompanied Hadrian, he was drowned. Contemporary gossip enveloped his death in
romantic legend; some even alleged that he had given his life for his master.
Hadrian's grief was such that he ordered the boy deified as god and hero and
even promoted the belief that Antinous had entered the firmament as a new
star; at the end of the sixteenth century Tycho Brahe assigned the name to a
particular star on his stellar map.
In Egypt Hadrian founded a new city named Antinoopolis in his honor, and
elsewhere he was commemorated by cult, festivals, and statues. Numerous inscriptions
in his honor survive, and poems on him were written by Pancrates and Mesomedes.
The Early Christians reacted to the cult as one inspired by an
"impure" passion, contrasting it with their own reverence for the
saints.
The Antinous type appears on scores of coins and statues. The extant statues
found today in museums in Italy and elsewhere display the neo-Greek manner that
flourished under Hadrian, and have been much admired in modern times by
students of the classic style. The influential homosexual archaeologist J. J.
Winckelmann (1717-1768) went into raptures over two of these works as
"the glory and crown of art in this age as well as in all others." In
these depictions his somewhat full features correspond to the late-adolescent
type of the ephebe rather than those of the pais or boy. The mystery surrounding his career and death has
inspired a number of literary works in modern times, some with an explicitly
homosexual theme, such as Marguerite Yourcenar's much admired Hadrian's Memoirs (New York, 1954).The great
Portuguese writer Fernando Pessoa published an English poem on the theme in 1918. Antinous remains
synonymous with the beauty of late adolescence, forever preserved from decay by premature death.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Royston Lambert, Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous, New York: Viking, 1984.
Wayne R. Dynes
Anti-Semitism and Antihomosexuality
Social
scientists have isolated several common features in prejudice directed against human
groups. The prejudiced individual tends to view all members of the targeted
group in terms of a stereotype; despite empirical counterevidence, he stoutly resists any
abandonment of his views. Prejudiced persons are likely to act out their
feelings through discrimination toward and avoidance of members of the disliked groups.
Several features link Jews and homosexuals as targets of prejudice. Unlike,
say, Asian-Americans, both Jews and homosexuals have the option of passing,
that is, not acknowledging their difference publicly and allowing those they
meet to assign them tacitly to the majority group. However, just as many Jews
in recent decades have been asserting ethnic pride through resuming their
original "Jewish" surnames (when Anglo-Saxon ones had been adopted by
the parents or ancestors) and wearing evident markers such as the Star of David
and the yarmulka, so homosexuals and lesbians are now more assertive through
"coming out" to colleagues, friends, and relatives, and wearing the
pink triangle and the lambda symbols. Yet there is another side of the coin: both Jews
and homosexuals seem to have more than their share of individuals who are
afflicted with self-contempt - Jewish anti-Semites and antigay homosexuals.
Just as some Jews restrict themselves to non-Jewish sexual partners and
spouses, some homosexuals find their erotic ideal only in the person of a
heterosexual (or one presumed to be so). Both Jews and homosexuals have created
mordant versions of ingroup humor, which serve as safety valves for such feelings, but do not
suffice to exorcise them. One of the functions of advocacy and service organizations
for both groups is to address such kinds of psychological self-oppression so
that the victims may overcome them.
Our society also shows historical parallels of anti-Semitism and antihomosexuality.
In the eleventh century in Western Europe, for reasons that are still not
clearly understood, the majority society began actively to persecute heretics,
lepers, Jews, and sodomites, as the Christian emperors had done by the time of
Justinian. The first two social categories are no longer in the line of fire,
but the. latter two have continued to remain the object of prejudice,
discrimination, persecution, and (ultimately) genocide. At various times Christian
denominations have focused their ire on Jews (or Marranos [crypto-Jews]) and
homosexuals. Even among some secularists, as the Enlightenment thinkers Diderot and Voltaire, a distaste for both groups
has been freely vented. Popular opinion tends to attribute a conspiratorial
clannishness to both Jews and homosexuals, the former ostensibly owing
allegiance to the mythical organization described in the scurrilous Protocols of the Elders of Zion, the latter supposedly
adherents or agents of a nonexistent "Homintern." Both Jews and
homosexuals have attracted envy through their appearance of easy financial
circumstances. While the economic advantages of both groups (which are
relative, not absolute, as there are many poor Jews and many poor homosexuals
and lesbians) reflect self-discipline and industry, they also stem from the
fact that Jewish middle-class families are statistically more likely to have
few children or even remain childless, while homosexuals (though more of them
have children than would be expected) have considerably fewer than the average.
Reduction of investment in the nourishment and education of offspring yields an
economic dividend that can be applied to other purposes.
The year 1895 saw the dramatic staging of what amounted to show trials, the
Oscar Wilde
prosecutions
in England and the Alfred Dreyfus case in France. These highly publicized events
revealed vast reservoirs of antihomosexual feeling and anti-Semitism respectively. They also enhanced
the political identity and solidarity of both groups, leading to the formation
of the first homosexual rights organization in Berlin, Germany, in 1897 (the Scientific-Humanitarian
Committee), and the convening of the First Zionist Congress in Basel,
Switzerland, in the same year. In the Nazi holocaust, homosexuals (the
pink-triangle men) were sent to concentration camps along with Jews and
gypsies.
Individual Jews have been in the forefront of the modem study of sex and in the
campaign for more enlightened attitudes toward it, a prominence that has
served as an additional rationalization for antisemitism: Arnold Aletrino, Iwan Bloch, Sigmund Freud, Norman Haire, Kurt Hiller,
Magnus Hirschfeld, Albert Moll, and Marc-André Raffalovich. As victims of prejudice, enlightened Jews have
shown special sensitivity to the disadvantages of other minorities. To be sure,
there are antigay Jews, who can find no persuasive analogy between the
situation of the two groups, as well as anti-Semitic homosexuals, some of whom
claim to ground their animosity in the antihomosexual passages of the Old Testament. There are also anti-Semites who vehemently defend the Biblical
injunctions against homosexual behavior while denouncing all Jewish influence
on modern civilization as the subversive activity of a racially alien segment
of the population. This was paradoxically enough the mentality of the Nazi
leaders who called for increased repression of homosexuals and even a gay
holocaust.
As measured by public opinion polls, recent decades have shown a significant
lessening of stereotypical prejudices directed against both Jews and homosexuals.
Yet both have reason for concern about countervailing trends which suggest that
bigotry is on the rise again. Unpredictable factors may lie at the root of such
disconcerting reversals. In the case of the Jews it appears to be the
continuing Arab-Israeli dispute and the Palestinian independence struggle that
are the major sources of tensions. For homosexuals the AIDS crisis, especially
in the sensationalized and selective presentation offered by the media, has
negatively impacted progress toward full toleration. Some observers, such as
the American playwrights William Hoffman and Larry Kramer, have seen an analogy
between the fate of homosexuals in the AIDS crisis and the fate of the Jews in
Hitler's holocaust. The analogy is imperfect, however, since the National Socialist
persecution was the malevolent action of an ideology that singled out whole
ethnic communities for extermination, while AIDS is a viral disease that has
disproportionately affected several human groups, but (on present evidence) has
not been engineered by a human agency expressly to destroy them. Nonetheless,
there may well be similarities in the effects on the victims, and these
parallels in the fate of otherwise dissimilar stigmatized groups merit
insightful and sympathetic study.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Barry Adam, The Survival of Domination: Inferiorization and Everyday
Life, New
York: Elsevier, 1978.
Ward Houser
Apologetic, Homosexual
For some
centuries Christians have engaged in a systematic effort to analyze and defend
their faith to nonbelievers, such defenses being termed apologias. An
analogous tendency has surfaced among some homosexual and lesbian scholars.
Conceived as an effort to cleanse the Augean stable of the accumulated detritus
of homophobic myths and fabrications, the procedure is understandable and laudable.
Sometimes, however, the undertaking may cross over into apologetic in the bad
sense, distorting or glossing over the truth in an effort to create a
favorable image for the cause. One instance is the claim made by modern defenders
of pederasty that such relationships, in keeping with their purported Greek
model, are always noble and character-building. Some undoubtedly are, but
others are surely less so. Conversely, some students of ancient Greece, Islam,
and other societies where pederasty has been the norm, claim to find only their
own preferred androphilia there.
Another gambit is the posthumous "naturalization" of individuals
such as Pontius Pilate or George Washington as gay. Of course, in many
instances it is necessary first to raise the question of the homosexuality of a
past figure so that the evidence may be weighed; where it is lacking, however,
stubbornness should yield to agnosticism.
These matters raise broader issues of method. A dispute has long raged between
those who uphold the ideal that scholarship must strive to be objective and
value neutral and their opponents (many, but not all on the political left),
who believe that scholarly work is always conducted in the service of a
political or ideological position. The former view, that of classical European
rationalism and natural science, has been eloquently defended by the great
sociologist Max Weber, who held that while the choice of a research problem is
shaped by interests, the conduct of the investigation itself can and must be
objective. Conversely, Martin Heidegger and Jean-Paul Sartre insisted that the
intellectual must become committed or engaged in a cause. (They differed
sharply on what that cause should be, Heidegger flirting - for a time at least
- with Nazism, and Sartre involving himself with a variety of left-wing
tendencies from Castroism to Maoism.) Another version of this demand for
commitment appeared among the New Left thinkers of the 1960s who stipulated
that only "emancipatory" scholarship should be supported, while
Herbert Marcuse went so far as to authorize in theory f orceable suppression of
"harmful" (i.e., nonprogressive) enquiry (in his 1967 essay
"Repressive Tolerance").
Applied to history, selective research of the kind that has been discussed is
sometimes called "advocacy scholarship." Many practitioners in this
mode display what may be called a "shopper's approach" to their
material. That is, they sift through the mass of data available to them,
extracting only the items that are attractive and leaving the rest behind. This
procedure yields a highly selective view of the past, but one which the amateur
is often unable to distinguish from genuine work informed by integral
understanding and judgment. In extreme cases, this selective approach, fueled
by the tyro's enthusiasm and unchecked by training in method, may even
resemble the industry of the magpie: the "researcher" collects
attractive baubles and heaps them together, little knowing that his treasures
are mostly of trifling value. Regrettably, some writings publicized as
restorations of our "hidden heritage" are of this sort.
Concededly, these methodological shortcomings are part of the growing pains of
research in a sphere that, until recent decades, had been largely taboo. Also, because
of the lack of funding and university chairs, much of the work on the history
of homosexuality and lesbianism has of necessity been conducted by private
scholars, who have volunteered their own time and money, often having to
content themselves with the meagerest recognition for their toil. Untrained in
the strict canons of evidence and argument, their errors are often innocent
ones. Having suffered from the profusion of negative stereotypes that our
culture offers, it is perhaps understandable that they should attempt to
redress the balance by advancing a positive, apologetic view of homosexuality.
Nonetheless, the increasing depth and breadth of research should enable
homosexual and lesbian scholarship to ascend to a higher plane in which these
failings are obsolete. Human history is one seamless fabric, and the
credibility of the growing and impressive body of research on homosexuality
vitally depends on its universality.
See also Famous Homosexuals, Lists
of; Gay Studies.
Wayne R. Dynes
Aquinas, Thomas, Saint (1224-1274)
Italian
theologian and philosopher, the most important exponent of the medieval system
of thought known as Scholasticism. Born to a noble family in southern Italy and
cousin of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, he studied at St. Benedict's
monastery of Monte Cassino and at the University of Naples, and as a young man
entered the Dominican order. Trying to dissuade him from joining that new and
radical order of friars, his brothers supposedly brought a prostitute to his room
to tempt him, but he drove her out with a burning brand he took from the
hearth. At twenty, having graduated from Naples he traveled to Paris and later
to Cologne to study under Albertus Magnus, who set him on the path of fusing
Aristotle with Christian thought, an innovatory combination which became his
life's work. Aquinas was a copious writer whose works in their modern edition
fill scores of folio volumes, and who sought to combine encyclopedic breadth
with precision and systematic presentation. He called for the capital
punishment of heretics, witches, and sodomites.
In his sexual views he adhered to the restrictivist approach laid down by the
Patristic writers, interweaving, however, some elements taken from his
extensive study of Aristotle. A sense of his approach emerges from his
classification of "unnatural vice." After first condemning
masturbation, he distinguishes three types of improper sexual contact: with the
wrong species (bestiality ), with the wrong gender (homosexuality and
lesbianism), and with the wrong organ (oral and anal sex) [Sumtna Theologiae, II-II 154, 11). This
threefold schema became normative for Christian thought.
In another passage (I - II 31, 7), Aquinas asserts that some pleasures are
unnatural to man but become connatural for physical or psychological reasons or
because of habit, and among these is intercourse with males or with brute
animals. This text, however, was adapted from Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics (1148b), in which the
Master held that sexual intercourse with males could be pleasurable owing to
the innate constitution (in the medieval Latin translation natura) of the individual. Aquinas
reiterated this crucial point in his own commentary, the Sententia Libii Eihicomm (VII, 5), but suppressed
it in the Summa.
By this
act of intellectual dishonesty, Aquinas made true, innate homosexuality an
"insoluble problem" for Christian theologians who are obliged to
maintain that erotic attraction to one's own sex is acquired and therefore
abnormal and pathological.
Some modern scholars have deplored the views of Aquinas and his contemporaries
as representing a turn toward a negative view of sexual nonconformity in
contrast to the ostensibly more tolerant attitude that had preceded him -
though they must grant that he was less hostile than Peter Damian. In this
realm, however, Aquinas is acodifier, innovative only in his
characteristically systematic approach, and not in any substantive enhancement
of the negative content, which represented a fusion of the prohibitions of the
Mosaic Law with an anti-homosexual tradition in the Hellenic world that went as
far back as Plato. Even before Christianity, the synthesis of the two
traditions had already been realized by Philo Judaeus, continued by Clement of Alexandria and John Chrysostom, and reformulated for the
Latin West by St. Augustine in the early fifth century. What Aquinas did was to give
the condemnation a proper scholastic context, thus assuring its normative
status for the moral theology and the Canon Law of the Roman Catholic Church to this day and making the "sodomy delusion" a hallmark
of Western civilization. His theologically and philosophically reasoned stance
precludes acceptance of the premises of the gay liberation movement.
The Council of Trent recognized Thomas as a "doctor of the Church."
Regrouping after the assault of the French Revolution, the Catholic restoration
put great emphasis on the work of Aquinas, which had been neglected since the
seventeenth century. In 1879 Leo XIII went so far as to declare Neo-Thomism the official
philosophy of the Roman Catholic church. In recent decades this hegemony has
ebbed in Catholic universities and seminaries, which are now in touch with a
broader range of currents of thought. Official Thomism still has its survivals
here and there, as seen, for example, in elements of the thinking of the
radical feminist (and ex-Catholic) Mary Daly. Thomism always had a strong
element of social moralism, so that it is not surprising to find traces of its
influence in the liberation theology of the Third World.
Warren Johansson
Arcadia
Arcadia
is a predominantly rural area of ancient Greece that has become a byword for an
idealized pastoral existence. In an important study, Byrne R. S. Fone has shown
that a number of homosexual writers - from Vergil through Richard Bamfield, Walt Whitman and the English Uranians
to Thomas Mann and E. M. Forster - drew upon the image of Arcadia to evoke "that secret
Eden" that offers solace "because of its isolation from the troubled
world and its safety from the arrogant demands of those who would deny freedom,
curtail human action, and destroy innocence and love." In the vision of
these writers Arcadia is a sylvan retreat where it is safe to live in accord
with one's feelings, while at the same time providing the author with a device
to present a quasi-allegorical image of homosexual happiness during times in
which such sentiments could not be openly avowed. It could serve as a vehicle
for the implication that "homosexuality is superior to heterosexuality
and is a divinely sanctioned means to an understanding of the good and the
beautiful." In such an idyllic setting the quest for the Ideal Friend
could find its term and consecration.
The Latin tag "Et in Arcadia ego" has often been translated (according
to some wrongly) as "I too was in Arcadia," and thus held to
encapsulate the yearning for a Golden Age. Denis Diderot, for example,
rendered it "Je vivais aussi dans la délicieuse Arcadie" ["I too lived in
delightful Arcady."]. In the broader perspective this tradition fits
within the overall framework of the pastoral tradition stemming from Theocritus, the great poet of Alexandria.
The
concept was also significant in the context of the French homosexual movement. With his classical
training, the novelist Roger Peyrefitte suggested the name "Arcadie"
for what was to become the major French homosexual organization after World
War II. In fact the group began by putting out a magazine, itself called Arcadie (from January 1954), on
the model of the Swiss Der
Kreis. The membership society followed in 1957. André Baudry, the director
dissolved the organization in 1982, when the monthly, which had been noted for
the quality of its scholarly articles, also ceased.
The Arcadie group was a typical product of the "homophile" phase of
the renascent gay movement as it rose from the ashes of war and the desolation
of Nazi occupation. Members of Arcadie, and by extension sympathizers with its
relatively conservative goals, were termed Arcadiens. It has been claimed that
a high proportion of the actual membership consisted of priests and
ex-priests.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Andre Baudry, et al., Le regard des autres, Paris: Arcadie, 1979
[Actes du Congres international); Byrne R. S. Fone, "This Other Eden:
Arcadia and the Homosexual Imagination," Journal of Homosexuality,
(1983),
13-34.
Wayne R. Dynes
Archives
See Libraries and Archives.
aretino, Pietro (1492-1556)
Italian
writer. Known as the "scourge of princes," Aretino occupies a place
all his own in Italian literature, both for his erotic writings (which were for
centuries considered among the most "outrageous") and for his
extraordinary rapport with the powerful. He made use of his journalistic flair
to sell his benevolence in exchange for monetary gifts. Of humble origins
(though not bereft of education), he in fact succeeded in becoming rich and
famous thanks to his literary works which oscillated between adulation of
notables and libel. Among his best known works - apart from such erotic
classics as the Sei
giornate (Dialogues of the Courtesans) and the Sonetti lussuriosi - are comedies and six
volumes of Letters
addressed
to major figures of the period.
Despite the grave charges leveled by Niccolo Franco (1515-1570) - who in his Priapea and Rime contro Pietro Aretino (1541) treats him simply
as a prostitute - and by the libelous Vita
di Pietro Aretino of 1537, there is no doubt that Aretino's erotic interest
was gallantly directed toward women. Domenico Fusco, who analyzed the
accusations of homosexuality directed against the writer by his contemporaries,
concluded that they amounted to unfounded gossip of a type common at the time.
Nonetheless, Aretino seems to have made some forays into the realm of homosexuality.
Alessandro Luzio has published two curious letters of Federico Gonzaga (of February 1528)
who writes from Mantua to Aretino of having failed to convince a certain
Roberto "son of Bianchino" to accept the advances of his correspondent.
In "VAretino e il Franco" [Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 29 [1897], 252) Luzio published a 1524 letter to Giovanni de'
Medici, in which Aretino playfully declared that he had decided to give up
sodomy, because the ardent love he was experiencing for a lady had made him
change his tastes.
As these instances show, Aretino's attitude toward homosexuality was one of
amused complacency, similar to that of many contemporaries. This fact explains
the presence in his work of many homosexual allusions and double entendres.
The work of Aretino in which homosexuality is most prominent is the comedy Ilmarescalco{ 1533). The protagonist,
the duke of Mantua's farrier, dislikes women. To tease him the duke decides to
force him to take a wife, which very much upsets the poor fellow. At the
marriage, however, he learns that his "bride" is a beardless page
dressed in women's attire, and he cannot contain his happiness. Nowhere in the
play is the farrier's homosexuality openly stated, but the double entendres
and various indirect references aptly serve to convey that the reason why he
hates women is that he prefers boys.
The work entitled La jmttana errante (1531), long attributed to
Aretino, depicts both male and female homosexual conduct, but it is now
attributed to Lorenzo Veniero.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Domenico Fusco, VAretino sconosciuto ed apócrifo, Turin: Berruto, 1953;
Alessandro Luzio, Pietro Aretino nei primi suoi anni a Venezia e alia Corte dei Gonzaga, Turin: Loescher, 1888.
Giovanni Dall'Orto
Aristocratic Vice, Homosexuality as
Little
meaningful study has been accomplished on class differences in the incidence of
homosexual behavior. The findings of the first Kinsey Report (1948), which
appeared to show greater prevalence of homosexuality among the less educated,
must be disregarded in as much as this cohort in the Kinsey survey had a
disproportionate number of prisoners.
If data are lacking, stereotypes have flourished - in particular the notion that
homosexual behavior is more prevalent among the upper classes. This perception
accords with the broader working-class belief that the upper classes are
over-educated, effete, and effeminate.
The notion of homosexuality as a distinctively aristocratic vice has a considerable
history. In the seventeenth century Sir Edward Coke attributed the origin of
sodomy to "pride, excess of diet, idleness and contempt of the
poor." The noted English jurist was in fact offering a variation on the
prophet Ezekiel (16:49). This accusation reflects the perennial truism that
wealth, idleness, and lust tend to go together - a cluster summed up in the
Latin term luxuria. Sometimes the view is expressed that the confirmed
debauchee, having run through virtually the whole gamut of sexual sins, turns
to sodomy as a last resort to revive his jaded appetite.
A forerunner of this thought complex appears in the comedies of Aristophanes
(ca. 450-385 b.c.),
who
satirized the pederastic foibles of Athenian politicians and dandies. In the
first century of our era, the Jewish writer Philo of Alexandria regarded Sodom
as the archetype of the link between homosexuality and luxury: "The
inhabitants owed this extreme licence to the never-failing lavishness of their
sources of wealth. . . . Incapable of bearing such satiery, plunging like
cattle, they threw off from their necks the law of nature and applied
themselves to deep drinking of strong liquor and dainty feeding and forbidden
forms of intercourse."
The scholastic theologian Albertus Magnus (d. 1280) held that the vice of
sodomy was "more common in persons of high station than in humble
persons." This impression reflects in part the greater visibility of the
doings of the privileged, and also the fact that, through their status or
influence, the nobility could frequently escape with a reprimand for the commission
of crimes which were subject to capital punishment when committed by
commoners. This aspect of class justice has fueled social envy, leading to the
demand on the part of the straitlaced middle class that the aristocracy be
disciplined and required, for its part, to adhere to the narrow canons of petty
bourgeois morality.
In England the claim that homosexuality was an aristocratic weakness fell
together with the prejudice that it was ultimately of foreign derivation; the
fondness of the noble lords for the Grand Tour of the continent brought them
into contact with the vice-which they then conveyed to England, where it was
supposedly not native. A curious episode of this phase of British social
history was the Macaroni Club, an association of cosmopolites formed in London
about 1760 to banquet on that then-rare food. Their foppish, extravagant dress
was regarded as bordering on transvestism. This fashion explains an otherwise
mysterious allusion in an American song of the period: "Yankee Doodle came
to town/upon a little pony;/ he stuck a feather in his hat/and called it
macaroni" (1767). The colonial hero's attempt to play the exquisite
exposed him to the danger of ridicule as a milktoast - or worse.
The stereotype of aristocratic vice has a sequel in the early
twentieth-century Marxist notion that the purported increase of homosexuality
in modem industrial states stems from the decadence of capitalism; in this view
the workers fortunately remain psychologically healthy and thus untainted by
the debilitating proclivity. In the Krupp and von Moltke-Eulenburg scandals in
Germany in 1903-08, journalists of the socialist press did their best to
inflame their readership against the unnatural vices of the aristocracy, which
were bringing the nation to the brink of ruin.
During the late nineteenth century, homosexual vanguard writers such as Edward
Carpenter and John Addington Symonds advanced an opposing thesis. They held
that it was precisely the fact that homosexual contacts tended to link the rich
and the poor, the educated and the uneducated, that made them suited to
advancing democracy and the social integration of previously antagonistic
classes. Class and homosexuality are sensitive issues for modern society, and
the zone of their intersection is fraught with emotion.
See also Working Class,
Eroticization of.
Wayne R. Dynes
Aristophanes (ca. 450-ca. 385 b.c.)
The
greatest of the comic playwrights of ancient Athens. Aristophanes composed a
series of plays performed between 427 and 388 b.c. The texts of eleven comedies have survived, together with
• fragments from others. Little is known of his life other than what can be
learned from the plays, which reveal a much-read and educated personality, fond
of nature and of country life, and conservative by inclination.
His plays satirize contemporary Athenian society, with a verbal dexterity and
wordplay that are difficult to convey in translation. The object of his wit is
often the real or alleged effeminacy, passive homosexuality, or prostitution of
themale characters - failings if not vices in the eyes of his fellow Athenians
- in which the resources of Attic colloquial speech are exploited to the full.
Aristophanes gives effeminate men feminine names, Sostrate instead of
Sostratos, Cleonyme instead of Cleonymos [Clouds, 678, 680), or uses
nicknames that allude to their "swishy" gestures and manner of
walking, and especially the feminine dress which they affected. Similarly
reproached are boys who sell their bodies for gifts or payment. In the Plutus, 153, a character declares:
"And they say that the boys do this very thing, not for their lovers, but
for the sake of money. Not the better types, but the catamites, since the
better types do not ask for money."
The positive side of Greek pederasty is mentioned only in passing: the praise
of boyish beauty, the wall inscriptions with the boy's name and the word kalos, "handsome," and
the memory of the heroism of the past inspired by male comradeship and
fidelity. The world of lust and venality which the comedians depict is the
baser side of Greek pederasty, not the nobler, though it is the aristocrat who
is depicted as the boy-lover par excellence. The allusions and innuendoes in
regard to the institution are legion. An element of jealousy is present,
provoked by the preference which a boy would naturally show to a nobleman over
a middle-class burgher, but the significant phenomenon is the role which
pederasty played in the life of the upper class in the Golden Age of Athens.
Nowhere do the plays suggest that an Athenian gentleman would find intercourse
with a handsome boy anything but agreeable, and even the opportunity to
scrutinize boyish beauty is a source of delight [Wasps, 568).
The ideal cherished by the conservative Aristophanes is the smooth-skinned,
muscular, shy, serious boy of the past, not the avaricious hustler or effeminate
youth of the present. There is a longing for values that have been lost or submerged
in the Athens of the playwright's own day. So while humor is an essential
component of the treatment of homosexuality in Aristophanes, it serves to set
in relief the idealizedpaiderasteia
that
served an educational function in Greek civilization,- never does Aristophanes
express indignation or disgust at the institution,
he rather criticizes the debased form to which (in his view) it had sunk in his
day. It is as satire of the lower and ignobler manifestations of boy-love that
the humorous and sarcastic passages in his plays are to be interpreted, not as
condemnation in the vein that Christianity was to adopt in later centuries.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. K. J. Dover, Aristophanic
Comedy, London: B. T. Batsford, 1972; Hans Licht, Sexual Life in Ancient Greece, London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1932.
Warren Johansson
Aristotle (384-322 b.c.)
Major
ancient Greek philosopher. Aristotle's thinking was formed at the Academy in
Athens, where in 366-347 he studied under Plato. Aristotle tutored the bisexual
Alexander the Great in Macedonia (343-336), and then returned to Athens, where
he opened a school. His habit of lecturing in the covered walking place [peripatos] of the Lyceum gave his
school the name of Peripatetic. As a thinker Aristotle is outstanding for the
breadth of his interests, which encompassed the entire panorama of the ancient
sciences, and for his efforts to make sense of the world through applying an
organic and developmental approach. In this way he departed from the
essentialist, deductive emphasis of Plato. Unfortunately, Aristotle's polished
essays, which were noted for their style, are lost, and the massive corpus of
surviving works derives largely from lecture notes. In these the wording of
the Greek presents many uncertainties: hence the differences in the various
translations, which in sexual matters are often marred by euphemistic evasion
or anachronistic modernization. Dubious points can only be settled by wrestling
with the Greek.
Although Aristotle is known to have had several male lovers, in his writings
he tended to follow Plato's lead in favoring restraints on overt expression of
homoerotic feelings. He differs, however, from Plato's ethical and idealizing
approach to male same-sex love by his stress on biological factors. In a brief,
but important treatment in the Nicomachean Ethics (7:5) he was the first to
distinguish clearly between innate and acquired homosexuality. This dichotomy
corresponds to a standard Greek distinction between processes » which are
determined by nature [physis]
and those
which are conditioned by culture or custom \nomos). The approach set forth in this text was to be echoed a
millennium and a half later in the Christian Scholastic treatments of Albertus
Magnus and Thomas Aquinas (Summa
Theologiae, la Ha, 31:7). In The History of Animals (9:8), Aristotle
anticipates modem ethology by showing that homosexual behavior among birds is
linked to patterns of domination and submission. In various passages he
speaks of homosexual relations among noted Athenian men and boys as a matter of
course. His treatment of friendship (Nicomachean Ethics, books 8 and 9)
emphasizes its mutual character, based on the equality of the parties, which
requires time for full consolidation. He takes it as given that true friendship
can occur only between two free males of equal status, excluding slaves and
women. Aristotle's ideas on friendship were to be echoed by Cicero, Erasmus,
Michel de Montaigne, and Sir Francis Bacon.
The Problems (4:26), a work attributed
to Aristotle but probably compiled by a follower, attributes desire for anal
intercourse in men to the accumulation of semen in the fundament. This notion
derives from the common Greek medical view that semen is produced in the region
of the brain and then transferred by a series of conduits to the lower body.
In England and America a spurious compilation of sexual and generative
knowledge, Aristotle's
Masterpiece, enjoyed a long run of popularity. Compiled from a variety
of sources, including the Hippocratic and Galenic medical traditions, the
medieval writings of Albertus Magnus, and folklore of all kinds, this farrago
was apparently first published in English in 1684. A predecessor of later sex
manuals, the book contains such lore as the determination of the size of the
penis from that of the nose.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
William Keith Chambers Guthrie, Aristotle: An Encounter, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1981 (A History of Greek Philosophy, 6).
Wayne R. Dynes
Army
See Military.
Art, Visual
Homosexuality
intersects with the visual arts of painting, sculpture, and photography in two
ways: through subject matter (iconography) and through the personal
homosexuality or bisexuality of artists.
Despite the fact that until recently most of the relevant images were inaccessible
- relegated to museum basements or hidden in private collections - it is no
secret that the world's heritage of the fine arts includes much homoerotic
material. To be sure, the project of a comprehensive history of "gay
art" seems problematic. In some areas where there is reason to believe
that the material is abundant - as in China and the Islamic countries - the
essential studies and publications needed to form the basis for a synthesis
have not been produced. More fundamentally, it is hard to extract a common
denominator from the varied material itself, which ranges from explicit scenes
of copulation, through simple portraits of figures known to be homosexual, to
homophobic depictions of the persecution of homosexuals. Large gaps exist.
Lamentably, through many'centuries of Christian domination in Europe, the ban
on the making of such works was effective. Then there has been vandalism. In
the New World much was destroyed by the Spanish conquistadores and the fanatical
churchmen who accompanied them. As recently as the early twentieth century some
Moche
pieces
from pre-Columbian Peru showing same-sex acts were destroyed by their finders
as "insults to national honor." The situation for lesbian art is even
more difficult. Because until recent times works of art have generally been
commissioned by men for their own purposes, sympathetic depictions of lesbian
love are sparse. Before the sixteenth century, we find only representations of
friendship between women; then in the Venetian school there begins an imagery
of lesbian dalliance - but only for male entertainment. Only in recent decades
has there been a substantial production of lesbian art by lesbians and for
lesbians. This raises the final problem: how are we to consider the work of an
artist known to be homosexual or bisexual, but whose subject matter - through
lack of commissions or reticence - does not extend to his or her own
sexuality?
Classical Antiquity. A comparison of Greek
homoerotic literature and art is instructive. Since the time of their
composition, Greek texts of male-male love have always been known to those who
cared to seek them out, and they provided continuity through the whole
subsequent literary development. Parallel works in the visual arts passed
unrecognized, languished in museum storerooms, or remained hidden in the
ground to be discovered only through recent excavations. Not being known to
homosexual artists of later times, they could not form the signposts of a
recognized perennial tradition. And the lack of a continuous tradition is the
main reason why one cannot rightfully speak of a "history of gay
art."
Still ancient Greece supplies a considerable amount of material. The
explanation for this flowering lies in the fact, that unlike its predecessors
in the ancient Near East, Greece was a secular society in which the priestly
caste was relatively unimportant. Even in statues dedicated in temples and
placed on tombs the wishes of the patron are paramount. In antiquity the Greeks
were noted for their national peculiarity of exercising in the nude. Out of
this custom grew the monumental nude statue, a genre that Greece bequeathed to the world. The
tradition began a little before 600 b.c.
with the
sequence of nude youths known as kowoi.
(Monumental
female nudes did not appear until ca. 350 b.c.) Although archeologists have maintained a deafening
silence on the matter, it seems clear that the radiance of these figures can
only be explained in the light of the Greek homoerotic appreciation of the
male form. Whatever else they may have been, the kowoi were the finest pinups ever created. Studying them in
chronological order, one can observe an evolution of the ideal somatic type,
from the sturdy, almost burly archaic figures, through the classical
"swimmer's body" ones, to a kind of graceful dancer type in the
fourth century b.c. A special variation on
the kouros is the pair of figures dedicated in Athens in 477 b.c. to the memory of the homosexual lovers, the tyrant-slayers
Harmodius and Aristogiton.
The recovery of masses of decorated vases in modern times has revealed a particularly forthright
category of Greek art: the scenes of homoerotic courtship. In these
depictions, which begin about 570 b.c, an older bearded man
approaches a youth, clearly indicating his intent by placing one hand in
entreaty against the boy's chin while the other touches his genitals. Often
these scenes of courtship are accompanied by gifts of hares, cocks, and other
animals to help persuade the boy. In contrast to to the occasional depictions
surviving from earlier civilizations, these scenes are not merely renderings of
same-sex acts or lifeways, but vivid emblems of homoerotic desire. Little of the monumental
painting for which the Greeks were famous has survived. A spectacular exception
is the fifth-century Tomb of the Diver at Paestum in southern Italy, which
preserves a banquet scene of two male lovers embracing.
As Greek literature attests, the gods had their own homoerotic loves. Some
vases and other works show them in pursuit of their beloveds. A special place
belongs to the depictions of Zeus and Ganymede, as represented for example by a monumental terracotta of
ca. 460 b.c.
from Olympia. An essential part of the
legacy of Greece is mythology, and we find that over the centuries artists did dare to
evoke again and again the Greek homoerotic figures of Ganymede and Hyacinth,
Ampelos and Orpheus.
The
Romans did not share the Greek fondness for nude exercise and their attitude
toward homosexual behavior was more ambiguous. Perhaps it is not surprising
that they favored the old religious subject of the hermaphrodite, the double-sexed being,
but now reduced largely to a subject of titillation. They also were capable of depicting scenes of peeping toms
that recall the atmosphere of Petronius's Satyricon.
Standing
far above the general Roman contribution to the subject are the idealized
portraits of Antinous commissioned by the emperor Hadrian after his Bithynian
favorite drowned in the Nile in a.d. 130. In his honor the
emperor founded the Egyptian city of Antinoopolis; excavations have revealed
something of its magnificence.
After the reign of Hadrian, who died in 138, the great age of ancient homoerotic
art was over. Consequently, the adoption of Christianity cannot be said to have
killed off a vibrant tradition, but it certainly did not encourage its revival.
Medieval Christian art did have nudes and scenes of classical mythology, but
significantly no homoerotic ones. Liberal toward some aspects of classical
culture, for centuries Christianity stifled the reemergence of positive
homoerotic art. It also fostered the creation of antihomoerotic iconography,
as in the scenes of the burning of the city of Sodom found at Monreale,
Canterbury, and elsewhere.
The Renaissance Tradition. When homosexuality in art
again became significant, as it did under the humanistic auspices of
fifteenth-century Florence, it is through our knowledge of the biographies of the
artists, rather than from their subject matter. Botticelli, Donatello, Michelangelo,
and Sodoma are all known to have been predominantly homosexual in orientation,
but with rare exceptions (as Donatello's bronze David and Michelangelo's
drawings for Tommaso de' Cavalieri) their works give little hint of it. Still
the biographical information we have is fascinating for the reconstruction of
the connection between sexuality and the creative process. Since Freud's essay
of 1910 the enigmatic figure of Leonardo has offered a special appeal. A less
well known Florentine figure, Jacopo Pontormo, left behind a diary which
chronicled not only his troubled mental state, but also (laconically) his
relations with boys. The onset of the Counter-Reformation in the later
sixteenth century made life harder for Italian homoerotic artists, though the
stormy career of the bisexual Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571-1610) is
well documented. From Flanders comes the tragic case of the Baroque sculptor Jéróme Duquesnoy, who was caught
with two boys and executed in 1654.
During the Renaissance and Baroque periods the status of artists rose, and they
became proud of their creativity. The image of the artist "born under
Saturn" flourished, that is to say painters and sculptors were expected to
be moody, melancholy, and withdrawn, but not effeminate. Homosexual artists of
this time fulfilled the expectations of the stereotype. As the public's concept
changed, however, the type went out of production so to speak. When in later
times homosexual artists became visible they were measured according to
different standards. Because of such shifts one cannot speak of any single
dominant character type of the "gay artist" any more than purported
continuities of style and subject matter permit the recovery of a single aesthetic
of "gay art."
It is not surprising that the rococo art of the eighteenth century, so
concerned with heterosexual dalliance, should have little to show that is
relevant. Yet with the rise of Neoclassicism toward the end of the century this
situation changed. For one thing the theorist and prophet of the new movement
J. J. Winckelmann (1717-1768) was a homosexual bachelor whoserhapsodic
descriptions of male nudes had an impact on countless artists. Regardless of
the orientation of their creators, the great male nudes of such masters as
Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825) and Bertell Thorwaldsen (1768-1848) are inseparable
from Winckelmann's evocations. And other artists, including Jean Broc,
Claude-MarieDubufe, and Benjamin West, boldly revived the Greek themes of the
homoerotic loves of the gods.
Academics and Modems. French nineteenth-century
art witnessed a significant production of lesbian scenes by heterosexual
artists, including such masters as Gustave Courbet. One major artist who was
lesbian, Rosa Bonheur (1822-1899), did not leave behind works directly related
to her orientation. The same is true of the American sculptor Harriet Hosmer
(1830-1908). In a number of male artists - Washington Allston, Thomas Couture,
Thomas Eakins, Aleksandrlvanov, Frederick Lord Leighton, John Singer Sargent,
and Henry Scott Tuke - the work and other evidence points to a homosexual or
bisexual orientation, but full confirmation tends to be elusive. A special
place in this group belongs to the lonely German idealist, Hans von Marees (1837-1887), who produced
evocative male nudes in an Arcadian setting. The fate of the English painter
Simeon Solomon (1840-1905), disgraced after a wild party in 1873, must have
given many pause. Symbolists such as Jean Delville and Gustave Moreau flirted
with homoerotic subjects which were accepted as contributions to the
"decadent repertoire." A similar vein of poetry runs through the
practitioners of a new technique, that of photography: the German Wilhelm von
Gloeden (1856-1931) specialized in langorous Sicilian youths while Fred Holland
Day (1864-1933) created evocative tableaux vivants of New Testament and other
exotic subjects. By the turn of the century magazines began to appear in
Germany presenting, by means of photographic reproduction, works appealing
exclusively to male homosexual taste; lesbian magazines were only to emerge
after World War I. Exceptionally, the American George Piatt Lynes (1907-1955)
pursued a career in both mainstream and gay media (the latter in his extensive
work for the Swiss magazine, Dei Kreis).
A chief characteristic of the avant-garde art of the twentieth century is international
exchange. Even when they stayed at home, artists sought to free themselves from
parochial restrictions. When traveling, they tended to stop in the Bohemian
quarters of large cities, where sexual freedom was long the rule. For the
first forty years of the century, Paris was the great magnet. In the city's
international lesbian colony the most formidable figure was the American
experimental writer Gertrude Stein. Through her remarkable art collection, and
her influence on her lover the major collector Etta Cone and others, Stein was
able to play a formative role in the reception of advanced modernist art in
English-speaking countries. Unfortunately, the only homosexual artist she
promoted was the mediocre Englishman Sir Francis Rose. Paris was also the home
of the American painter Romaine Brooks (1874-1970), whose often forceful works
are executed in a somewhat old-fashioned style, recalling that of James McNeil
Whistler. Also dwelling mainly in Paris, the Polish-born heterosexual Támara de Lempicka (1898-1980),
whose work became synonymous with art deco, produced lush images of women
interacting that played, teasingly but sometimes powerfully, on the city's
image as a modern Lesbos. Her German contemporary Jeanne Mammen (1890-1976)
created a more candid and direct iconography of the lesbian cabaret culture in
her country, in which she participated. The "Fur-Covered Cup, Saucer, and
Spoon" (1936) of Meret Oppenheim, a Swiss woman artist, is a stark
proclamation of lesbian (vaginal) symbolism; ironically it has become one of
the chief icons of the Surrealist movement, which was generally hostile to
homosexuality.
The trajectory of avant-garde art from post-impressionism through fauvism and
cubism to non-objectivism and constructivism saw progressive abandonment of
representational subject matter. This meant the exclusion of all types of
sexual allusion, though these were to make a temporary comeback with the
para-Freudian preoccupations of the Surrealism of the 1920s. The enigmatic,
germinal figure of Marcel Duchamp (1887-1968) cherished a female persona,
"Rrose Sélavy," going so far as to have himself photographed as her in
drag. Inasmuch as homosexual attachments are not documented for Duchamp, this
experiment in gender malleability and double personality is probably to be
attributed to a personal penchant made possible by the freedom of Bohemia.
Two Americans illustrate the possibilities of the gay modern artist. Marsden
Hartley (1877-1943) resided in Berlin at the start of World War I, where he
created emblematic expressionist portraits of his lover Karl von Freyburg, a
soldier who was killed in the first days of the war. The work of Charles Demuth
(1883-1935) is hard to classify, though it has affinities with Georgia O'Keeffe
and the precisionism of Charles Sheeler. Demuth did a series of evocations of
New York's gay baths, as well as groups of sailors (who were important gay
icons in the period). Paul Cadmus (b. 1904) deliberately chose to work in a
style derived from the early Italian Renaissance. Frequently a subject of
controversy, he exposed a seamy, vulgar side of American sexuality that some
would prefer to forget.
Although the Surrealists sought to explore sexuality, the homophobia of their
leader Andre Breton placed a ban on gay subjects - or at least male
ones. Two related figures did explore in this realm, however, the writer Jean
Cocteau (1889 - 1963), with his drawings of sailors, and the Argentine-bom
painter Leonor Fini (b. 1908), with enigmatic scenes of women. The ambitious
Russian-born Pavel Tchelitchew (1898-1957), connected with several avant-garde
circles in Europe and America, also belongs in this company. The gay art of
southern Europe in this period is just beginning to become known, as seen in
the Italians Filippo De Pisis (1869-1956) and Gulgielmo Janni (1892-1958), as
well as the Spaniard Gregorio Prieto. To this group should be added the
Dominican Jaime Gonzalez Colson, who resided in Europe for many years.
The Contempoiaiy Epoch. The better atmosphere of
the period since 1960 has allowed artists of stature to be open about their
homosexuality. The Englishman Francis Bacon (b. 1909) has created
phantasmagoric scenes of two men wrestling which convey a powerful sense of
existential angst. David Hockney (b. 1937), also English-born, but
California-Parisian in his choice of domiciles, pleases by his agile recycling
of major modernist themes. Finally, Andy Warhol (1928-1986) was a kind of
presiding spirit over New York's chic art scene. It is possible that the popular
acceptance of these artists has been achieved at the cost of pigeonholing them
in steretypical categories that the straight public can assimilate: Bacon is
the unhappy neurotic, Hockney the stylish, facile designer, and Warhol the
arch-priest of camp. The restricted role categories permitted by our art world
contrast with the more generous possibilities vouchsafed to artists in the
Renaissance, however difficult that era may have been in other ways.
Other openly gay and lesbian artists have been less successful at securing
fame, though a monographic series published by Gay Men's Press serves to make
the work of some of them widely available. The somber works of the late Mario
Dubsky (1939-1985) are somewhat in the Bacon mold. Others, such as the Chilean
Juan Davila, Philip Gore, and the London couple known as Gilbert and George,
explore the byways of camp. A gentle and romantic vision is projected by the
Englishman David Hutter. The major burst of neo-Expressionism that appeared in
Berlin during the 1970s saw the emergence of a number of artists, including
Rainer Fetting and Salome, who treat gay subject matter in a frank, often
ironic way.
Lesbian art parallels the great upsurge of women's art in our time, as
exemplified by the collective work "The Dinner Table" coordinated by
Judy Chicago. The Scottish-born June Redfern fuses ancient myths from the
goddess sphere with modern imagery. The American Harmony Hammond, who is also
active as a critic, has worked in several late modern and postmodern styles.
The new interest in women's art has also helped to revive painters of the
recent past, such as the bisexual Mexican Frida Kahlo.
In male photography the "old master" Bruce Weber's achievement was
commemorated at a retrospective at the Whitney Biennial in 1987. The
photographs of Duane Michals are poetically yet disturbingly enigmatic, while
Tress and Robert Mapplethorpe capture the blunt starkness of the 1970s scene.
Lesbian photography has concentrated on portraiture, as seen in the work of
JEB (Joan E. Birren), or evocative, nonsexual scenes.
In the late 1970s art entered a phase defined first as "pluralism"
and, increasingly, as "postmodernism." It may be doubted that the
long-standing premises of the modernist aesthetic - its sense of
discontinuity, irony, and high seriousness - have been definitively overcome,
but there is no doubt that the boundaries of the acceptable have been
broadened. This enlargement creates opportunities for gay and lesbian artists.
At the same time, however, the tyranny of the market and of critical
stereotypes is as great as ever, so that artists are under great pressure to
settle into niches that have been prepared for them. It should be remembered
that many painters, sculptors, and photographers whose personal orientation is
homosexual are as reluctant to be styled "gay artists" as they are to
be called neo-expressionist, neo-mannerist, orsomeother label.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Cécile
Beurdeley,
L'Amour
bleu, New
York: Rizzoli, 1978; Emmanuel Cooper, The Sexual Perspective: Homosexuahty and Art in the Last
100 Years in the West, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986; Kenneth J. Dover,
Greek
Homosexuahty, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978; James M.
Saslow, Ganymede in the Renaissance: Homosexuality in Art and
Society, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986; idem,
"Homosexuality in Art," Advocate, 429 (Sept. 17, 1985), 40-42 (continued in issues 436, 457,
467, and 480).
Wayne R. Dynes
Artemidorus (late second century of our era)
Greek
writer. Although Artemidorus resided in Ephesus he is sometimes termed "of
Daldis" because the latter was his mother's native city. He traveled
widely in the Mediterranean world to collect material for his extant major work
The Interpretation of
Dreams. This book, which incorporates much ancient folklore,
influenced Byzantine and Islamic dream books, not to mention the magnum opus of
Sigmund Freud, Traumdeutung
(On the
Interpretation of Dreams, 1900).
Artemidorus takes a favorable view of homosexuahty, which he says is
"natural, legal, and customary." Consequently, whenever the dream
symbol involves same-sex relations Artemidorus' interpretation presages good
events. The only exceptions are symbols pertaining to incestuous relations
between father and son and those in which a slave takes an aggressive role in
relation to his master. The interest in sexual dreams probably derives from
Egyptian dynastic dream books, which freely note such incidents.
In his accepting attitude toward homosexual behavior, Artemidorus is fully in
accord with popular Greek ethics. Significantly, however, when the body of
his teaching passed to Byzantine authors of dream books, they subjected the
homosexual material to a Christian filtration process so that it is either
omitted altogether, or (in two rare instances where it survives) treated
negatively.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Artemidorus, The Interpretation of Dreams: Oneirocritica, translated by Robert J.
White, Park Ridge, NJ: Noyes Press, 1975.
Asceticism
Sexual
asceticism may take the form of total abstinence - lifelong virginity - or it
may imply infrequency of sexual congress and abstinence during specified
periods. In some individuals sexual asceticism is reinforced by chastisement
and mortification of the body through flagellation, fasting, and denial of
sleep.
Comparative studies reveal a number of motives for these restrictions. The
priestesses in sanctuaries of ancient Greece were required to avoid sexual
contact with any human being in order faithfully to serve the god whose consort
they were. Widespread throughout the Mediterranean world - and elsewhere - was
the idea that sexual contact makes one unclean and therefore unworthy of
setting foot on holy ground without purification and a specified period of
abstinence. Finally, chastity was believed to bring strength to the one who
practiced it, and sometimes to others as well. In ancient Rome the purity of
the Vestal Virgins was thought to safeguard the city from harm.
In later Greek times and under the Roman empire this cluster of beliefs
underwent a sharpening, whose effects left a permanent impress on Western
civilization. In some Stoic thinkers the shift was relatively conservative: a
modification of the traditional Greek commendation of temperance in eating,
drinking, and sex in the direction of a more active self-denial, which should
not be pressed to extremes. Still this change is significant: the older concept
had enshrined an even-handed balance between appetite and renunciation- -
enlightened self-management - while the newer trend tilted toward renunciation.
Along these lines, the physician Musonius Rufus discouraged homosexual
intercourse because of its "violence," which led to fatigue.
Set apart at first from the Greco-Roman mainstream, a number of religious and
philosophical sects arose that regarded the human body as one's enemy, to be
mortified and humiliated. The Galli, priests of the Eastern goddess Cybele,
could be witnessed ritually castrating themselves. In the Jewish world, the
Qumran sect known to us from the Dead Sea Scrolls seems to have insisted on
"spiritual eunuchism" - total continence - ^for the inner core of
believers. At the heart of Christianity lay aHoly Family that was cordoned off
from sex. From the fourth century onwards, Mary was regarded as not simply a
virgin at the time of Jesus's birth, but perpetually a virgin. Jesus, though
fully capable of sexual relations, never - in the view of the Early Christian
Fathers - chose to exercise the option. As for Joseph, if he Had once been
capable of sexual activity, "he was safely beyond it by the time of his
marriage. It is not surprising that these exemplary figures were imitated in
various ways. Virgins had great prestige in the Early Christian communities,
as did married couples who had ceased to have sexual relations. The sect of
the Encratites held that semen must be conserved in the body at all costs.
(Even such a respected medical authority as Soranos of Ephesus taught that
every emission of the male seed was injurious to health.) And the monks of the
Egyptian and Syrian deserts not only practiced chastity, but subjected the
body to an unremitting regime of mortification. It is against this background
that the Early Christian prohibition of homosexuality must be seen. Marriage
itself was a lesser option, justifiable only to provide offspring. Some
historians have concluded that the depopulation of the later Roman empire was a
direct consequence of countless numbers of individuals declining to participate
in the procreation cycle.
Needless to say, in those times and in ensuing centuries the flesh made demands
that were not to be denied. But their exercise was henceforth to be accompanied
by a gnawing guilt. The eleventh-century papal imposition of celibacy on the
priesthood meant that the whole of the clergy, held up as the fullest
embodiment of the Christian ideal, was condemned to lifelong abstinence. In
every walk of life transgressors of the narrow sexual ethic were exposed to
ridicule and punishment. The notion that sexual uncleanness could bring divine
retribution on a nation frequently recurs in sermons against homosexuality in
the early modern period. At the end of the fifteenth century the appearance of
syphilis in Western Europe seemed to set a terrible seal on this complex of
fears. The way in which such feelings of guilt could be manipulated is evident
in the great masturbation scare, which began in the early eighteenth century
and reached its zenith in the Victorian period. In fact the horror of
self-pollution was but a new avatar of the Early Christian Encratite fear of
loss of semen. The commercial mind of the Victorians also linked emission of
seed with monetary expenditure,- hence sexual mismanagement led to sexual
bankruptcy. In Britain and North America the late nineteenth century saw the
rise of the Sexual Purity Movement, which effectively propagandized for
continence.
In recent decades the importation of elements of Indie religions - Hinduism and
Buddhism - into Western industrial countries does not seem to have led to any
sustained emulation of the ascetic traditions cherished by those faiths in
their homelands. A more powerful persuader in the direction of sexual
continence has been the AIDS crisis, a factor that has served to enhance (and
probably exaggerate) an incipient reaction to the emancipated sixties and seventies.
See also Celibacy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation
in Early Christianity, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988; Eugen
Fehrle, Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum, Giessen: Alfred Tôpelmann, 1910; Aline Rousselle, Pomeia: De la maîtrise du corps à la privation sensorielle, lie-TVe siècles de l'ère
chrétienne, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1983.
Wayne R. Dynes
Asian-Americans, Gay and Lesbian
Asian
Americans who are gay or lesbian live within the same social constraints as their heterosexual
counterparts, facing many of the prejudices and cultural exclusions of modem North America. Among identifiable ethnic peoples,
Asians, even those of the third, fourth, or fifth generation, are most likely to be
considered foreign, illegal aliens, unable to speak English and so forth. This perpetual
state of
being
foreign - not being part of the American cultural milieu - stems from multiple historical
roots.
» An initial wave of immigration from China and Japan in the late nineteenth century to meet labor demands in the railroad industry was followed by the Chinese Exclusion Acts
which explicitly aimed at speak English and so forth. This perpetual
state of
being
foreign - not being part of the American cultural milieu - stems from multiple historical
roots.
» An initial wave of immigration from China and Japan in the late nineteenth century to meet labor demands in the railroad industry was followed by the Chinese Exclusion Acts
which explicitly aimed at stopping immigration from Asian countries. These obstacles to Asian immigration were not eased until the 1960s, when a new wave of immigrants from Asian
countries, mostly middle-class and professional people, was allowed into the United States. Continuity and growth of viable Asian ethnic
communities were also hampered during World War II by the mass internment of Japanese Americans (and Japanese Canadians),
resulting in massive dislocation and dispersion of Japanese American families and communities who had settled in the Western states.
Gay Men
and Lesbians.
In the
gay community, Asian gay men and lesbians experience the same alienation, being
perceived as "The Other": the foreign, the exotic, the non-American.
The preoccupation of modern gay male culture with the sexual images and
physical types of the fifties and sixties - the short-haired blue-eyed
all-American boy who symbolized the United States in its empire-building,
expansionist phase - has also resulted in the exclusion of Asian men from the
sexual and romantic interchange of modern gay male life in the United States.
Among both gay men and lesbians, popular stereotypes of Asians as being
subservient, passive, and eager to please inform many of their relationships
with their non-Asian counterparts.
Within their ethnic communities many Asian gay men and lesbians keep their
homosexuality hidden from families and friends. While Asian traditionalists may
tolerate instances of homosexuality if discreet and surreptitious, an open
avowal of gayness is often condemned as a Westem corruption. Asian gay people
with more traditional families also have to contend with intense social and
cultural pressures to marry, to reproduce the family line, not to disgrace the
family name and so on. For those who have immigrated more recently there are
other pressures: immigration laws that exclude homosexuals and that threaten
HTV testing and dependence for cultural support on ethnic communities which are
largely homophobic.
Organizing. To provide support and to air and resolve many of their common
problems, Asian gay men and lesbians have organized in many of the largest
cities of the United States. Through their activism, many of the groups also
challenge the exclusive identification of American gay culture and gay communities
with Caucasian men.
A major impetus to organizing began with the first National Third World Lesbian
and Cay Conference (October 12-15,1979) held in conjunction with the First
National Lesbian and Cay March on Washington. The handful of Asian lesbians
and gay men who met at the conference, many for the first time, lobbied hard
to have an Asian gay person (Michiyo Cornell) speak at the March rally. Tana
Loy, an Asian lesbian from New York City, also addressed the Third World
Conference. The energy and support generated as a result of this first meeting
led many to see the value of support and organizing in their local areas. The
Boston Asian Cay Men and Lesbians (BACMAL), the first Asian gay group in the
United States, was already a few months old at the time of the conference. The
Gay Asians of Toronto was formed shortly afterwards by a participant at the conference.
Throughout the eighties other groups appeared in major cities. Some are of the
more social club variety with leadership and participation by both Asian and
non- Asian gay men. These clubs, modeled after the Black and White Men Together
groups, sprang up in such cities as Chicago, Washington, San Francisco, Los
Angeles, and New York. Other groups have agendas determined more directly for
and by gay Asian men and Asian lesbians themselves. Included among these are
the Alliance of Massachusetts Asian Gay Men and Lesbians, the Gay Asians of
Toronto, and the Gay Asian Pacific Alliance (based in San Francisco and formed
in 1988). Among Asian lesbian groups there is the Asian Lesbians of the East
Coast (based in New York and formed in 1983), while on the West Coast the group
called Asian Women organized in 1984 around the journal Phoenix Rising, then regrouped as Asian
Pacific Sisters in August, 1988.
The First West Coast Asian/Pacific Lesbian and Gay Conference was held July
18,1987 in West Hollywood, California, and the first North American Conference
for Lesbian and Gay Asians was held August 19-21, 1988, in Toronto, Canada. The
year 1988 also saw the formation of new groups for lesbians in San Francisco
and Washington (D.C.) and the inauguration of Asian gay men's groups in San
Francisco, Philadelphia, and Washington.
A distinctive feature of the North American gay Asian movement is its international
perspective. Many individual activists and organizations maintain ties with gay
groups and activists in East and South Asia - the political and cultural
exchanges that have developed have enriched the movement on both sides of the
Pacific. Of note is the gay South Asian newsletter Trikone (formed as Trikon in January, 1986) based in
Palo Alto, California, which has inspired chapters in the Indian subcontinent
as well as throughout North America.
Communities. With the rise of local groups and the building of local
communities the climate for coming out for Asian gay men and lesbians improved
throughout the 1980s. Asian gay communities in most cities are a diverse mix
of North American-born and foreign-born men and women from a variety of East
and South Asian cultural backgrounds with a substantial proportion of persons
of mixed cultural heritage. These communities vary substantially from city to
city. For example, groups in San Francisco with its high incidence of AIDS
concentrate on AIDS-related issues while providing support and services for
infected Asian people. In Toronto where a high proportion are Hong Kong-bom
Chinese, a lively gay Chinese culture based on the Cantonese dialect has
developed. All communities were enlivened by the influx of Southeast Asian
refugees into North American cities during the eighties.
Sionghnat Chva
Astrology
The
history of astrology, the pseudoscience which claims to divine events from the
positions of the heavenly bodies, has attracted considerable recent scholarship,
but the sexual aspects have been neglected. In a passage in the Confessions (4:3), Augustine condemns
astrology because it could excuse sin as under the control not of the will but of the stars
{"the cause of thy sin is inevitably determined by heaven"). For
those who accepted the astrological systems, and many did in late Greek
andRoman antiquity, the stars could explain attraction to members of one's own
sex. The astral mechanism is detailed by Ptolemy of Alexandria (ca.A.D. 100-178) in the classic treatise on
Hellenistic-Roman astrology: "Joined with Mercury, in honorable
positions, Venus makes them ... in
affairs of love restrained in their relations with women, but more passionate
for boys, and jealous." [Tetrabiblos,
3:3). The interpretation of
this particular pairing of the planets was probably suggested by their Greek
names Hermes and Aphrodite, which join to produce Hermaphroditos.
Babylonian astrology was the source of Greek astrology. Not surprisingly,
then, a neo-Babylonian text of ca. 500 b.c.
says that "love of a
man for a man" is governed by the constellation Scorpio. The Greeks
personalized astrology by developing the notion that each individual's character and destiny are determined by the
position of the planets at his birth. Hellenistic-Rom an Egypt saw astrological
interpretation take the form that it was to retain through the Renaissance, though the intervention of Christianity and
Islam caused the homoerotic readings of certain planetary dispositions to be
suppressed and disappear from standard works. Ultimately, as has been seen in
the case of Augustine, Christian scorn of astrology succeeded in driving the
discipline underground, though it survived in Islamic lands.
During the Renaissance, as part of the overall program of revival of classical
antiquity, the Florentine Neoplatonist Marsilio
Ficino (who was homosexual) created a vision of the
cosmos linking humanity with the heavenly bodies through emanations of love. At
the same time the actual techniques of astrology enjoyed a remarkable
resurgence, though with complicated readjustments to take account of shifts in
the position of the heavenly bodies in the intervening centuries. In the
sixteenth century, for example, Michelangelo - whose
horoscope showed just the conjunction of Mercury and Venus noted by Ptolemy -
seems to have assuaged his guilty conscience with the belief that his
attraction to his youthful assistants [garzoni]
had been decreed by
celestial forces beyond his control. Francois Rabelais, in the PantagrueLine Prognostication of 1532, spoke of "Those whom Venus is
said to rule, as... Ganymedes, Bardachoes,
Huflers [fellators], Ingles." Some planets were held to be androgynous,
because they are sometimes hot and sometimes cold. Thus Mercury was accounted
hot and dry when near the sun, cold and moist when near the Moon. Clearly,
then, the concept of sexual inclination as guided by the stars -helped some of
the system's adherents to grasp that their sexual interests were not a mere
caprice or vicious deviation, but were essentially natural, being defined by
cosmic imperatives.
In the seventeenth century, under attack by rationalism, astrology went
underground again. The late nineteenth-century crisis of faith, however, engendered
a compensatory upsurge of occult and esoteric beliefs, notably Theosophy
(founded by Helena Petrovna Blavatsky in 1875). Theosophy, which had an attraction
for some homosexuals (e.g., C. W. Leadbeater), incorporated
Buddhist and Hindu elements, which henceforth played
their role in some astrological systems. As the emerginghomophile movement made
it possible to discuss homosexuality in public, the long-suppressed erotic
interpretation of certain signs reappeared in the literature. The first
thoroughgoing modern attempt to correlate astrology with homosexual behavior
was made in the 1920s by the German occultist and right-wing theorist Karl-Günther Heimsoth. Independently, the American
homophile Gavin Arthur discovered the occult tradition in Paris in the 1920s.
In 1960, having settled in San Francisco, he published a book, The Circle of Sex, which correlates character types with
astrological influences. Arthur is credited with having launched the idea of
the coming of the Aquarian Age, which was to become celebrated through the
musical Hair.
In
twentieth-century America astrology has exercised an enduring hold on the
popular imagination, witness the newspaper columns devoted to the subject.
Thanks in large measure to the symbiosis with the Counterculture, astrology gained a
foothold in gay circles, and several paperbacks have appeared explaining the
role of the stars in homosexual and lesbian destinies. Significantly, however,
astrological explanations (based, as it were, on the cosmic environment) play
no part in the current debate over acquired vs. constitutional factors in the
etiology of sexual orientation. Today's astrology, the debased descendant of a
millennial tradition, holds an essentially personal, often superficial
significance for its adherents. Before dismissingits contribution entirely,
however, one should note that man, unlike the lower animals, has no fixed mating
season but copulates at all times of the year, a fact that may play an as yet
undetermined role in the characterological variation of which homosexual
orientation is but one aspect. In a sense, then, astrology, though rightly
divested of its own credentials, may yet rank as the precursor of the
-emerging science of biometeorology that may shed unexpected light on the
causes of homosexuality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Franz Cumont, L'Egypte des astzologues, Brussels: Fondation
Egyptologique Reine Elisabeth, 1938; Michael Jay, Gay Love Signs, New York: Ballantine,
1980; Helen Lemay, "The Stars and Human Sexuality," Isis, 71 (1980), 127-37.
Warren Johansson
athenaeus of Naucratis (flourished ca. a.d. 200)
Author of
the Deipnosophistai, or "Banquet of the
Learned," of which 15 of some 30 books survive. It is a specimen of "symposium literature" in which
guests at a banquet discuss philosophy, belles lettres, law, medicine, cuisine,
and other subjects. The framework, while occasionally tinged with humor,
serves as a vehicle for the collections of excerpts that are introduced into
the dialogue. Athenaeus cites some 1,250 authors, gives the titles of more than
1,000 plays, and quotes more than 10,000 Unes of verse.
The significance of his work lies in showing that in cultivated pagan society
at the close of the second century pederasty and all that related to it could be discussed freely and
casually with no tone of reproach such as Christian apologists would like to
trace back to the Golden Age of Hellenic civilization and beyond. The passions
of legendary and historic figures for boys are mentioned, and famous boy-lovers
are named: Alcibiades, Charmides, Autolycus, Pausanias, and Sophocles. Books and
plays on pederasty are named and cited: The
Pederasts by Diphilus, a play entitled Ganymede, a treatise On Love by Heraclides of Pontus,
the play The
Effeminates by Cratinus, and allusions to boy-love in Aeschylus and
Sophocles. The creation of the Sacred Band of Theban warriors is ascribed to
Epaminondas. The fondness of particular cities and ethnic groups for homosexual
pleasures is mentioned: the Cretans, the Chalcidians of Euboea, the Medes, the
Tuscans, the inhabitants of Massilia (Marseilles). Some individuals who were
exclusively homosexual, such as Onomarcus and the philosopher Zeno, are named, with no
implication that their conduct was deemed pathological or reprehensible.
The extant portions of the work - Book XHI is the most relevant - are a
goldmine for the study of the homosexual side of classical civilization and the
cultural expression of pederasty in the ancient world. Even when the
compositions quoted have not survived, the titles and fragments preserved by
Athenaeus give an idea of the volume of literature and art which male love
inspired when it was an accepted part of the everyday life of all classes of
society, individual differences in erotic taste notwithstanding.
Warren Johansson
Athletics
Athletics
is the broad field of physical activity in which strength is called into play
and increased. Homosexual men and women have been and are active in both
mainstream and gay community athletics. Their experience in athletics is, in
many respects, the same as that of their heterosexual counterparts: experiences
such as physical exertion, team membership and competition.
Athletics and the Male
Image. Since the ancient Olympic Games, athletics has been
considered a sign of masculinity. Women, until the twentieth century, have
been excluded from athletics; they were prohibited from participation in the
Sacred Games of Olympia and from the activities of the gymnasia of Ancient Greece.
(There is evidence, however, that in ancient China, upper-class women played a
version of soccer with men.) With the emancipation of Western women in the
twentieth century, some became athletes. The modem Olympics prohibited the
participation of women until 1928. At the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics less than a
quarter of the athletes were female.
In the nineteenth century, theories of homosexuality were developed which saw
it as a symptom of gender confusion; in conjunction with that, there developed
a common belief that homosexual men were essentially feminine and lesbians
masculine.
The nineteenth-century expansion of the British Empire and its sphere of
cultural influence, the ascendancy of the bourgeoisie, the rise of the British
"public school" system, and the central role that sports played in
that system have made a cumulative contribution to the twentieth-century Western
conception of sports. Athletics became the quintessential expression of
masculine values, the values of model citizenship: aggression, competition,
racism, elitism, militarism, imperialism, sexism, and heterosexism. Many
writers have suggested that athletics and healthy heterosexual masculinity are
popularly equated. That athletic image is dramatically unlike the dominant religious,
medical, and legal models of homosexuality which categorized homosexuals as
sinful, pathological, and criminal. Because the popular images of the athlete
and the homosexual are virtually antithetical, model healthy citizen and degenerate
pathological criminal respectively, many athletes, especially professionals,
have found it difficult publicly to acknowledge their homosexual orientation.
Consequently, it is difficult to know who in professional sports is homosexual.
Some famous athletes are known to be homosexual, among them John Menlove
Edwards (mountaineering), Billie Jean King (tennis), David Kopay (football), Martina
Navratilova (tennis) and Bill Tilden (tennis).
Lesbian and Gay Athletes. The masculine
signification of athletics, in conjunction with the popular belief that
lesbians are more masculine than their heterosexual counterparts, has led to
the notion that many athletic women are lesbian. It seems likely that there is
a concentration of lesbians in athletics, but the factual truth of this
assumption cannot be determined. Statistical research on the presence of
homosexuals in athletics is inevitably flawed; fear of negative repercussions
mitigates against athletes identifying themselves as homosexual. There has
been a concerted effort by individual athletes, sports organizations,
administrators, coaches and scholars in the history and sociology of sport to
disguise the substantial participation of lesbians in sport. Many lesbian
athletes have been denied participation on teams and been fired from positions
as national coaches when their lesbianism became known. Research on lesbians in
athletics is minimal and proposais for research are frequently dismissed by academic juries.
Many lesbian athletes try to downplay lesbian participation, saying that if the
extent of lesbianism in athletics were known "it would give women's sports
a bad name."
Whereas in this century athletics has been a popular occupation for lesbians,
until the development of the "modern" gay liberation movement, many
homosexual men avoided athletics. It could be that they have been aware of the
masculine heterosexual signification of athletic participation and wanted no
part of it. Standard athletic insults refer to fags, pansies, or sissies. To
avoid such derision, finding athletics socially and psychically traumatic,
many homosexuals eschewed sports. Male homosexual oral history research
projects reveal few references to athletic activity; when it is mentioned, it
is usually with considerable distaste.
Gay Sports. The modem gay liberation
movement fostered a strong reaction to the old medical definition of homosexuality
which associated it with gender confusion. Gay writers of the 1970s saw gay
liberation, in some measure, as liberation from the oppressive restrictions
which society exercised over homosexuals through the effeminate stereotype of
the Homosexual. The popular gay conception of the homosexual has changed from
degenerate effeminacy to "normal" masculinity. Consequently, gay
men who want to look "masculine and normal" by developing athletic
bodies have taken up exercise. Whereas before the Stonewall Rebellion (1969),
the representation of urban homosexual men in athletics was probably equal to
or less than their representation in society as a whole, gay men now comprise
either a very substantial minority or, in some instances, a majority of the
population of urban athletic facilities. For example, YMCAs in major North
American and European cities have large homosexual memberships. Many North
American cities now have athletic clubs which are almost exclusively gay male.
Since athletics offers a subjective feeling of physical power, homosexualmen
who have felt powerless because of the low social position of their sexual
orientation, can find athletics especially significant. They can derive intense
satisfaction from excelling in a sport knowing that as "faggots"
they are beating "macho men" at their own game. Gay liberation encouraged
gay athletes to come out. Coming out has made it possible for some to become
athletes.
Although there have been "respectable artistic treatments" of the
"jock" in gay literature, for example The Front Runner [1974) by Patricia Nell
Warren, the most prominent position the jock has in gay culture is probably in
gay pornography. One of North America's earliest and most prolific gay
pornographers was the Athletic Model Guild of Los Angeles, which has produced
soft-core gay pornography since 1945. Other examples of sporty soft-core gay
pornography can be found in Scott Madsen's Peak Condition (1985) and in the photos
of athletes by Bruce Weber and Christopher Makos which frequently appear in
Andy Warhol's magazine Interview.
Athletes
are often featured in hardcore pornographic publications and videos with
titles such as "Jocks," "Spokes," and "These Bases are
Loaded."
One of the products of the gay liberation movement has been the creation of
specifically gay political and social organizations. Gay athletic clubs, which
can be found in major cities across North America, constitute an important
aspect of gay community life. The common purpose of gay sports groups is
essentially twofold: to promote social interaction, and to provide athletic
opportunities for people who share a way of life. The roster of gay community
sports clubs is extensive; space affords only a brief sampling of this significant
facet of gay culture. In many North American cities the largest gay organizations
are sports clubs. There are outing clubs affiliated with the International Gay
and Lesbian Outdoor Organization,- they have names like the "Out and Out Club" and
organize activities such as bicycle tours, cross-country and downhill skiing,
hiking, camping, canoeing, parachuting and white-water rafting. Included in the
list of organized North American gay community sports groups are: Spokes, a
cycling club in Vancouver; The San Francisco Gay Women's Softball League; and
the Judy Garland Memorial Bowling League in Toronto. The Ramblers Soccer Club
of New York City is one of nine teams in the United Nations Soccer League; it
is the only non-UN member and the only openly gay team.
There are gay sports governing bodies for many sports. The North American Gay
Amateur Athletic Alliance is a non-profit organization dedicated to promoting
amateur Softball for all persons with a special emphasis on gay participation;
it also establishes uniform playing rules and regulations. The International
Gay Bowling Association has 65 local affiliates across North America with over
ten thousand members. The National Gay Volleyball Association has clubs in over
60 North American cities. Many cities have umbrella sports organizations which
interact with other gay community groups and help to coordinate local, national
and international competitions. There is. the Metropolitan Sports Association
in Chicago, the San Francisco Arts and Athletics and the Metropolitan
Vancouver Athletic and Arts Association which is a Registered Society and has
offices in the Sports British Columbia Building, a provincially funded
facility. Although there are gay sports groups in other parts of the world,
Australia being an important example, most gay community sports activity at the
present takes place in North American cities.
The ideological signification of gay athletics is important. Over the last ten
years or so, there has been a shift in focus in the gay liberation movementirom
the dialectic of oppression and liberation to the experience of gay pride. An
important expression of gay pride can be found in gay athletics? in New York
City, a major event in the gay pride festivities, one which attracts athletes
from all parts of North America, is the five mile Gay Pride Run in Central
Park. A prestigious international gay pride event is the Gay Games. Gay
liberationists have seized upon athletics as an ideological instrument of gay
politics. Athletic events are promoted by gay community organizers to
counteract the frequently negative image of homosexuals by emphasizing a
picture of health and good citizenship.
Gay community sports have been used for overt political ends. The relations
between urban gay communities and police forces are notoriously poor. Many
cities, including Vancouver, New York, and San Francisco, have annual competitions
between police and gay all-star teams in an effort to improve relations.
Conclusion, The participation of homosexual men and women in athletics
is extensive. Their presence in mainstream athletics is often not visible
because of the fact that they frequently pass as straight. Their experience in
that milieu can be unique and is intimately related to the history of sexuality
and popular conceptions of masculinity and athletics. Gay liberation has
brought with it a flourishing of gay culture which has produced a plethora of
gay teams, clubs, and sports governing bodies across North America, a trend
which is spreading to other parts of the world.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. R. Coe, A Sense of Pride: The Story of Gay Games 11, San Francisco: Pride
Publications, 1986; Betty Hicks, "Lesbian Athletes," Christopher Street 4:3 (October-November
1979), 42-50; Billie Jean King and Frank Deford, Billie fean, New York: Viking, 1982;
David Kopay and Perry Young, The David Kopay Story: An Extraordinary Self-Revelation, 2nd ed., New York: Donald
I. Fine, 1988; Brian Pronger, irony and Ecstasy: Gay Men and Athletics, Toronto: Summerhill Press,
1989; idem, "Gay Jocks: A Phenomenology of Gay Men in Athletics," in Critical Perspectives on
Men, Masculinity and Sports, Michael Messner and Don Sabo, eds., Champaign, IL: Human
Kinetics Publishing, 1988; D. Sabo and R. Runfola, Jock: Sports and Male Identity,
Englewood
Cliffs, nj:
Prentice-Hall,
1980; Michael J. Smith, "The Double Life of a Gay Dodger," in Black Men/White Men, San Francisco, Gay
Sunshine Press, 1983.
Brian Pronger
Auden, Wystan Hugh (1907-1973)
Anglo-American
poet and critic. The child of cultivated, upper-class parents, Auden profited
from a traditional British elite schooling. As a student at Christ College,
Oxford, he first excelled in science, but shifted to English with the intention
of becoming a "great poet." A quick study, Auden acquired an undergraduate
reputation as an almost oracular presence, and he began to assemble around him
a group of young writers that included Christopher Isherwood (whom he had met
at preparatory school), C. Day Lewis, Louis MacNeice, and Stephen Spender.
After leaving Oxford in 1928 Auden decided to spend a year in Berlin learning
German. He then held a series of school-teaching jobs that allowed time for
writing.
Like the other members of his group - who came to be known as "the poets
of the thirties" - Auden broke with the pastoral placidity of the Georgian
trend in English poetry, seeking to encompass such modern technology and such
trends in thought as Freudian psychoanalysis and Marxism. Although he later
repudiated their ideological commitments, Auden's early poems have a numinous
ambiguity that unfortunately was largely lost in his later more pellucid but
often facile work. In his early poetry the exaltation of the figures of the
Airman and the Truly Strong Man represents a continuation of the adolescent
aesthete's admiration for the "hearty." His work in the 1930s had
both the exhuberance and the limitations of youth.
In 1937 he expressed his sympathy for the loyalist cause by visiting Spain,
and the followingyear he traveled to China with Isherwood. In 1940, having
become disillusioned with left-wing causes, he converted back to Anglicanism, a
change that profoundly affected the character and tone of his writing. With the
outbreak of World War II in Europe, he settled in New York, where he met and
fell in love with a young man, Chester Kallman, who was destined to be his
lifelong companion. This relationship was celebrated in a series of poems to an
anonymous and ungendered lover, and also in a deliberately outrageous composition,
"The Queen's Masque." This unpublished dramatic composition, intended
to be performed for Kallman's twenty-second birthday on February 7, 1943, was
not rediscovered until 1988. In 1941 Auden collaborated with the gay composer
Benjamin Britten in a chamber opera, Paul
Bunyan. Through Kallman, whose knowledge was expert and unflagging,
Auden expanded his interest in opera, and the two collaborated on a libretto
for Igor Stravinsky's The
Rake's Progress, as well as other works. Although actual sexual relations
between them ceased after the first years, the two men made a life together
based on mutual trust and affection. Auden took charge of earning a living,
while Chester excelled in cooking and homemaking. Despite some asperities,
their relationship survived not only in New York, but in Ischia on the
Mediterranean and in Kirchstetten in Austria, where they spent the summers.
Auden's later work is marked by ambitious cycles, such as A Christmas Oratorio ¡1945) and The Age of Anxiety (1947), which are technically
expert but, for many readers at least, lacking in the charisma of truly great
poetry. Partly to make ends meet, Auden produced a considerable body of prose
criticism, and this sometimes deals movingly with other homosexual authors. His
most explicit homosexual poem is a piece of doggerel called "The Platonic
Lay" or "A Day for a Lay," which is not included in authorized
editions of his works. Late in life he had some contacts with the emerging
American gay movement, though to some his attitudes seemed old-fashioned and
not devoid of self-contempt.
Auden's works are still being edited and published, and consensus on his
ultimate status has not been achieved. A recent attempt to show that his work
anticipated the feminist and ecology movements is unconvincing. Often courageous
in his outspokenness, Auden no doubt suffered at the hands of critics who were
uncomfortable with his sexuality. His poetry and prose, which were wide-ranging
and copious, retain a strong sense of period: they tell us much of what the
thirties were like inBritain, and the forties and fifties in America.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Works: Collected Poems, New York: Random House,
1976; The
English Aaden: Poems, Essays, and Dramatic Writings, 1927-1939, New York: Knopf, 1977; Forewords and Afterwords, New York: Vintage, 1974. Studies: Humphrey Carpenter, W. H. Auden: A Biography, Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1981; Dorothy J. Faman, Auden in Love, New York: New American Library, 1985; Martin E. Gingerich, W. H. Auden: A Reference
Guide, Boston: G. K. Hall, 1977.
Wayne R. Dynes
Augustine, Saint (354-430)
Bishop of
Hippo and one of the Doctors of the Church. Born at Thagaste in North Africa,
he was raised as a Christian. As a young man Augustine seems to have been
deeply troubled by the strength of his sex drive. Later he recalled how
"in the sixteenth year of my flesh...
the madness of raging lust exercised its supreme dominion over me." In
the course of his studies of rhetoric at Carthage he gradually abandoned his
Christian faith. Augustine was drawn instead to Manichaeanism, which held
that man was a product of a primal struggle between the high god and his
Satanic opponent, whose powers were almost equally great. Although he later
abandoned this dualistic belief, important residues of its dark coloration
remained with him.
During his youth he formed a very deep bond with another male student. After
the premature death of this beloved friend, Augustine movingly remarked:
"I still thought my soul and his soul to have been but one soul in two
bodies,- and therefore was my life a very horror to me, because I would not
live by halves. And even therefore perchance was I afraid to die, lest he
should wholly die, whom so passionately I had loved." [Confessions, 4:6).
In his thirties Augustine came under the influence of Ambrose, Bishop of Milan,
and was baptized in 387. He then returned to North Africa, where he became a
priest in 391. Four years later he became bishop of Hippo, where he led a
demanding life of church administration, theological controversy, and serious
writing. His best known works are his autobiography, The Confessions, and his lengthy meditation
on Christian history, The
City of God, which was occasioned by the news of the sack of Rome in
410.
In keeping with the mainstream views of the Creek and Latin theologians who had
preceded him, the mature Augustine maintained that sexual intercourse was
lawful only within marriage with the aim of producing offspring - thus excluding
birth control. Even within marriage he denied that sexual pleasure could ever
be approved as an end in itself. Somewhat exceptionally, he held that, despite
the cleansing efficacy of baptism, some taint of the sin of Adam lingered in
the very act of procreation through semen which ascended genealogically to our
first parent. From such premises Augustine concluded that the individual free
will is radically circumscribed, seeing in the capacity of the male member for
unsought-after erection a signal example of the capacities of
rebellion found within our own being.
His eloquent advocacy of these rigorist views, grounded as it was in his
personal ambivalence toward sexuality, has been widely influential in the
Western tradition. That Augustine cannot be considered uniquely responsibly
for the intensification of Christian sex negativism is shown by the parallel
triumph of asceticism in the Eastern Church where his writings were little
known.
If the consequences of Augustine's view for individual self-development have
been regrettable, the political conclusions that he drew from them were perhaps
more salutary. Government is at best a necessary evil. Since rulers are subject
to the same character flaws as other human beings, he warned against the kind
of personality cult that has been endemic from Alexander and Augustus to
Stalin and Castro. By the same token, he placed no exaggerated faith in popular
rule, since the people also are made up of fallible individuals. There can be
no political Utopia on earth, he counseled, and the best that can be done is to
check arbitrary exercise of power through foresight and realism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Peter Brown, Augustine of Hippo, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1967; Elaine Pagels, Adam, Eve, and the Serpent, New York: Random House,
1988.
Wayne R. Dynes
Australia
An
affluent, highly urbanized nation with a population of less than twenty million
of largely European and minority indigenous (Aboriginal and Torres Strait
Island) stock, Australia has a significant number of citizens who lead their
lives as openly homosexual men and women. This phenomenon and the associated
growth of a homosexual subculture, highly developed in the largest cities,
Sydney and Melbourne, has emerged since 1970. In that year, for the first time,
homosexuals established an open organization, the purpose of which was to
demand recognition, equal and just treatment before the law, and an end to
discrimination. When one considers the almost taboo nature of homosexuality and
the social invisibility of the homosexual before 1970, the progress toward
achievement of these goals has been remarkably rapid. Yet it has also been
uneven, with male homosexual acts remaining illegal in Tasmania, Western
Australia, and Queensland, while only two states, New South Wales and Victoria,
have enacted legislation outlawing discrimination. The advent of AIDS, still
perceived by some as a "gay disease," has created new problems, apart
from the medical issues, which have been only partially resolved.
The Convict Era. White settlement of
Australia began in January 1788, as a British penal colony, and the transportation
of convicts continued until 1840 in eastern Australia, 1852 in Tasmania, and
1868 in the west. Throughout the transportation period there was a severe imbalance
between the sexes, convict and free, and of course large numbers of convicts
were kept in relative or complete isolation from the other sex. Ample evidence
exists of the prevalence of homosexual behavior, then referred to as
"unnatural or abominable crimes"; it is intermittent in the early
years but more abundant after the term of Governor Lachlan Macquarie (1810-21).
After five years of settlement Captain Watkin Tench was pleased to note in his
memoirs that the convicts' "enormities" did not include
"unnatural sins." This state of affairs did not last, and in 1796
Francis Wilkinson became the first man to be charged with buggery (he was
acquitted). Many more such charges were to follow. In 1822 an official inquiry
into the sexual scandal that resulted from the movement of thirty female
prisoners to the (male) prison farm at Emu Plains, west of Sydney, reported the
rumor current that the women had been placed there to prevent "unnatural
crimes" on the part of the men. Lesbianism occurred among women prisoners
in the female factories. In a secret dispatch of 1843 the Lieutenant-Governor
of Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania), SirEardley Wilmot, stated that women in the
Hobart female factory have "their Fancy-women, or lovers, to who they are
attached with quite as much ardour as they would be to the opposite sex, and
practice onanism to the greatest extent."
Select committees of the British Parliament inquiring into transportation in
1832 and 1837 heard much evidence of the prevalence of sodomy in the colonies.
Occasionally we find suggestions that it was not a sporadic occurrence but was
structured to the extent of involving role-playing and mutual affection. Major
James Mudie testified that prisoners called each other "sods" and
that at Hyde Park Barracks in Sydney boy prisoners went by names such as Kitty
and Nancy. Thomas Cook, a chain-gang prisoner laboring on roadworks in the Blue
Mountains west of Sydney in the 1830s, lamented that his gangmates were
"so far advanced ... in
depravity" that they openly engaged "in assignations one toward the
other" and "kicked, struck or otherwise abused" anyone who dared
to condemn "their horrid propensities."
The fullest evidence comes from Norfolk Island, a recidivist penal settlement.
A magistrate, Robert Pringle Stuart, sent to investigate conditions on the island
in 1846, made it his business to burst unannounced into the prisoners' barracks
one night. "On the doors being opened, men were scrambling into their own
beds from others, concealment evidently being their object." He continued:
"It is my painful duty to state that . . . unnatural crime is indulged in
to excess... I am told, and I
believe, that upwards of 100 - I have heard that as many as 150 - couples can
be pointed out, and moral perception is so completely absorbed that they are
said to be 'married,' 'man and wife,' etc. [This in a prisoner population of
600-800.] In a word, the association is not unusually viewed by the convicts as
that between the sexes; is equally respected by some of them; and is as much a
source of jealousy, rivalry, intrigue and conflict."
Colonial Mateship. The early economic
development of the colonies was heavily dependent on pastoralism, and the
opening-up of new, unfenced lands for grazing required the use of shepherds. As
solitude in the bush tended to produce insanity, the shepherds worked in pairs
(or threes), one (or two) tending the sheep, the mate looking after the hut and
cooking. This situation is the origin of the Australian tradition of mateship,
which later took other forms. Modern writers on it have made much of its
quasi-marital nature but have at the same time insisted that it was nonsexual.
Yet, while most early witnesses are silent on this score, a few, such as Bishop
Ullathorne and Jemas Backhouse, a Quaker missionary, explicitly deprecate the
prevalence of sodomy among shepherds and stockmen. In 1848 J. C. Byrne,
deploring the absence of women in the "backwoods," stated expressly
that "where black gins
[women]
are unobtainable, there is reason to believe, that the sins for which God
punished 'the doomed cities' prevail among the servants of the squatters."
Law. English law came with the
colonists, and so buggery (hetero- or homosexual anal intercourse and bestiality)
was a felony from the outset. The Offences Against the Person Act (1861)
reduced the penalty for buggery to life imprisonment and created new offences
of attempted buggery and indecent assault upon a male person, and these
provisions were extended to the colonies by an Imperial Act of 1885, the
Criminal Law Amendment Act. Around the time of the Federation in 1901 the
States all enacted similar laws for themselves. They also enacted statutes -
N.S.W. as late as 1955 - along the lines of the British Labouchere amendment
of 1885, which criminalized consensuai "gross indecency between males" even when
performed in private.
All such offences were indictable and so tried before a judge and jury. The
laws have never been dead-letter laws, though in recent decades there has been
a tendency for "offences" not involving violence or coercion or abuse
of authority to be prosecuted under various non-criminal statutes having to do
with offensive behavior, indecent exposure, soliciting, and the like. Such
lesser charges are dealt with summarily by magistrates, and convictions are
easier to obtain. There is evidence that in the 1950s and 1960s the New South
Wales police used agents
provocateurs to induce the commission of offenses.
Following a gay-bashing murder in which police were involved, South Australia
became, in 1972, the first state partially to decriminalize homosexual acts
between consenting adults, and in 1975 introduced statutory equality for all
sexual offenses, gay or straight. Decriminalization followed in the
Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory in 1973, in Victoria in
1980, and in New South Wales in 1984. Unsuccessful attempts at law reform were
made in Western Australia in 1977 and in Tasmania in 1979 and 1987; only in
Queensland has no attempt been made.
Religion and the Churches. Australian anti-gay laws
were the legal manifestation of the traditional Christian antipathy to the
sodomite. As elsewhere, the Australian churches continued to abominate a sin
that seemed all too prevalent. Yet, as elsewhere in the Anglican communion,
each Australian capital city has long had at least one High Anglican church
with a traditional toleration of homosexuality in the congregation.
In the 1960s, in line with progressive thinking, mainstream Protestant
churches moved cautiously toward a less condemnatory attitude and began to
support limited law reform. The Roman Catholic and parts of the Anglican church
remain unreceptive to revisionist theological trends, and consequently have
movements of disaffected homosexual believers working for change from within.
Other gay Christians turned to the Metropolitan Community Church established
in 1975 as an offshoot fo the U.S. gay church of the same name.
Medicine and Psychiatry. In the nineteenth century
Australian medicine did not concern itself with homosexuality per se: "It
is beyond the range of medical philosophy to divine the special causes for its
existence," Dr. J. C. Beaney declared in his Generative System (1872, 1883). In this
century, although doubtless many have accepted the psychopathological explanations
usual in psychiatric literature, there does not seem to have been any
systematic effort to submit homosexuals to medical treatment until the late
1950s when some psychiatrists began to apply aversion therapies and psychosurgery
in this area. The issue was one of the first to be addressed by the new gay
movement of the 1970s, and the application of these practices to homosexuals
has ceased. Although Australia avoided the fashion for sexual psychopathy laws
that afflicted the United States from the 1940s to the 1960s, some cooperation
between the courts and psychiatrists claiming to be able to cure so-called sex
offenders occurred informally.
In its public utterances, represented by editorials and articles in The Medical Journal of Austraha, the medical profession
has, on the whole, been in advance of general community opinion in calling for
reform of social attitudes and the law as they affect homosexuals.
"Camp" Life Before
Gay Liberation. Given social attitudes and the legal position, it is hardly
surprising that in the latter half of the nineteenth century homosexuality
remained secretive, and indeed evidence of it before World War I is
adventitious, court records being the most consistent source.
Dr. Beaney told with astonishment of a "respectable" Melbourne wife
who "decoyed into her acquaintance young married women, and compelled
them, by her influence, to entertain the same unnatural feelings toward men
and women [as she had]." Other lesbians passed as men, as we learn from
two cases that have come to light of transvestite women marrying and
apparently satisfying their wives. In 1879 the thrice-married Edward De-Lacy
Evans was revealed in the Bendigo Lunacy Ward to be a woman and in 1920 Eugenia Falleni,
alias Harry Leo Crawford, was convicted of the murder of the woman she had
legally married while passing as a man.
For men as well as women, friendship must have been the most common locus of
homosexual relations, but of this and more extended friendship-networks we know
little before World War I. A hint of what was possible emerges from a Sydney
household of male couples that the police raided in 1916 because neighbors complained
about the mysterious comings and goings of "women" - it transpired
that some of the men cross-dressed.
The other main "institution" of male homosexual life was the beat, a public place, such as a park, toilet, baths, or beach,
where one could expect to encounter sexual partners. Hyde Park in Sydney was a
beat from at latest the 1880s until the early 1960s. The importance of the
beat, indicated by the creation of a slang term for it, lay not simply in the
opportunities for sex it afforded. For some men it was, for good or for ill,
what homosexuality meant to them; for others it led to friendships and perhaps
entry to a world that would otherwise have remained closed to them.
After World War I, in Sydney and Melbourne, a few cafes, restaurants, and bars
were frequented by gays and/or lesbians, who never, however, constituted the
exclusive clientele. Such places usually had a reputation for bohemianism. By
World War II Sydney had an annual drag-ball called the Artists' Ball, of which
Jon Rose gave an hilarious account in his autobiography At the
Cross (1960). By the 1950s
social clubs had emerged in Sydney but to avoid unwanted attention from the
police and the tabloid press elaborate secrecy was necessary. By the late
1960s Sydney had several exclusively gay clubs and wine bars; gay pubs emerged
in the 1970s.
Homosexual Emancipation.
Australia had no homophile movement, an absence that was
regretted by a liberal social critic shortly after the first homosexual law
reform organization was founded in 1969. However, a short-lived lesbian group
calling itself Daughters of Bilitis was apparently formed in that same year. In July 1970 in
Sydney, inspired by the newly emerged gay liberation movement in the United
States, John Ware and Christabel Poll formed the first widely-publicized
gay-run group. The Campaign Against Moral Persecution or CAMP [camp being then the usual
Australian homosexual slang term for "homosexual") soon had branches
in most states. In 1971 groups using the name gay liberation emerged, and some gay
liberationists dismissed CAMP as "reformist." However, both CAMP and
gay liberation groups organized social events and consciousness-raising
sessions for their members, and both participated in demonstrations intended to
assert gay pride, demand gay rights, and protest against instances of discrimination, which now for the first
time victims were prepared to make public.
As public awareness and acceptance of homosexuals grew (in the first public
opinion survey on the issue in 1967 only 22% of respondents supported homosexual
law reform, but in 1976 68 % did so), the gay movement found less need to
employ confrontationist tactics and became increasingly involved in the mainstream
political processes. Gay groups made submissions to the Royal Commission on
Human Relationships whose final report in 1977 made many recommendations to improve the legal and
social position of homosexuals, and began to deal directly with politicians
and governments.
At the same time, the number and complexity of homosexual institutions
increased and a distinct subculture emerged in the largest cities. A gay press
was vital in this development. The first gay magazine, Camp Ink, was produced in Sydney in
November 1970 by CAMP and lasted some four years. The first truly commercial
magazine appeared in 1972. There are now two national monthlies, the older
founded in 1975, and a number of free community newspapers, professionally
produced and paid for by advertising. Gay publishing of books has been slower
to develop and remains embryonic.
In 1975 the first national gay and lesbian conference was held, and for eleven
years these gatherings provided a useful forum for political, cultural, and
social exchange. They helped to boost morale among activists who were now
increasingly involved in lobbying for law reform and anti-discrimination
legislation. After failures in Western Australia and Tasmania, this process
finally had a significant success in Victoria in 1980.
An unprovoked police attack on peaceful Gay Pride marchers in 1978, arrests
then and at subsequent demonstrations against police brutality, and the long
but successful defense against the charges led to a revival of the flagging
movement in New South Wales. The police were humiliated and the political and
legal skills of gays clearly demonstrated. Nevertheless, the struggle for law
reform took another six years. The march acquired in the process a new
symbolic meaning and, moved from wintry June to late-summer February, became
the Sydney Gay Mardi Gras, which is now the city's largest annual street parade.
Perhaps the most striking sign of the changed situation of homosexuals in
Australian society is the extent to which gays and lesbians are involved in the
official structures created to respond to the ADDS crisis. Since in Australia
the majority of the ADDS cases are homosexual men, this involvement is
appropriate and desirable; yet it would have been as unimaginable twenty
years ago as the disease itself.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Discrimination
and Homosexuality, Sydney: New South Wales Discrimination Board, 1982; Robert
Hughes, The Fatal Shore: The Epic of Australia's Pounding, New York: Knopf, 1987;
Denise Thompson, Flaws in the Social Fabric: Homosexuals and Society in
Sydney, Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1985; Paul Wilson, The Sexual Dilemma, St. Lucia: University of
Queensland Press, 1971; Gary Wotherspoon, ed., Being Different. Nine Gays
Remember, Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1986.
G. R.
Simes
Austria
This
European country traces its existence to 1180 when Frederick Barbarossa
convicted Henry the Lion of treason and confiscated his estates, dividing
Bavaria proper from its eastern extension which became Austria. Defeating
Otokar I of Bohemia in 1278, the Emperor Rudolf I granted Austria as a fief to
his son Albert I, the first Habsburg to rule there. From 1278 until 1918
Habsburgs reigned in Austria, adding to their domain more by astute and
fortunate marriages than by conquest.
Joseph II. (1741-1790), great-great-grand nephew of the emperor Rudolf II
(possibly homosexual) and son of Maria Theresa, was one of the most admired of
Austrian monarchs. Inspired by Voltaire and the Encyclopedists and by the example
of Frederick the Great of Prussia, he began in 1761 (after his mother associated
him into the government) to draw up memoranda, many of which he put into effect
after her death. Joseph was the first monarch in Europe to emancipate the Jews
(in 1791). In reforming the penal code, he followed the humane principles of
Count Cesare Beccaria, eliminating torture and cruel and unusual punishments,
reducing the number of capital offenses, and decriminalizing many activities.
He reduced the penalty for homosexuality from death at the stake to life
imprisonment.
In Joseph II's time, Vienna emerged as the musical capital of Europe with such
giants as Mozart and Haydn. Franz Schubert, the only major composer of the
group actually to have been bom in Vienna, was probably homosexual. Suspicions
that have been voiced about Beethoven's interest in his nephew are hard to
substantiate.
The Habsburg Empire that Maria Theresa and Joseph II had solidified endured
the revolutions and Napoleonic wars and rose under Metternich during the
Congress of Vienna to dominate European diplomacy until his overthrow by the
Revolution of 1848, during which the 18-year old Franz Joseph succeeded upon
his father's abdication. This grand-nephew of Joseph II reigned until 1916,
trying to patch together the old system against the rising tides of nationalism
and socialism, and to hold together his dominion served by three armies - a
standing army of soldiers, a sitting army of bureaucrats, and a creeping army
of informers. The decadence of Franz Joseph's reign contrasted with the brilliant
intellectual and artistic life of his capital, which became one of the gay centers
of Europe.
In the field of sex research, the first major figure of modem times was Richard
Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing (1840-1902), called from Germany to Graz and then to
Vienna, which had become the world's leading medical school. His Psychopathia Sexualis (first edition 1886)
disclosed to the educated public the existence of homosexuality and other
sexual "perversions," of which he assembled a picturesque dossier on
the basis of his own and others' observations mainly in prisons and insane
asylums that left the public with the conviction that all who engaged in
forbidden sexual activity were in some way "mentally ill." At a
symposium he criticized Freud's presentation of his seduction theory. Also,
Moritz Kaposi (1837-1902) was professor of dermatology at Vienna from 1875
until his death; in 1872 he had published the article that first described
Kaposi's sarcoma, which later became significant in AIDS.
The misogynist and Jewish anti-Semite Otto Weininger, who committed suicide in
1903 on discovering toomuchof the feminine in his own personality, invented
the modern concept of bisexuality - or perhaps borrowed it from the Berlin
physician Wilhelm Fliess, who had not published it. Anna Freud seems to have
had a long-term lesbian relationship with an American woman in the Vienna of
the 1920s. The leadingmodernist writer Robert Musil described in Young Törless
(1906)
how two older boys at a preparatory school he attended forced a younger boy to
have sexual relations with them. The witness, presumably the author, had a
nervous breakdown. Hermann Broch's The
Death of Vergil (1945), which he completed after his emigration to America,
relates Vergil's musings about the boys he loved.
The Austrian penal code of 1852, which criminalized lesbianism, reduced the
penalties imposed by the Josephine code for male homosexuality, and generally
came closer to the provisions of the Prussian code of the same year. But the
existence of the law did not prevent Vienna from having a lively homosexual
subculture at the turn of the century, with its cafés, restaurants, bathhouses,
and places of rendezvous all under the surveillance of the police,who like
their counterparts in Berlin kept systematic lists of those who engaged in
homosexual activity.
The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee founded in Berlin in 1897 acquired a
branch in Vienna in 1906 under the leadership of the engineer Joseph Nicoladoni
and the psychoanalyst Wilhelm Stekel. Freud is reported to have made small
donations to it, and Isidor Sadger used the periodical of the Committee to
locate subjects for his (not particularly sympathetic) psychoanalytic studies.
Among the minor gay literary figures of this time were Emil Mario Vacano, Karl
Michael Freiherr von Lewetzow, Joseph Kitir, and Emerich Graf Stadion, who
published in the journal Poetische
Flugblattein, edited by Kitir.
In 1901 the writer Minna Wettstein-Adelt published under the pseudonym Aimée Due a novel entitled Sind es Frauen! [Are They Women?] that
depicts a circle of self-consciously lesbian women in Geneva, the center of
which is a Russian named Minotschka Fernandoff. The feminist Marie von Najmajer
(1844-1904), born in Hungary, saluted the new century with a "Hymn to the
Daughters of the Twentieth Century" that had strong lesbian overtones.
Yet the lesbian subculture of Vienna took little interest in the literary
treatment of the natives of the city; it preferred works showing the Viennese
lesbian abroad or the foreign lesbian drawn to the Austrian capital. Compared
with the network of enterprises catering to the male homosexual the lesbian
subculture remained small and marginal.
One of the myths that later circulated abroad was that the Viennese of the
early decades of the century were sexually repressed to the point of
neuroticism, when in fact the capital had much the same ambiance in contrast with the provinces as did Paris in relation to the rest of France. Nevertheless, the situation of homosexuals remained potentially dangerous, as illustrated by the case of Colonel Redl, just before WW I. As the focal
point of the homosexual emancipation movement, Berlin garnered more than its
share of attention, but Vienna until 1918 was the cosmopolitan center of a
multi-national empire where erotic pleasure was always sought - and frequently
found. Ludwig Wittgenstein cruised the Prater, where the ferris wheel is
located, during the 1920s, and often went to a classy café, a chess club with
newspapers by day and a flaming gay club at night. After the 1938 Anschluss,
which joined Austria to Hitler's Reich, a number of the country's homosexuals
became victims of the holocaust.
The strength of the Catholic church in Austria, particularly the state that
remained after the Treaty of Saint-Germain, kept law reform from occurring
until 1971, two years after the Federal Republic of Germany amended Paragraph 175. There is a higher age of consent for male homosexuals (18)
than for heterosexuals and lesbians (14). Moreover, article 220 of the 1971
penal code provides for up to six months imprisonment for anyone who advocates
or states approval of homosexuality, while article 221 stipulates the same
penalty for anyone belonging to an organization that "favors homosexual
lewdness." These provisions have never been enforced. The major gay organizations
Homosexuelle Initiative (HOSIj operate quite successfully under the shadow of
this legislation, while gathering data about gay people in the Warsaw pact
nations of Eastern Europe. From 1979 this information has been recorded in the
quarterly Lambda
Nachrichten (HOSI Wien), which even received an official press subsidy
in 1987. Vienna also has a gay and lesbian community center, Rosa Lila Villa.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Neda Bei, et al., eds., Das lila Wien um 1900, Vienna: Promedia, 1986.
William A. Percy
Authoritarian Personality
The
concept of the authoritarian personality was introduced to social psychology
by the work of Theodor Wiesengrund Adorno and his associates in a major study published in 1950.
According to this model the authoritarian personality accepts middle-class
conventionality because it enjoys widespread acceptance and support, but has
not internalized the meaning of the accompanying social norms; is hostile and
aggressive toward outsider groups, especially ethnic minorities and relatively
powerless, marginalized deviant groups; and glorifies its own authority
figures. Adorno had been a member of the Frankfurt school of sociology which
the Nazi seizure of power exiled to the United States, and the formulation of
the notion had begun in Germany through analysis of the mass psychology of the
fateful years of the early 1930s, when authoritarian and democratic creeds
contended for rule. Originally the contrasting democratic personality type was
labeled the "socialist personality," revealing the leftist bias that
hovered over the creation of the antinomy. And indeed one problem with the idea
of the authoritarian personality is the difficulty that many researchers have
in acknowledging that authoritarianism is found as much on the left as on the
right. Put another way, the notion of the authoritarian personality, though
not devoid of content, bonds all too easily with the left-liberal prejudices
and folklore of the contemporary intelligentsia, serving to confirm its
disdain of conservatives of every stripe and to suggest that beliefs linked
with the right stem from a character disorder that occludes a
"correct" perception of reality.
Academic psychology had until the 1950s failed to discover any correlation
between personality structure and political attitudes. The contribution of
Adorno and his associates was to trace a common denominator between ethnic
chauvinism, political and economic conservatism, anti-Semitism, and authoritarianism.
As an indirect measure of prejudice and a measure of "prefascism" in
the personality, they developed the F scale soliciting expressions of agreement
or disagreement with 29 broadly phrased assertions. Continuing review and criticism
of the early work and its theoretical presuppositions have led to the development
of new scales and also to debates among professional psychologists. For
example, there has even been academic controversy over whether left-wing authoritarianism
exists, when any insightful observer of the left knows that this is the
watershed between Communists and Social Democrats. The overarching problem is to determine how it is that myths and fabrications and stereotypes come to be entertained in sets, so that if one or two are acquired the others are likely to
follow.
A hallmark of the authoritarian personality is preoccupation with deviations
from the norm of sexual conduct and advocacy of harsh penalties for
"perverts" and the like. While certain issues that elicited sharp
contrasts between authoritarian and democratic personality types in the 1940s
have become irrelevant because the political controversy surrounding them has
faded, the rise of a militant gay liberation movement after 1969 has made
one's tolerance of homosexuality a clear index of personality. A recently
developed tool called the Attitudes Toward Homosexuals (ATH) scale asks
agreement or disagreement with such statements as "Homosexuals should be
locked up to protect society" and "In many ways, the AIDS disease
currently killing homosexuals is just what they deserve." Authoritarianism
accounted for 29% of the variation in the subjects' hostility toward homosexuals;
fear and self-righteousness supplied nearly all the rest. Fear of a dangerous
world - and of homosexual assertiveness in it - and self-righteousness
justifying punitive sanctions are what trigger the authoritarian's rage and
vindictiveness. The growing role of anti-homosexual themes in the propaganda of
conservative and clerical social movements attests to the significance of homophobia for the mass psychology of
the present day.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Theodor W. Adomo, et al., The Authoritarian Personahty, New York: Harper &
Row, 1950; Bob Altemeyer, "Marching in Step: A Psychological Explanation
of State Terror," The Sciences, March/April 1988, 30-38.
Warren Johansson
Autobiography
See Biography and Autobiography.
AUtoeroticism
See Masturbation.
Aversion Therapy
This type
of modification of human conduct is grounded in a basic principle of
behaviorism, the stimulus-response mechanism. If pleasant experiences continue
to be regularly associated with a particular stimulus the behavioral response
is said to be positively reinforced; unfavorable experiences cause negative
reinforcement or deconditioning. Thus Pavlov's dogs came to salivate at the
ringing of a bell when this sound regularly preceded feeding; substituting
electric shocks for the feeding would cancel the response of salivation, replacing
it with symptoms of fear. Applied to homosexuality, it is posited that if the
favorable associations evoked by the same-sex bodies are displaced by
unpleasant ones (in the form of electric shocks or a nausea-inducing drug),
while a pattern of pleasant feelings is brought into play with respect to the
body of the opposite sex, the subject will shift from a homosexual orientation
to a heterosexual one. In its negative-reinforcement aspects aversion therapy
amounts to a routinization of punishment. The therapy known as Behavior
Modification is similar in its reliance on the principle of conditioning, but
it tends to emphasize rewards more than punishments.
When imposed involuntarily - as in a prison or hospital setting - aversion
therapy raises strong moral questions. As a result of unfavorable publicity it
is rarely applied today to any but pedophiles, regarded as a danger to
society. Even here, however, the ethical questions subsist. In fairness, one
should note that many proponents of these techniques have protested their
involuntary use, asking that such interventions cease.
Most practitioners of aversion therapy maintain that they act only at the
request of the patient. Yet here, despite claims of "cures" on the
part of some advocates, doubts as to efficacy of the treatment arise. While aversion therapy may succeed for a
time in
causing the subject to feel revulsion toward his or her homosexuality, it has failed to instill heterosexual
desire where a basis for this was lacking. Thus the "cured" clients
were almost always bisexuals with a strong preexisting heterosexual component;
the therapeutic intervention simply deleted the homosexual component. Even here
it is by no means certain that the
effect will prove lasting, inasmuch as the deconditioning has a tendency to fade over time so that the homosexual side
may eventually return.
Some behavioral therapists assert that they would use such techniques only to help the homosexual to adjust to his condition. Here the
problems addressed would be from the realm of daily conduct (as seen, for
example, in excessive timidity that would prevent the client from
finding partners) and from the area of sexual functioning. Once again, because
of the fading principle, one may doubt that the results are permanent. It may
be that, however, in a larger program designed to achieve the patient's self-actualization,
aversion procedures may have a specific instrumental value. The harnessing of
the techniques to a broader, humanistic endeavor would help to address the criticism of
depth psychologists and others, who assert that aversion techniques and
behavior modification affect only the surface, neglecting the inner Ufe of the client.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
William O. Faustman, "Aversive Control of Maladaptive Sexual Behavior:
Past Developments and Future Trends," Psychology, 13 (1976), 53-60; Michael
W. Ross, "Paradigm Lost or Paradigm Regained? Behaviour Therapy and
Homosexuality," New Zealand Psychologist, 6 (1977), 42-51.
Ward
Houser
Azaña, Manuel (1880-1940)
President
of Spain, 1931-33 and 1936-39. Azaña was a man of letters before entering politics. With his
long-time companion, the theater director Cipriano Rivas Cherif, whose sister
he was to marry in 1929, he edited the literary magazine La Pluma
(1920-23),
and then j oined the board of the more political España (1923-24). In the late
1920s he published a novel, Garden
of the Monks, dedicated to Rivas Cherif, and much literary scholarship.
Elected president of the influential Athenaeum of Madrid in 1930, Azana
emerged as a national leader with the proclamation of the Second Republic in
1931. It was he who declared that Spain was no longer Catholic, and an
opposition to Catholicism, support for personal liberty, and a belief in the
power of the intellect were at the center of his political philosophy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Azana, Madrid: Edascal, 1980,
Frank Sedwick, The Tragedy of Manuel Azana, Columbus: Ohio State
University Press, 1963.
Daniel Eisenberg