G
Games, Gay
An
international festival of athletic competitions and the arts, the Gay Games
are held quadrennially as a celebration of the international gay community.
The first and second Gay Games were held in San Francisco in August of 1982 and
1986. The third Games are scheduled for the summer of 1990 in Vancouver,
Canada.
The Gay Games at San Francisco were founded by Tom Waddell and organized by
San Francisco Arts and Athletics, Inc. The 1982 Games involved 1,300 male and
female athletes in sixteen sports; four years later the games attracted 3,482
athletes with a ratio of men to women of 3:2 in a total of 17 sports. (This
may be contrasted with the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles where the sex ratio
was 4:1.) Among the events were basketball, soccer, bowling, cycling, diving,
triathlon, soft-ball, physique, track and field, marathon, power-lifting,
volleyball, swimming, tennis and wrestling. The artistic festival, called
"The Procession of the Arts," featured over twenty events including
dance, theatre and plastic art exhibits. Although athletes came from many parts
of the world, the majority were from North America.
In her opening address at the 198 6 Gay Games, novelist Rita Mae Brown
highlighted the meaning of the games, "... these games are not just a
celebration of skill, they're a celebration of who we are and what we can
become:... a celebration of the best in us."
Tom Waddell said that the Games were "conceived as a new idea in the
meaning of sport based on inclusion rather than exclusion." Anyone was
allowed to compete regardless of race, sex, age, nationality, sexual
orientation, religion, or athletic ability. In keeping with the Masters
Movement in sports, athletes competed with others in their own age group. The
track and field and swimming events were officially sanctioned by their respective
national masters programs. Athletes participated, not as representatives of
their respective countries, but as individuals on behalf of cities and towns.
There were no minimum qualifying standards in any events.
The Games have been used by gay liberationists for ideological purposes.
Historically, homosexuality has been associated with pathology, and the rise
of AIDS in the homosexual community has reasserted that association. Many of
those who spoke at the 1986 Games said that the Games emphasized a healthy
image of gay men and lesbians. Brown also said in her opening address that the
Games "show the world who we really area. We're intelligent people, we're
attractive people, we're caring people, vre'rehealthy
people,
and we're proud of who we are."
The organizers of the Gay Games have experienced considerable legal difficulties.
Before the 1982 Gay Games, the United States Olympic Committee (USOC) filed a
court action against the organizers of the Gay Games, which were going to be
called the "Gay Olympic Games." In 1978, the United States Congress
passed the Amateur Sports Act which, among other things, granted the USOC
exclusive use of the word "Olympic." Although the USOC had allowed the "Rat
Olympics," "Police Olympics," and "Dog Olympics," it
took exception to the term "Gay Olympic Games." Two years later, the
USOC continued its harassment of the Gay Games and filed suit to recover legal
fees in the amount of $96,600. A lien was put on the house of TomWaddell,
amemberof the 1968 United States Olympic Team.
Just as the Sacred Olympic Games and Pythian Games in ancient Greece were a
celebration which gave expression to Hellenic values of the time, so, too, the
Gay Games are a celebration and expression of the contemporary spirit of the
gay community.
Brian Pronger
Ganymede
In Greek
mythology Ganymede was a beautiful Phrygian shepherd boy who attracted the
attention of Zeus, the king of the gods. Unable to resist the boy, Zeus seized
him and carried him aloft to be his cupbearer and bedmate on Mount Olympus.
While the motif of flight through the heavens is probably of Near Eastern origin,
the abduction recalls the Cretan custom of older men "kidnapping"
their adolescent innamorati and living with them in the wild for a time. (Plato
states that the myth of Ganymede originated in Crete.) In any event the story
is part of a large set of stories of the Olympian gods falling in love with
mortal boys.
In ancient art Zeus is sometimes depicted abducting the boy in mortal form and
sometimes in the guise of an eagle, his attribute. "Vase paintings
occasionally show the anthropomorphic Zeus pursuing Ganymede as an analogue to
the wooing conducted by mortal pederasts. In later antiquity the motif of the
beautiful youth being carried aloft by an eagle was given an allegorical
significance, as the soul's flight away from earthly cares to the serenity of
the empyrean.
In the medieval debate poem Altercatio
Ganimedis et Helenae (twelfth century) Ganymede conducts an able defense of
male homosexuality. The mythographers of the later Middle Ages and the
Renaissance (above all Giovanni Boccaccio in his Genealogía Deomm of 1375) presented a number of examples of the male amours
of the Greek gods, and these texts influenced artists. In 1532Michelangelo
created a drawing of Ganymede Abducted by the Eagle for presentation to a Roman
nobleman, Tommaso de' Cavalieri, for whom he experienced a deep, though
Platonic affection. Other images of Ganymede were produced by Correggio,
Parmigianino, Giulio Romano, and Benvenuto Cellini.
In the French language, beginning in the sixteenth century, the divine youth's
name became a common noun, with the sense of "passive homosexual" or bardache. Joachim du Bellay (1558)
speaks of seeing in Rome "Un Ganymede avoir le rouge sur la tete" ("A Ganymede with red
on his head," that is, a cardinal). The Dictionnaire comique (1718) of P. J. Le Roux is
explicit: "Ganymede: berdache, a young man who offers pleasure, permitting
the act of sodomy to be committed on him."
In As You Like It (Act I) Shakespeare made
the transvestite Rosalind assume the name of Ganymede, "Jove's own page."
In 1611 the lexicographer Randle Cotgrave defined "Ganymede" as an ingle (passive homosexual or catamite). A pointed reference comes
from Drummond of Hawthornden: "I crave thou wilt be pleased, great God, to
save my sovereign from a Ganymede" (1649), referring to the tradition of
royal minions at the Stuart court. Such associations notwithstanding, in the
seventeenth century Simon Marius named Jupiter's largest moon after Ganymede,
giving him preference over the god's female lovers who are commemorated in the
names given to the smaller moons. Thus the way was paved for Ganymede to enter
today's age of space exploration.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Gerda Kempter, Ganymed: Studien zur Typologie, Ikonographie und
Ikonologie, Cologne: Bohlau Verlag, 1980; James M. Saslow, Ganymede in the
Renaissance: Homosexuality in Art and Society, New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1986.
Wayne R. Dynes
García Lorca, Federico
See Lorca, Federico García.
Gay
This word
is often taken as the contemporary or colloquial equivalent of homosexual
without further distinction. But there are other nuances of meaning, especially
as some activists vigorously disown the latter term which they falsely believe
to be of medical origin and bear the stigma of the pathological, while others
would see in gay the designation of the
politically conscious and militant supporter of the homosexual liberation movement,
as opposed to sexual orientation which is an artifact of personal history
rather than a matter of deliberate choice. To some the word has proven troublesome,
and for this reason it merits extended discussion.
The word gay (though not its three later slang meanings) stems from the Old
Provencal gai,
"high
spirited, mirthful." A derivation of this term in turn from the Old High
German gahi,
"impetuous"
(cf. modem German jah,
"sudden"),
though attractive at first sight, seems unlikely. Cai was a favorite expression among the troubadours, who came
to speak of their intricate art of poetry as gai saber, "gay knowledge."
Despite assertions to the contrary, none of these uses reveals any particular
sexual content. In so far as the word gay
or gai has acquired a sexual meaning in Romance languages, as it
has very recently, this connotation is entirely owing to the influence of the
American homosexual liberation movement as a component of the American popular
culture that has swamped the non-Communist world.
Beginning in the seventeenth century, the English word gay began to connote the
conduct of a playboy or dashing man about town, whose behavior was not always
strictly moral but not totally depraved either; hence the popularity of such
expressions as "gay lothario," "gay deceiver," and
"gay blade." Applied to women in the nineteenth century (or perhaps
somewhat before), it came to mean "of loose morals; a prostitute":
"As soon as a woman has ostensibly lost her reputation we, with grim
inappositeness, call her 'gay'" {Sunday
Times, London, 1868). Curiously the 1811 Lexicon Balationicum, attributed to Captain F.
Grose, defines gaying
instrument as "penis." Thus far, the development has an
interesting forerunner in the Latin lascivus,
which
first meant "lively, frolicsome," and then "lewd, wanton."
What was to come, however, has no independent parallel in any other language.
The expansion of the term to mean homosexual man constitutes a tertiary stage
of modification, the sequence being "lothario," then
"femaleprostitute," then "homosexual man." Viewed in the
perspective of the saturation of nineteenth-century usage by the spectacle of
the "gay woman" (- whore), this final application to homosexual men
could not fail to bear overtones of promiscuity and "fallen" status.
Despite ill-informed speculations, thus far not one unambiguous attestation of
the word to refer specifically to homosexual men is known from the nineteenth
century. The word (and its equivalents in other European languages) is attested
in the sense of "belonging to the demimonde" or "given to
illicit sexual pleasures," even specifically to prostitution, but nowhere
with the special homosexual sense that is reinforced by the antonym straight, which in the sense of
"heterosexual" was known exclusively in the gay subculture until
quite recently. While the latter semantic innovation (straight) has been
tacitly accepted by those to whom it applied, it has not spread to other languages, just as K. H. Ulrichs' coinage Dioning (= heterosexual) never
gained any currency with the general public, even if its antonym Uming (and the English counterpart Uianian) were used for some decades
by German authors and their British imitators. The earliest appearance of the
words gay/stiaight in tandem must therefore
be the term of development of the whole semantic process.
Although it has not been found in print before 1933 (when it appears in Noel
Ersine's Dictionary
of Underworld Slang as gay
cat, "a
homosexual boy"), it is safe to assume that the usage must have been
circulating orally in the United States for a decade or more. (As Jack London
explains in The
Road of
1907, gay cat originally meant - or so he thought - an apprentice hobo, without
reference to sexual orientation.) In 1955 the English journalist Peter
Wildblood defined gay as "an American
euphemism for homosexual," at the same time conceding that it had made
inroads in Britain. Grammatically, the word is an adjective, and there has been
some resistance to the use of gay,
gays as
nouns, but this opposition seems to be fading.
In the light of the semantic history outlined above, a particularly ludicrous
complaint is the notion, advanced by some heterosexual writers, that the
"innocent" word gay has been "kidnapped" by homosexuals in
their insouciant willingness to subvert the canons of language as well as
morals. As we have seen, the sexual penumbras of meaning were originally introduced
by the mainstream society (i.e., chiefly heterosexuals), first to designate
their own rakes and ramblers, and then the women these men caused to
"fall." Quite apart from the quaint charge of verbal kidnapping
(which ignores the fact that many words in English are poly-semous in that they
have two or more distinct meanings), there does exist a legitimate concern
among homosexuals themselves that the aura of frivolity and promiscuity
adhering to the word has not been dissolved. In that sense the comparison of
the substitution of gay for homosexual with black for Negro is not valid,
though the two shifts were contemporary. To be sure gay has gained the
allegiance of many well-meaning outsiders for the same reason as black, the
assumption being that these terms are the ones preferred by the individuals
they designate. Many lesbian organizations now reject the term gay, restricting
it to men, hence the spread of such binary phrases as "gay and
lesbian" and "lesbian and gay people." Such ukases notwithstanding,
expressions such as "Is she gay?" are still common among lesbians.
Despite all the problems, brevity and convenience suggest that this
three-letter word is here to stay. Significantly, in 1987, in the aftermath of
negotiations with the Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD), the New York Times, which had formerly banned
the use of gay except in direct quotations, assented to its use.
Wayne R. Dynes
Gay Liberation
See Liberation, Gay.
Gay Rights
See Decriminalization; Movement, Gay.
Gay Studies
Gay
scholarship on the subject of homosexuality has been fostered by both political
and personal motives. On the political plane, it has meant the search for other
cultures and societies in which the homosexual was not a criminal and an outcast,
in which homosexual love was not the object of opprobrium and disgust, but both
were an accepted part of the social and sexual life of the age. Above all, the
homoerotic component of the glorious civilizations of the past - ancient Greece
and Rome, medieval Islam and Japan - was a stimulus and a challenge to homosexual
researchers seeking the roots of their own situation. At the same time they
were studying themselves through the mirror of the gay personalities and
literary monuments of the past - and even the clandestine literature of the
present - that shed light on their own psychological states and life
situations. By demonstrating that homosexual love had enriched the cultural
heritage of mankind, that homosexual experience was attested universally, gay
scholars were arguing for its legitimacy and acceptance at the present day.
Origins. Heinrich Hoessli (1784 -
1864) was both the first homosexual rights advocate and the first gay scholar.
His book Eros:
Die Männeiliebe der Griechen (Eros: The Male Love of the Greeks; 1836-38) was in large
part an assemblage of literary materials from Ancient Greece and Medieval
Islam that illustrated the phenomenon of love between males. Far more erudite
than he was the jurist and polymath Karl Heinrich Ulrichs (1825-1895) whose Forschungen zur mannmännhchen Liebe (Researches on Love
between Males), published from 1864 to 1870, ranged in an encyclopedic manner
over the history, literature, and ethnography of past and present.
Driven into exile in Italy at the end of his life, Ulrichs was the first of a
series of investigators who lived and published abroad to escape the
intolerance of the Germanic world; and down to the 1960s many works that could
not see the light of print in the English-speaking countries were issued in
France, where publishing houses such as those of Charles Carrington at the end
of the nineteenth century and the Olympia Press after World War II produced
books for British and American tourists - who now and then managed to slip them
back into their native lands.
Far broader in scope was the activity of the Wissenschaftlich-humanitäre
Komitee (Scientific-Humanitarian Committee) with its journal, the Jahrbuch für sexuelle Zwischenstufen (Yearbook for Sexual
Intergrades), whose 23 volumes, published between 1899 and 1923, cover almost
every imaginable aspect of the subject, with major articles on the history,
biography, and psychology of homosexuality, as well as precious
bibliographical lists and surveys of the literature of past and present. For
the collaborators of the Committee, working under the overall supervision of
Magnus Hirschfeld, their scholarship was a tool for demonstrating the position
that the homosexual personality was a constant and stable type throughout
human history, that it was found in all strata of society, and was therefore a
biological phenomenon which could not be suppressed, but was deserving of legal
and social toleration. Such scholarship was all the more needed as university
curricula and standard reference works alike dishonestly omitted all reference
to homosexuality, even in the lives and works of individuals who were
"notorious" in their lifetimes for their proclivity to their own sex.
In England John Addington Symonds may be considered the first gay scholar,
since he composed two privately printed works, A Problem in Greek Ethics and A Problem
in Modern Ethics, the latter of which
introduced to the English-speaking world the recent findings of continental
psychiatrists and the new vision of Ulrichs and Walt Whitman. Symonds was also
a major contributor to the first edition of Havelock Ellis' Sexual Inversion (German 1896, English
1897). At the same time the American university president Andrew Dickson White
quietly inserted into his two-volume History
of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (1896) a comprehensive
analysis and demolition of the Sodom legend. In the same year Marc-Andre
Raffalovich published his Uranisme
et unisexuahté
(Uranism
andlinisexuality), with copious bibliographical and literary material, some
from German authors of the nineteenth century, which he supplemented at
intervals in a series of articles in the Archives d'anthropologic criminelle down to World War I. In
the Netherlands L.S. A.M. von Römer, besides contributing several major
articles to the Jahrbuch,
also
published a study entitled Het
uranisch gezin (The Homosexual's Family], which argued for the genetic
determination of the condition on the basis of abnormalities in the ratio of
the sexes among the siblings of male and female homosexuals. Edward Irenaeus
Prime-Stevenson, writing under the pseudonym "Xavier Mayne," published in
Naples a major work The
Intersexes, which roamed the historical and sociological scenes of
past and present, collecting much of the folklore of the gay subculture of
early twentieth-century Europe.
In the last decades of the nineteenth century heterosexuals began to study
homosexual behavior, often from the biased standpoint of the clinician
observing patients in psychiatric wards or the forensic psychiatrist examining
individuals arrested for sexual offenses. The writings of Krafft-Ebing,
notably his Psychopathia
sexualis (first edition 1886) were of this sort, followed by those
of Albert Moll and Albert Freiherr von Schrenck-Notzing, the last of whom did,
however, achieve a good critical overview of the subject in an article
published in Zeitschrift
für Hypnotismus in 1898. In Italy Carlo Mantegazza had collected
anthropological materials on the subject in Gli amori degli uomini (The Sexual Relations of
Mankind; 1885). He was followed by Iwan Bloch, who early in his career as
sexologist attacked the notion of innate homosexuality in his Beiträge zur Ätiologie der Psychopathia
sexualis (Contributions to the Etiology of Psychopathia sexualis;
1902), which had the merit of giving the phenomenon an anthropological rather
than a medical dimension, but later in Das Sexualleben unserer Zeit in seinen Beziehungen
zur modernen Kultur (The Sexual Life of Our Times in its Relations to Modem
Civilization; 1907) rallied to the standpoint of the Committee. Albert Moll
provided homosexual apologetics with one of its favorite themes in a book
entitled Berühmte
Homosexuelle (Famous Homosexuals, 1910).
Assisted at first by John Addington Symonds, Havelock Ellis devoted the second
volume of his monumental Studies
in the Psychology of Sex to Sexual
Inversion (third edition 1915). In the book he assembled case
histories that he had collected, mainly by correspondence, and an assortment of
ethnographic and historical materials from his own vast reading as well as the
German literature that had accumulated since the founding of the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee in 1896. The editions and translations of his
work made the subject part of the body of scientific knowledge accessible to
the rather small public that was willing to accept it in the first half of the
century.
The psychoanalytic study of homosexuality began with Freud's Drei Abhandlungen zur Sexualtheorie (Three Contributions to the
Theory of Sexuality,-1905), which rejected the static notion of innate
homosexuality with the attendant therapeutic nihilism in favor of an approach
that stressed the role of the dynamic unconscious in the formation of sexual
orientation. Because this assumption played into the hands of the enemies of
the homosexual emancipation movement, it has led to a good deal of intellectual
dishonesty and hypocrisy, with even Catholic and Communist thinkers who reject
psychoanalysis on philosophical grounds championing the views of depth
psychologists whom they regarded as allies at least on this issue. A series of
papers based mainly on psychoanalytic case histories appeared in the journals
of the movement, sometimes growing into full-length books such as those of
Wilhelm Stekel, who promoted the view that bisexuality was normal but that
homosexuality was a "curable neurosis." These papers could also take
the form of psychoanalytic biographies of famous homosexuals, a genre initiated
by Freud's philologically rather weak Eine
Kindheitserinnerung des Leonardo da Vinci (A Childhood Reminiscence
of Leonardo da Vinci; 1910).
This scholarship had to be conducted almost entirely outside the walls of the
university - in physicians' consulting rooms or the private libraries of
independent scholars - and published in specialized journals or in limited
editions "for members of the medical and legal professions." Hence
an academic tradition could not be bom, much less develop within the parameters
of scholarly discipline, and the field continues to attract amateurs who pass
off their journalistic compositions - often produced by exploiting the talent
and industry of others - as works of genuine scholarship.
The interest of geneticists in twin studies led to some papers on the sexual
orientation of monozygotic and dizygotic twins, a field pioneered by Franz Kallmann.
While certain issues continue to be disputed, the study of monozygotic twin
pairs has revealed concordances as marked as those for intelligence and other
character traits, albeit with a complexity in the developmental aspect of the
personality that earlier thinkers had not fully appreciated.
Trends in the United States.
The
survey method of investigating sexual behavior had been used sporadically in the
1920s and 1930s, but only in 1938 did Alfred C. Kinsey undertake the monumental
series of interview studies that provided the material for Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948) and Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), which astounded
the world by stating (perhaps overstating) the frequency of homosexual
experience in the American population, and enraged the psychoanalysts by
disclosing the biased and statistically unreliable character of the population
on which they based their often fanciful interpretations. However, his work has
lasting merit in demonstrating that the homosexual was not an exhibit in a
pathological waxworks museum, but a stable minority within the entire population
and within all the diverse segments of the American nation.
The homosexual movement
in the
United States was from its outset interested in promoting the study of the phenomenon
in order to prove that its followers were "like other people" as
opposed to the psychiatrists who were always ready to argue that homosexuals
were at least neurotic and sometimes pre-psychotic. Hence groups like the early
Mattachine Society furnished the subjects for the investigations of Evelyn
Hooker and others whose clinical soundings showed that homosexuals could not be
distinguished from heterosexuals on the basis of the Rorschach or other
standard tests. The work of the German and other continental predecessors of
the American movement was used fitfully at best, and has never been fully
exploited by American investigators, in some instances because they cannot
even read it. A certain amount of vulgarization occurred on the pages of Mattachine Review, ONE, The Ladder and their counterparts Arcadie and Der Kreis/Le Cercle, which fondly revived
memories of past epochs of homosexual greatness.
The new phase in the history of the American movement that began with New
York's Stonewall
Rebellion of June 1969 did not at first find an echo in the halls of
learning, besieged as the elite institutions were by students vociferously
demonstrating for the privilege of not being drafted to serve in Vietnam. But
in time the gay "counter-culture" coalesced in the Gay Academic
Union, whose founding conference was held at John Jay College in New York City
in November 1973. A journal named Gai
Saber was
created shortly thereafter, and went through a number of issues. Only a
minority of the adherents of GAU had academic motives and goals; many more were
interested only in "lifestyle politics" or in causes that began to
fade from public attention once the Vietnam War ended in a stalemate in 1973. A
few introductory courses made their way into college curricula, chiefly in
sociology and psychology, so that the gay undergraduate could confront his
identity problems with a modicum of academic guidance; but no standard
textbooks or syllabi were ever produced that would compare with the advances in
women's studies in the same period. Even these concessions to the radical mood
of the early 1970s began to vanish as the far more conservative trend of the
following decade reached the campuses.
However, it became possible for the first time to utilize and to publish vast
amounts of historical and biographical material that had simply been ignored or
deliberately suppressed in previous centuries. The role of homosexual
experience in the lives of the great and near-great, the meanings and innuendos
of obscure passages in the classics of world literature, the paths and byways
of the clandestine gay subculture in the cities of Modem Europe and the United
States - all these matters could now be legitimate subjects of academic
concern, to be discussed as calmly as any other facet of human life, not as a
subject the very mention of which demanded a profuse apology and a disclaimer
of the investigator's personal involvement.
Present Situation and
Outlook. After World War II the accelerating pace of specialized
knowledge fostered calls for synthetic perspectives in the form of
"interdisciplinary" approaches. Although their existence is partly a
response to political and social conditions, black studies and women's studies
are by their very nature interdisciplinary. In 1976, for example, ONE
institute, the independent Los Angeles homophile education foundation,
articulated the subject in the following fields: anthropology, history,
psychology, sociology, education, medicine and biology, psychiatry, law and
its enforcement, military, religion and ethics, biography and autobiography,
literature and the arts, the homophile movement, and transvestism and
transsexualism {An
Annotated Bibliography of Homosexuality, New York, 1976). Apart
from the intrinsic unwieldiness of such a list, many scholars have clung to
their own institutional bases, so that sociologists tend to see the matter
chiefly in terms of contemporary social formation, literary critics are
interested mainly in reflections in novels and poetry, and so forth.
It seems, however, that three main constellations or domains of research may be
identified. ( 1 ) The empirical-synchronic domain studies the behavior and attitudes
of living subjects, using primarily questionnaires and interviews. This great
realm comprises sociology, social and individual psychology, public opinion
research, medicine, and law enforcement (including police studies). The
advantage inherent in this range of disciplines is direct access to the groups
of human beings that are being studied. Yet problems arise from researcher
bias, the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples from a still largely
closeted population, and (in sociology) a neglect of the biological and
historical substrates. ¡2) The historical-comparative domain includes history,
biography, and anthropology, together with the historical aspects of the
disciplines discussed in the first category. The advantage of this method is that
it permits one to view present arrangements as but one set of possibilities in
a larger conspectus of documented human behavior and attitudes. Dangers arise
from an anachronistic project which elides differences, seeing "gay"
people everywhere. Regrettably, the attempt of the social construction
approach to correct such present-mindedness errs on the side of an overemphasis
on difference and distinction, claiming (in a few extreme examples) that there
were no homosexuals before 1869. In anthropology there is a continuing
temptation to "ethnoromanticism," that is overidealizing the exotic
culture one is studying, viewing it as "natural,"
"nonrepressive," "organic," and so forth. (3) The final
domain is that of cultural representation, and it studies the appearance of
homosexual themes and characters in novels, poetry, the visual arts, film,
and radio and television. Here one can see, in gay-authored works, the ways in
which homosexuals have sought to image themselves, while in
"straight" works the stereotypes, as well as the rare instances of
honest effort toward understanding, are available for inspection. In
researching this third domain one cannot neglect the constraints of
publishers, producers and other cultural "gatekeepers" in shaping the
material.
Apart from this suggested articulation of research in three main domains, some
general desiderata should be mentioned. Narrow parochialism should yield to
horizons that are as broad as the subject demands. For example, a study of the
gay subculture in early twentieth-century New York City should show an
awareness not only of other places in America, but also of the European
setting, from which so many immigrants came. Moreover, a study of causal
factors should be polythematic, considering a variety of conditioning factors,
and not reducing them, say, to a mere matter of the socioeconomic base (historical
materialism) or conversely the downward trickle of learned notions (the
history of ideas approach). Researchers must be alert to lingering biases in
their own makeup, as from Christianity or secular belief systems such as
Marxism. Unexpected differentiations must always be watched for: for example
with male transvestites there are at least three distinct varieties, none of
which is assimilable to the model of the "gay person." Finally, there
is an urgent need for the acquisition of auxiliary sciences; in this field that
means first and foremost foreign languages - the standard academic languages
of German and French to assimilate the older literature, plus Latin, Greek,
Arabic, Persian, Chinese, Japanese, Russian, and the like according to one's
particular research interest.
Having been relegated to the margin of academia for so long, it is perhaps
understandable that the field developed somewhat idiosyncratic standards, not
exempt from advocacy scholarship and apologetics. Now that these studies are
receiving serious academic attention, it is essential that accepted canons of
evidence and exposition be observed. In this way gay studies will not only find
its proper place in the constellation of knowledge, but in so doing replace
homosexual behavior in its proper context as part of the mainstream of
history.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Wayne R. Dynes, Homosexuality: A Research Guide, New York: Garland, 1987.
Wayne R. Dynes and Warren
Johansson
Gender
In
current social science usage gender denotes consciousness of sexual dimorphism
that may or may not be congruent with actual genital sex in human beings. The
expression gender
role was
introduced by John Money in 1955, as a relatively new use of a term that has a long history
in English in other senses. In a relatively short time, however, it found
acceptance in both scientific and political usage as a needed complement to the
older term sex.
Origins in Linguistics. The concept of gender originated in linguistics, where it
designates a specific grammatical category of the noun that can find expression
morphosyntactically. In this function it bonds with adjectives ("agreement")
and verbs and with particular suffixes limited to a single
gender. There is also a syntactic aspect, expressed through combination with
appropriate forms of the article and the pronoun. For the speaker of English,
in which these relationships have been lost, they may be somewhat hard to understand.
And indeed gender based upon analogy with the natural sex of animate beings is
not universal; it is limited to the Indo-European and Semito-Hamitic families.
However, of the six classical languages of the world, five have the category
of sex gender: Latin, Greek, and Sanskrit have the three-gender system of
Indo-European - masculine, feminine, and neuter - and Hebrew and Arabic have
the two-gender system [masculine and feminine) inherited from Common Semitic.
Only Chinese operates with noun classes not based upon the real or ascribed sex
of the person or object. But because of the cultural diffusion and influence of
the first five literary languages, the intelligentsia of virtually all
civilized peoples have some familiarity with the notion in its linguistic
application.
General Considerations. In social psychology
gender means one's personal, social, and legal status as male or female, or
mixed, on the basis of somatic and behavioral criteria more inclusive than the
genital organs alone. That is to say, human beings possess a reflective consciousness
that includes a perception of the masculinity or femininity of oneself and of
others. Moreover, this perception is determined by a host of traits of the individual,
some having to do with secondary sexual characteristics, others conditioned by
the cultural typing of modes of thought and action as appropriate to one sex or
the other.
Because it is impossible to know what another human being feels, personal
gender identity can only be inferred from what the subject under observation expresses
in speech, gesture, and movement. These sources of data constitute one's gender
behavior or gender role. Yet gender identity remains private and subjective; it
is a dimension of the personality that has been scripted in the course of the
individual's lifetime in accordance with forces guiding his psychological
development. Gender is more subtle and more inclusive than sex, as it embraces
far more than the genitals and their functioning. But because homo sapiens is
characterized by sexual dimorphism - the basic anatomical contrast - human
societies have gender dimorphism as well: they operate with the dichotomy
masculine/feminine in assigning behavioral traits to the phenomenon of gender.
This macroevolutionary fact - the sexual dimorphism of humanity and of its
phylogenetic ancestors - predetermined the dimorphism in behavior that constitutes
gender. Moreover, the accumulating evidence of animal sexology on the fetal
influence of hormones on the governance of sexual behavior by way of the
central nervous system precludes the ascription of gender differences to merely
social and cultural determinants, even though the assignment of particular
traits has an element of the arbitrary. Granted, the structure of gender in
the culture of a particular society may virtually dictate what at first glance
seems fortuitous,- in this matter the binary logic of the differentiating
process overrides the scattered distribution of a trait in real populations.
Core Gender Identity. Differentiation of a core
gender identity probably follows the same principle as the morphological
differentiation of the gonads and the internal organs of reproduction. Both
systems are latent, but one alone finally becomes functional. In the case of
gender identity, however, the nonfunctional schema does not become vestigial,
in the true sense, but is negatively coded - marked as not to be manifested by
oneself, but appropriate to members of the opposite sex and even to be
demanded of them. The two-gender schema is encoded in the brain of the human
subject, with one half suitable for one's personal gender identity, and the
other half for use in predicting and interpreting the gender role of the
opposite sex.
In the customary nuclear family, the child identifies primarily with the parent
of the opposite sex, though other members of the household may be surrogates
or complements for the parents. As the child grows, the models for identification
and complementation extend beyond the household to include older siblings,
playmates, and figures of folklore, sports, politics, the media, and even the
world of learning. The latter figures require no responsive reaction, except
in the world of fantasy, but they may offer an ideal which the individual
strives to realize - or even excel - in the course of his lifetime.
With the advent of hormonal puberty, a new milestone in psychosexual
development is reached, namely the ability to fall in love. The onset of this
capacity is not simultaneous with puberty, but is triggered by a mechanism
whose site is still unknown. Falling in love resembles imprinting in that a
releaser mechanism from within must encounter a stimulus from without before
the event can occur. That event has remarkable longevity; its echoes can last a
lifetime. The stimulus, normal or pathological, that will affect a given
individual will have been written into his psychosexual program, so to speak,
in the years before puberty and as far back as infancy.
Broader Connotations. Beyond the sphere of
sexuality in the narrow sense, a vast amount of human behavior is gender-marked
in that what men do one way, women do another way. Such gender-related
behavior ranges from fashions in dress to conventions at work and earning a living,
from rules of etiquette and ceremony to labor-sharing in the home. These stereotypes
of what is masculine and what is feminine ultimately stem from such
macroevolutionary differences as stature, weight, and muscle power,
menstruation, childbearing, and lactation, but the conventions themselves are
defined by custom - the accumulated residue of economic and cultural
processes - which may resist change or conversely be subject to sudden shifts
of taste and fashion. What matters is that they exist at any given time and
place, that in all societies human beings are exquisitely sensitive to the
signals and cues emanating from others, and that if a collective can adapt and
change the signals over time, it cannot obliterate them altogether.
Cultural tradition determines not just the criteria of behavior related to
sexual dimorphism, but also sundry criteria of sexual interaction. An age (such
as our own) that has undergone tremendous cultural change has also seen the
traditional norms of sexual behavior rejected and openly flouted. While there
has been no change of tradition in respect to the pairing of couples similar
in age - with its negative implications for the man-boy homosexual relationship
- the sanctions against homosexuality are being reexamined and (with much
ambivalence) eased in favor of consensual activity between adults. The trend is
toward greater individual freedom, though not necessarily toward a greater
social good. The leading pressure point of change in the area of gender is
toward a greater diversity and plurality of roles, for males and for females,
on a basis of interchange and reciprocity. Nature and nurture interact in the
determination of gender; some gender traits are common to all members of the
species, while others result from the unique life history of the individual.
The genetic code does not find expression in a vacuum, it requires a permissive
environment. The limits of permissiveness are prescribed for each species and
must be empirically defined for each variable, including gender identity. The
bulk of the available evidence points to the early years of life as very
important for gender-identity differentiation. There is a parallel here with
the ability to use language: by the age of five a child has an effective grasp
of the grammatical and syntactic principles of his native tongue, and his
gender identity is firmly imbedded. As a system in the brain, the latter
programs a boy's masculine behavior and imagery while at the same time programming
the feminine counterpart as the mirror image of the boy's own reactions in
relationships with the opposite sex. Gender identity is not simply the effect
produced by an immanent (genetic) cause; the genetic endowment interacts with
the environment to yield the final effect.
The only absolutes in male and female roles are those determined by the genital
apparatus: males ejaculate, females menstruate, gestate, and lactate. Other
criteria of sexual dimorphism either derive from these irreducible four, or
are functions of time and place - as can be learned from economic history and
cultural anthropology. The optional (and optimal) content of male and female
roles is changing and will change further with the evolution of technology and
society. Ideally, both parents will agree on the role suitable for each child,
even if the goal is not always easy to achieve. Also, the child's family will
ideally not be isolated and stigmatized for the role definition it has chosen,
since this societal reaction would mark a child negatively among his age-mates,
and could force him to choose between his parents and his peer group.
Ludic (Playful) Variations
on Gender. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, members of
Europe's aristocracy enj oyed dressing in the clothing of the opposite sex.
From the Chevalier d'Eon (Charles d'Eon de Beaumont; 1728-1810), who adopted
women's dress during a diplomatic mission to Russia, stems the name that
Havelock Ellis invented for transvestism: Eonism. In the nineteenth-century
these practices trickled down to a larger public through the popular stage
productions employing female and male impersonators. These performers in turn
were imitated by people of working-class origin, giving rise to the modern
drag queen and the mannish dyke. In the period after the Stonewall Rebellion
(1969+), drag queens were prominent in activist circles, combining a defiance
of society's gender norms with opposition to sexual conformity. This old
tradition in a new guise, sometimes known as gender bending or gender fuck, is notable not only for
its political awareness, but also for the fact that the illusion of assuming
the opposite sex need not be convincing - indeed it is often deliberately not.
Such behavior reflects an intuitive awareness of the sophisticated
contemporary concept of gender. Social psychology and social activism meet.
Gender Studies. Along with women's
studies, gender studies have since the early 1970s become a focus of attention
in the academic world. Articles, monographs, and books are devoted to the
problem of gender, and to such questions as how it can be measured by
standardized tests, how it is socially defined in different historical epochs,
and how it affects the functionality and the psychic health of the individual
in various occupations and life stages. Crossing as they do the boundaries of
conventional disciplines, gender studies and women's studies utilize a multidimensional
approach to arrive at a deeper understanding of the forces that shape and
maintain sexual identity in human beings. Gender studies also intersect with a
reexamination of the legal status of men and women, and the effort to correct
discrimination against women by legal enactments and their enforcement. In
1988 the University of Texas Press began to publish a journal, Genders, with a primarily cultural
emphasis.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Suzanne J. Kessler and Wendy McKenna, Gender: An Ethno-methdological Approach, New York: John Wiley,
1978; John Money, Venmes Penises, Buffalo: Prometheus, 1986; Marilyn Strathem, The Gender of the Gift, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1989.
Warren Johansson
Gender Dysphoria
See Dysphoria, Gender.
Genet, Jean (1910-1986)
French
poet, novelist, and playwright. The son of an unknown father, abandoned by his
mother shortly after his birth, Genet was brought up by a country couple. At a
very early age, Genet began to think that there was no clear-cut distinction
between parent, master, and judge - a conflation that was to become the cornerstone
of his philosophy. At the age of 16 he was convicted of theft and sent to a
reform school. Four years later he escaped and joined the Foreign Legion but
deserted after a few days. Rebelling against society, he became a drifter who
lived by begging, dealing in narcotics, and prostitution. Crime became for him
a ritual with religious overtones, but he was unlucky enough to be caught and
sentenced several times to prison, where he wrote poems, novels, and plays.
With the encouragement and financial support of friends, Genet wrote the novels
that were to launch his fame, Notre-Dame
des Flews (Our Lady of the Flowers; 1944) and Miracle de la rose (Miracle of the Rose;
1946). In 1948, on the verge of being sentenced to prison for life, he was
pardoned by president Vincent Auriol at the behest of such influential literary
figures as Jean Cocteau and Jean-Paul Sartre. (The latter was to devote a huge,
but not always factually accurate book to the writer, Saint Genet, comedien et martyr [1952].) Set free, Genet
concentrated on his literary work and soon became a writer of international
renown, yet still without a fixed domicile and using his publisher's address
for purposes of contact.
An autobiographical work, he
Journal du voleur (The Thief's Journal; 1949), gave an account of the
writer's earlier vicissitudes in the purlieus of the French criminal
underworld and of prison. Genet also wrote a number of plays that - unlike the
novels - have no overt homosexual theme. In the novels, the clarity and purity
of the style contrasts with the sordidness of the content. It is the world of
prisons and brothels that forms the backdrop to the plot. These settings are
waiting rooms for violent death, either by assassination or by legal
execution, and they provoke almost insufferable scenes of passionate hatred or
love - often homosexual - among the inmates. In the microcosm inhabited by
Genet's characters everything comes at a high price, either in money, or in
loss of ideals, of liberty, or of Ufe. The burdensome daily routine of the prison is metamorphosed
into the ceremonies of a cathedral within whose walls miracles occur. The
inmates deliberately flout the rules of a society that has rejected and
condemned them, and within the walls of their jail they create a new hierarchy.
The reader is made to sense that any concept can yield to its opposite, that
if vice is not virtue, it may equal virtue.
In the last decades of his life Genet became involved in political causes, including
the defense of the Black Panthers in the United States in the early 1970s. He
declined any affiliation with the gay liberation movement that had emerged as
part of the radical upheaval of the Vietnam War era, saying that he considered
homosexuality a personal rather than a political matter. His own
interpretation of the homosexual experience strayed far from the precepts of a
movement that set its face against much of the role-playing prescribed by the
criminal and inmate milieu that forms the background of his tales. For Genet
the sexual relationship is always one of power asymmetry, yet the Une between promiscuity and
fidelity is also effaced. The novelist remained a rebel, not a revolutionary
inspired by a dream of a new sexual morality.
The homosexuality of Genet's characters is explicit, and the scenes of
lovemaking attain the limit of physical and psychological detail, recounted in
the argot of the French criminal underworld [which largely defies English
translation) and in a style once possible only in pornographic novels sold
"under the counter." If the homosexuality of the heroes of Genet's
novels has a strong sado-masochistic component, their love is depicted with
honesty and tenderness. The plot construction borders on free association,
while the sordid and brutal aspects of male love are not suppressed or denied.
Criminality and homosexuality are two sides of the personality of Genet's
heroes. The novels are suffused with a poetry studded with a striking imagery
in which memories, desires, and fantasies are interwoven by a creative writer
who freely transmutes experience into art. The frankness of Genet's handling of
the homoerotic caused no little embarrassment to the critics and literary
scholars who even managed to write articles in which the homosexual component
of his work went totally unmentioned. But the novels in their realism defied
all conventions and shattered the last barriers against the treatment of
homosexuality in literature. Since French writing shapes literary trends
throughout the world, the influence of Genet on future depictions of homosexual
experience is likely to mount.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Albert Dichy and Pascal Fouché, Jean Genet; essai de chzonologie 1910-1964, Paris: Université de Paris 7, 1989;
lean-Bernard Moraly, Jean Genet: La Vie écríte, Paris: Editions de la Difference, 1988; Laura Oswald, Jean Genet and the
Semiotics of Performance, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989; Richard C.
Webb and Suzanne A. Webb, Jean Genet and His Critics: An Annotated Bibliography,
1943-1980, Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1982.
Warren Johansson
Geography, Social
Geographical
distribution of homosexuals in Western industrial societies is not random. Gay
men and lesbians are more likely to live in urban areas than in the
countryside, in large cities rather than towns, and (in the United States) on
or near the two coasts rather than in the hinterland. In many countries,
regions noted for their religious conservatism are not favored by homosexuals.
In North America, where mobility is common, the single homosexual is more
mobile than most, and will seek new locales based not only on the expectation
of tolerance, but on climate and the availability of good cultural and
recreational facilities. Many gay men and lesbians deliberately move far from
their home areas to escape family constraints as well as peer pressure from people
with whom they grew up.
The diminished visibility that most homosexuals find it expedient to adopt (and
the absence of any usable census or survey statistics) hinder an accurate
estimation of these clustering patterns. On the one hand, naive observers miss
almost all the identifying signals; finding homosexuals nowhere, these people
assume that they must be everywhere. Others, more alert to the gay presence,
register it only in such areas of concentration as those mentioned, concluding
that the concentration is absolute. It is not. There are many homosexuals
living isolated lives in remote and unexpected places. Just as there are
village atheists, there are village gays - though most small-town homosexuals
choose to maintain a low profile. In any event, this article is concerned with
the concentrations, and with the social semiotic that allows the inhabitants
therein to establish group identity and community.
High- Visibility
Concentrations. In the United States media attention has spotlighted certain
urban quarters in which homosexuals are highly visible, and even predominate,
such as New York's Greenwich Village, San Francisco's Polk Street and Castro
Street areas, and Houston's Montrose. These quarters are often termed "gay
ghettos,"
a
problematic expression, though one that would be difficult to eradicate. The
word ghetto originally served to designate sections of Italian cities of the
sixteenth century in which Jews were compelled to live under conditions of
strict segregation. The ghettos were surrounded by walls behind which all Jews
were required to withdraw at night - to prevent them from having sexual
relations with Christians. In the 1920s the meaning of the term ghetto was significantly
extended by sociologists of the Chicago School, who used it to to refer not
only to the urban enclaves favored by various immigrant groups - the Little
Italys, Little Warsaws, and Chinatowns - but also to sections populated by
bohemians,hobos, and prostitutes. Since the 1960s it has been common to refer
to black districts, such as New York's Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant, as
ghettos. Clearly, the expression "gay ghetto" stretches the
definition, possibly misleadingly so. Since most gay men and lesbians are not
stereotypically identifiable to outsiders, they cannot be forced into a
strictly delimited geographical enclave,- indeed in all cities a majority of
homosexuals choose to live outside "their" quarter, though they will
usually visit it for entertainment and commercial transactions. Moreover, the boundaries
of the gay urban concentrations are porous, so that it is impossible to say
that some particular street marks the dividing line. Traditionally, the
denizens of the ethnic slums struggled to climb out of them; the fashionable
gay person struggles to acquire enough income to move in. Finally, gay
populations often overlap in a kind of patchwork with other group
concentrations, such as intellectuals and drug users. In some cases the overlapping
of groups is a direct descendent of the early twentieth-century bohemias.
During this period homosexuals often lived in boarding houses and YMCAs, which
were also favored by other single people who had come to the city in order to
be free of restrictions. Significantly, only one gay enclave today, West Hollywood,
CA, is incorporated as a city, and that is shared with other groups. Although
lesbians are usually welcome, few choose to live in the enclaves, perhaps
because many have small children who need appropriate space and schools. It may
be, however, that we are witnessing the beginnings of specifically lesbian
enclaves in such areas as New York's East Village and the zone north of the
Castro in San Francisco.
Characteristic Features of
the Enclaves. Typically, the enclave is located fairly centrally - not
downtown, but close enough and reachable by public transportation for those
who do not wish to use cars. In this way it stands at the opposite pole from
the universal emporium of today's mainstream: the suburban mall.
Initially, the quarter was somewhat run down, but it contains solid residential
structures with "character" so that homosexuals, using their
stereotypical (but often real) interior-decorating skills, can restore the
buildings to their original liveability and dignity. This process of urban
reclamation and rehabilitation has sometimes been termed
"gentrification." Because they lead to increases in rents, such
improvements are often resented by older, more impoverished residents. Inasmuch
as many of these are members of racial minorities, the refurbishment trend has
caused intergroup tensions.
As the character of the newly settled urban enclave begins to emerge, a number
of features become evident. There is a greater profusion of shops catering to
the childless affluent: antique stores, delicatessens, ice cream parlors, and
bookstores. Bars and restaurants increase in number and elegance as the
old-fashioned dives are gradually forced out by rising rents. Many of these
changes parallel those occurring in "yuppie" (young, upwardly mobile
professional) districts, and indeed the relative affluence of both groups, and
the general absence of children, creates a degree of superficial social
symbiosis. In Madison Avenue jargon both are the home of SINCS (single income,
no children) and DINCS (dual income, no children). To distinguish the gay
enclaves one must develop a more subtle eye for social semiotic. The
inhabitants themselves have little difficulty, and when gay and yuppie
districts overlap as they do in San Francisco's Folsom Street, mutual hostility
may occur. The dress and deportment of passersby provide good clues, as do the
names of bars and other commercial establishments which reflect fashionable
trends in the gay world. Cinemas are likely to favor camp classics or current
films appealing to gay taste. Pedestrian traffic, interlaced with cruising,
abounds at all hours, in contrast to most other neighborhoods, where traffic
peaks only as residents are leaving for, or returning from, work. These signs
are not lost on interested outsiders. Insurance companies and other businesses
are said to pinpoint enclave locations by their particular postal ZIP codes.
Analogous Formations. These enclaves just
discussed are characterized by a combination of residential and commercial
use. And in fact it is possible for some residents to pass virtually their
whole lives within the enclave, working, shopping, banking, and cruising
there. There are, however, other more limited zones of "gay space."
University districts often host a goodly share of homosexual residents,
attracted by their relative tolerance and the cultural amenities. Some are
simply students who stayed on, never having formed f amilies which would
require larger quarters. Old warehouses, in industrial zones where no one
lives, may open at night as bars or discos that attract surprising numbers of
people. These locales are chosen for their inconspicuousness, and may not even
present a sign on the street, much as Christian churches in old Cairo have
their entrances off obscure courtyards so as to maintain a low profile. City
parks, which may lie at some distance from the residential-commercial gay enclave,
are claimed after a certain hour at night as cruising grounds. In Europe a
fragmentary history of such "zones of licence" may be pieced
together from the late Middle Ages onwards. A church-sponsored inquiry
undertaken in Cologne in 1484, for example, ascertained the presence of
sodomites in several areas of the city, at least one of which corresponds to an
area still frequented by homosexuals in the early years of the present century.
To be sure, changes in favored spots occur for various reasons. Modern methods
of transport made railroad depots and bus stations favorite places. Curiously,
airport terminals do not seem to fulfill this function, in part because they
are not easily reached on foot or by ordinary means of transportation and in
part because security is omnipresent. Repeated raids or obtrusive surveillance
may make some spots permanently unattractive. The need to use a car need not
itself be a bar to the appropriation of "gay space," and is a
positive advantage during periods of police "heat." Outside the
cities certain commercial strips, highway reststops, and toilets are reachable
only by automobile. All these public areas of encounter seem at first
bewilderingly diverse, but reflection shows that a key common denominator is
the cover rationale that they all provide for loitering. In Europe in former
times, churchyards (where one could simulate contemplation of one's sins) and
bridges (where fishing served as an excuse) flourished as cruising spots for
similar reasons. In traditional Spain ports (Seville, Valencia, Barcelona) were
meeting places, as were (probably) inland establishments serving mule drivers.
Some city neighborhoods have bars that serve, say, construction workers during
the day, but switch to a gay clientele at night, the daytime patrons being
scarcely aware of the double hat that "their" bar is wearing. This
time-sharing phenomenon is found in other spheres of urban life, as in the
hotels that boast "110 percent occupancy," because they rent rooms
for sexual assignations for an hour or two in the middle of the day.
Social Semiotics. Althoughmuch attention has
been given to the behavioral geography of cities, little work has been done on
what might be termed their "gay semiotics." What determines the appropriation
and modification of the built environment by male homosexuals and lesbians? How
do their kinetic patterns, those of movement and loitering, serve to
"stake out" and structure the parts of the city they favor? And
finally what mental maps do these individuals form of landmarks and pathways
that are significant to them?
Resorts. Differing significantly
from the urban gay enclaves and their satellites are what might be termed
"exclaves": the gay resorts. Some of these,
located like Key West and Palm Springs in tropical climes, function the year
round. Here gay residents and retirees who live there share the towns with
transients. In some places the influx of gay tourists, who in their holiday
mood may behave more flamboyantly than at home, causes tension with straight
"townies," the regular residents,- for those in business the influx
of dollars is most welcome. On the East Coast, Provincetown, MA, and Fire
Island near New York City are seasonal resorts, where the population shrinks to
almost nothing in winter. Occupying an intermediate position with respect to
seasonal use are the European islands of Ibiza and Mykonos, with their
international clientele. Although Italian gay groups sponsor a summer camp each
year in the south of their country, there seems as yet no homosexual equivalent
of the Club Méditerranée.
Rural Gays. Far from American cities
are small settlements, occasionally communes, but usually just farms run by one
or two individuals. In some instances these establishments are owned by rural
people on inherited family land; most, however, show the influence of the ecology
and hippy movements and are worked by one-time urbanites who have fled the
stress and pollution of the urban "rat race." Although a slight
preference for the western states may be detected (possibly reflecting the
mystique of the cowboy as a rugged individualist), these farms and communes are
usually geographically isolated; residents communicate with other sympathetic
people by mail, telephone, and computer modem. They also have a periodical, RFD:A Country Journal for Gay Men Everywhere (Bakersville, NC).
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Manuel Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements, Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1983; Frances FitzGerald, Cities on a Hill: A
Journey through Contemporary American Cultures, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1986; Martin P. Levine,
"Gay Ghetto,"
in: M. P. Levine, ed., Gay Men: The Sociology of Male Homosexuality, New York: Harper &
Row, 1979, pp. 182-204; Neil Miller, In Search of Gay America, New York: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 1989.
Wayne R. Dynes
George, Stefan (1868-1933)
German
lyric poet. a student of languages,
George traveled widely, knew Mallarmé and Verlaine in Paris, and was profoundly influenced by Spain. His life
and work have a strongly esoteric character, as despising the mass culture of
the fin-de-siecle, he chose to live amidst a
circle of admiring disciples, with and for whom he published the journal Blätter für die Kunst ( 1890-1919). Membership
in the circle was conferred on an elite group of men qualified by their
handsome and aristocratic bearing. Though certain themes in his work - noble
youths, exalted leaders, and a "new Reich" - were interpreted by the
National Socialists as akin to their cause, George spurned their advances,
going into voluntary exile at the end of his life.
The homosexual aspect of George's work is difficult to define: on the surface
it is invisible, at deeper levels omnipresent. By the end of the 1890s he
achieved a studied elegance, a perfection of form, a regularity of rhythm and
purity of rhyme that remain the hallmarks of his best poetry. His later poems
have a prophetic, quasi-mystical character, inspired by his worship of a
"divine" youth, Maximin, and a longing to realize in life the vision
of the ideal that permeates his poetry, together with a rapturous quality of
love. The homosexual strain of the text is never expressed in conventional
erotic topoi; rather it is masked by various strategems that escape the
uninitiated reader: gender-neutral language, poems in the genderless second
person "Du," allusions to traditionally homosocial groupings such as
military or athletic formations, setting the poem in a historical period rich
in homoerotic connotations {such as the credo: "Hellas eternally our
love"), even using a female persona or pretending to demean or satirize
homosexual attachments. Yet in his work the passion between males is always
named "love," never disguised as mere "friendship," but at
the same time discretely merged with heterosexual "love," or with the
asexual "love" of Christian theology. In some passages masculine and
feminine signals alternate in an androgynous pattern, leaving the reader to
divine what is intended.
The taboo on overt manifestation of homosexuality in late nineteenth-century
Germany obliged George to devise for self-expression to a discerning minority a
complicated code that utilizes masks and symbols inherited from previous
literary epochs, while cherishing the dream of a "new world" of male
beauty and comradeship. The very notion of the "secret" is
tantamount to the forbidden, the homoerotic - as it was objectively in the
culture of George's time - but it is the "secret" that perceptive
critics recognize as the clue to all of George's life and work, however veiled
these may be to the profane reader. George remains the outstanding
representative of a literary school, forbidden to express homosexual feeling
and experience openly, that conveyed its message by a complex linguistic code
which united form and content with enduring aesthetic mastery.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Marita Keilson-Lauritz, Von der Liebe die Preundschaft heisst: Zur Homoeiotik im
Werk Stefan Georges, Berlin: Verlag Rosa Winkel, 1988.
Warren Johansson
Gerber, Henry (1892-1972)
American
gay rights pioneer. Born in Bavaria, Gerber arrived in the United States only
in 1914, and the following year joined the U.S. Army under a provision
admitting aliens. From 1920 to 1923 he served in the American army of occupation
in the Rhineland, where he discovered the German homosexual movement in full
bloom. The upshot of this experience was that on his resettlement in Chicago
Gerber founded the Society for Human Rights, inspired in name and purpose by
the Liga
für Menschenrechte.
On December 10,1924, the State of Illinois granted a charter to the society -
the first documented homosexual rights organization in the United States. It
saw as its task the combatting of the "almost wilful misunderstanding and
ignorance on the part of the general public concerning the nature of homosexuality,"
and the forging of an organized, self-disciplined homosexual community. Like
its German predecessors, it focused on the repeal of the laws - in this case
those of Illinois - that penalized homosexual acts. It managed to issue two
numbers (now lost) of a periodical named Friendship and Freedom, again after the German Freundschaft und Freiheit, before Gerber and several
of his associates were arrested, and he lost his job and his savings. Although
the members of the society were finally acquitted, Gerber remembered this
failure with the bitterness of one who went unaided in his hour of trial.
Between 1928 and 1930 he contributed three articles to homosexual periodicals
in Germany, and in 1932, under the pseudonym "Parisex," he published
what was for the time a bold defense of homosexuality. In the same period he
produced two mimeographed journals in which he printed several essays on homosexuality.
Through an advertisement for pen-pals in one of these he began a correspondence
with Manuel Boyfrank, who had ideas, impractical at the time, for a homosexual
emancipation organization. Gerber conceived its structure and purposes in a
manner that notably anticipated the Mattachine Society in the earliest phase of
its existence. In the 1940s his activities took the form of correspondence and
of translating into English several chapters of Magnus Hirschfeld's Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes
(Male and
Female Homosexuality), which were later published in ONE Institute Quarterly. After the founding of the
Mattachine Society he joined its Washington chapter, but took no prominent
role in its functions, fearing a repetition of the catastrophe that had
befallen his first venture. Like Karl Heinrich Ulrichs in Germany, Henry Gerber
was a lone pioneer - one of those who came before their time, but had the
vision which others would later realize and bring to fulfillment.
Warren Johansson
Gericault, Theodore (1791-1824)
French
romantic painter. Like most artists of his day, Gericault was trained in the
Neo-Classic style with its didactic foundation in studies from the male nude.
Unlike other artists who moved into a romantic style, Gericault never evinced a
complementary interest in the sensuality of the female form. Indeed, some of
his drawings and paintings show an almost torrential response to the virility
and force of the male body, which in his military scenes extends to highly
charged scenes of comradeship. In other works his response to the human body is
more conflicted. His most important work, the vast canvas of The Raft of the Medusa (Louvre; 1819), shows a
group of shipwrecked people in their last extremities before being rescued.
Gericault had an affinity for grisly and harrowing subject matter, and toward
the end his life, when he was suffering from the effects of a nervous
breakdown, he painted a series of portraits of the insane, in which an element
of self-identification is unmistakeable.
Speculation about his personal homosexuality has been fueled by the apparent
absence of a romantic interest in the artist's life. Recently, however, it has
been discovered that Gericault conducted a clandestine affair with a maternal
aunt by marriage, Alexandrine-Modeste Camel, who became the mother of his
illegitimate son. For those given to simple either-or thinking, this would seem
to settle the question. But as Edward Lucie-Smith has pointed out, the matter
is more complex. The question of what is homosexual art is still in flux, but
it seems clear that it cannot be resolved by a straightforward litmus test
stemming from the known facts of the artist's life. The work tells its own
story, and in the case of Gericault there are strong elements of homosexual
sensibility, regardless of what he may have done in bed. Admittedly, it is
different from the sensibility of twentieth-century gay artists, but has more
in common with such Renaissance masters as Michelangelo and Cellini. As our
studies of art as expression of the complexities of gender identity become
more subtle, greater understanding of the riddle of Gericault's powerful
oeuvre is likely to emerge.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Edward Lucie-Smith, "The Homosexual Sensibility of Gericault's Paintings
and Drawings," European Gay Review, 2 (1987), 32-40.
Wayne R. Dynes
Germanic Law
See Law, Germanic.
Germany
Since,
historically speaking, there is no unambiguously defined territory named
"Germany," the following article concentrates on the geographical
area included in the present Federal Republic of Germany (Bundesrepublik
Deutschland) and the German Democratic Republic (Deutsche Demokratische
Republik).
The Middle Ages. In medieval German
literature male homosexuality is seldom mentioned, lesbianism never. In the Passion of Saint Pelagius composed in Latin by
Roswitha (Hrotswith) of Gandersheim, there is the story of the son of the king
of Galicia in Spain who, captured by the Moslem invaders, was approached by
Abderrahman with offers of the highest honors if he would submit to his
pederastic advances but violently refused - at the cost of his life. The Latin
poem on Lantfrid and Cobbo relates the love of two men, one homosexual, the
other bisexual. A High German version of Solomon and Moiolf composed about 1190 makes
an allusion to sodomy, while the Eneit
of
Heinrich von Veldeke has the mother of Lavinia, the daughter of King Latinus of
Italy accuse Aeneas of being a notorious sodomite to dissuade her from marrying
him. Moriz von Craun, a verse narrative of ca.
1200, makes the emperor Nero the archetype of the mad sodomite, who even wishes
to give birth to a child. In his rhymed Fiauenbuch
|1257),
Ulrich von Lichtenstein presents a debate between a knight and a lady, in
which the latter accuses men of preferring hunting, drinking, and boy love to
the service of women. About the same time the Austrian poet Der Strieker used
references to Sodom and Gomorrah in his negative condemnation.
Legal History. Down to the founding of
the German Empire in 1871 there existed numerous smaller states whose penal
codes had very different provisions regarding homosexuality. While in the
Middle Ages there was no punishment at all for homosexual acts, in 1532 the
death penalty for "Sodomiterey" (sodomy) was introduced throughout
the Holy Roman Empire, as Charles V promulgated a uniform Constitutio Criminalis Carolina with a corresponding
paragraph as part of the criminal law of his realm. The death penalty remained
in force in individual German states, but was applied in a quite different
manner that varied with time and place and on the whole rather inconsistently.
Prussia was the first German state that in 1794 abolished the death penalty for
sodomy and replaced it with imprisonment and flogging. After 1810 many states
[including Bavaria, Württemberg, and Hannover) followed the model of the Code
Napoleon in France and introduced complete impunity for homosexual acts, a
policy reversed in 1871 in favor of the anti-homosexual Paragraph 175 of the uniform Imperial
Penal Code.
From the Reformation to
Romanticism. With commentaries on the relevant passages in the Bible as
their starting point, Martin Luther [Warning
to His Beloved Germans, 1531) began a tradition of reproaching the Catholic church
by claiming that the clergy and especially the monks were homosexual. This
polemic became a staple of Protestant-Catholic debate. As late as the Nazi
period, the regime conducted a campaign against the Catholic church in which
numerous priests were accused of homosexuality in show trials ¡1937-38).
The translation and reception of ancient texts since the eighteenth century
offered frequent occasion for the treatment of homosexuality (a partial
translation of Petronius' Satyricon
by
Wilhelm Heinse in 1773, Vindications
of Horace by GottholdEphraimLessingin 1754, On the Male Love of the Greeks by Christoph Meiners in
1775 and others), as did likewise translations of Enlightenment texts from
France and Italy (Pierre Bayle, Dictionnaire
historique et critique, 1741-44, Cesare Beccaria, Dei dehtti e delle pene, 1766).
In German poetry, however, the homosexual theme was rare before the nineteenth
century. Friendship between men is, to be sure, a frequent subject of poetry
(especially in Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock, Johann Wilhelm Ludwig Gleim,
-Wilhelm Heinse, even in Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen and others),
but the amicable feelings depicted in them are clearly demarcated from the
longing of pederasts and sodomites, and the boundary between friendship and
sexuality is seldom if ever crossed (though possibly in F. W. B. von Ramdohr, Venus Urania, 1798, Part 2, pp. 103ff.)
Homosexual Lifestyles and
Their Conceptualization. All such texts, however, tell us scarcely anything of the
everyday life of those who were actively involved in homosexuality. The first
document that shed light on this matter is Johann Friedel's Letters on the Gallantries of Berhn ( 1782), where what
amounts toa homosexual subculture in a German city is described. It is
quite possible that the conditions in Berlin that are described as "having
become fashionable only since Voltaire's time" existed in a more or less
pronounced form in other German capitals such as Dresden, Munich, or Hannover.
In the nineteenth century homosexual lifestyles developed parallel to the
growth of the population and the expansion of the big cities in such a manner
that one increasingly finds documents of homosexual self-depiction and
reflection such as had not previously occurred, for example the diaries of the
poet August von Platen and autobiographical accounts embedded in the works of
physicians and forensic psychiatrists such as Johann Ludwig Casper, Richard von
Krafft-Ebing, and Albert Moll. Apologetic theories of the naturalness of
homosexuality (K. H. Ulrichs, K. M. Kertbeny, and perhaps the philosopher
Arthur Schopenhauer) were formulated, competing with a different
conceptualization that was developed by the aforementioned medical authors, describing
homosexuality as a congenital disease.
The Rise of the German Homosexual
Rights Movement. The criminalization of male homosexuality in the German
empire came about through the inclusion of a special article in the Imperial
Penal Code of 1871: Paragraph 175. The article was the occasion and
precondition for the emergence of a modern gay movement, the founding of the
Scientific-Humanitarian Committee (Wissenschaftlich-humanitäre Komitee) by
Magnus Hirschfeld in 1897, which soon became active not just in Berlin, but
also in other cities such as Leipzig, Munich, Hamburg, and Frankfurt am Main,
as well as abroad in the Netherlands and in Austria, which had their own
organizations. The flowering of a gay movement in the first third of the
twentieth century was the outstanding feature that set the homosexuals in
Germany apart from those in other countries.
The movement was accompanied by major scholarly efforts, augmenting the
groundswell of studies in the field of sexuality that had appeared from the
mid-1880s onward. The campaign for the abolition of Paragraph 175 provoked an
enormous literature of books, pamphlets, and articles pro and con, so
extensive that by 1914 the criminologist Hans Gross could write that everything
that anyone could ever have to say on the subject had by then appeared in
print. There was also a profusion of gay and lesbian poetry, short stories, and
novels. Such mainstream authors as Hans Henny Jahnn, Klaus Mann, Thomas Mann,
Anna Elisabet Weihrauch, and Christa Winsloe also discussed the theme. This
cultural efflorescence lent substance to the claim of Weimar Germany to be a
land of cultural innovation, though to be sure the Republic had its dark side
as well.
From the Thirties to the
Present. This gay movement developed in a relatively
straightforward course - with interruptions caused by the Eulenburg affair and
World War I. The era also saw the beginnings of a lesbian movement, and a full
panoply of homosexual subculture unfolded down to the year 1933. If until then
Germany was probably unique and unparalleled in the world in terms of governmental
liberalism and of opportunities for homosexual life, then the same was true in
reverse for the Nazi era from 1933 to 1945: at least 10,000 homosexualmen,
stigmatized with the pink triangle, were confined in German concentration camps
under the Holocaust during those twelve years, and many of them were killed.
Apart from this fact, for the vast majority of gay men the period of Hitlerism
was a time of intensified peril, of persecution and punishment, since
alongside the threat of internment in a concentration camp, Paragraph 175 was
made even more punitive and applied with mounting frequency.
After the victory over the Nazis the situation of the homosexuals in the two
newly emerging states was different. In West Germany after about 1948 conditions
returned to what they had been before 1933. Although the Nazi version of Paragraph
175 remained on the books, homosexual organizations, bars, and gay magazines
were tolerated in many West German cities and in West Berlin. In East Germany,
to be sure, only the milder pre-1933 version of paragraph 175 was in force, but
homosexual life was subject to restrictions on the part of the state and the
police, so that gay men and lesbians had scarcely any opportunity to organize
and express their views freely. After the liberalization of the penal laws
against homosexuality in both German states (East Germany 1968, West Germany
1969), a gay movement of a new type arose in the Federal Republic under the
influence of Anglo-American models. In East Germany the beginnings of an
independent gay and lesbian organization tolerated by the state appeared only
in the mid-1980s.
See also Austria.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Gisela Bleibtreu-Ehrenberg, Tabu Homosexualität, Frankfurt am Main: S.
Fischer, 1978; Magnus Hirschfeld, Die Homosexualität des Mannes und des Weibes, Berlin: Marcus, 1914,
reprint, Berlin: Walter De Gruyter, 1985; Rüdiger Lautmann, Seminar Gesellschaft und Homosexualität, Frankfurt am Main:
Suhrkamp, 1977; Richard Plant, The Pink Triangle, New York: Henry Holt, 1986; James D. Steakley, The Homosexual Emancipation
Movement in Germany, New York: Arno, 1975.
Manfred Herzer
Gesture and Body Language
Gestures
can have a specific import, as (in our culture) the forefinger laid
vertically against the lips, which means "silence." Contrasting with
such semiotic gestures are ones expressing more general states, as drumming of
the fingers on a surface displaying nervousness. Gestures of the first type are
culturally determined signs and vary enormously in meaning across the world,
while the latter are more the product of somatic processes and tend to be
relatively uniform, though vaguer in signification. The degree of acceptance of
gesticulation varies from one culture to another, so that the peoples of
northwestern Europe and North America are much more sparing in its use than,
say, those of Sicily or Argentina. In our culture this restraint goes together
with a general reduction of affect, and a consequent magnification of its
significance when enacted, so that a touch or a kiss that would be a minor
matter in another society may be taken as a sexual invitation and found
offensive.
In ancient Greece, to judge from depictions in vase paintings, a man's courtship
of a boy was conveyed by an eloquent gesture with one hand touching the youth's
genitals while the other chucked his chin in entreaty. In modem western
culture, the best-known courtship gesture among gay men is less directly
physical: the eye
lock employed
in cruising, or ambulatory sexual solicitation. This act constitutes a
deliberate violation of the taboo on staring, and if the partner is
uninterested or uncomprehending he will immediately break contact. A different
eye gesture is reading,
now less
common than in the first half of the century, in which the gay person indicates
by a knowing look that he is aware that the other individual is also
homosexual. Seemingly recent is attitude,
a bodily
posture found in makeout bars conveying hauteur and disdain. The queen of
former decades was inclined to adopt gestures associated with the gentility of
upper-class drawing rooms and cafe society, as in the distension of the little
finger when taking tea. Winks and eyebrow-raising may be common in some
circles, though these are not specifically gay. In the world of entertainment,
drag performers developed an elaborate repertoire of exaggerated
gender-crossing gestures, which were imitated by other members of the gay
community only on occasion, as camp.
One would expect that during earlier times of clandestinity self-protection
would have fostered a sophisticated language of gesture to signal the suspected
presence of plainclothesmen, dangerous individuals and the like, but in fact
such warnings seem to have been expressed mainly in verbal form
("tilly," "dirt"], using slang known to the adepts but not
to outsiders. The comparative study of gesture is still in its infancy and
future studies are likely to discover a richer heritage of gay and lesbian
gestures worldwide than the few now known. In our culture, nonverbal
communication also takes the form of tokens and regalia, such as lambda pins
and pink triangle buttons, as well as keys worn externally and colored
handkerchiefs dangling from a back pocket.
Deprecatory gestures signaling the presence of gay people occur among
heterosexuals. Widespread is the imp wrist
posture
connoting sissihood and affectation: the arm is kept close to one's side but
bent sharply at the elbow, while the hand dangles helplessly aloft. Some
gestures are quite culture-specific. In Latin America an "invert" may
be signified by placing the arm along one's side with the thumb and forefinger
forming a circle just below the belt; the implication is that the other person
possesses a vagina rather than a penis. Also in Latin America, the suspected
presence of a lesbian may be signaled by slapping the hands together,
alluding to the word tortillera,
"tortilla
maker, lesbian." As this example shows, some gestures are parasitic on
verbal language, which must be known in order to decipher them. Other hostile
gestures seek to convey the notion of effeminacy through disposition of other
parts of the body, as through swaying hips and supercilious smiles. Male
homosexuals are traditionally thought to have a "mincing" gait, a
stereotype that is reflected in such slang labels as swish and flit.
By
contrast lesbians are caricatured through heavy gestures and a stomping walk.
These devices of mimicry reflect the notion that homosexual persons are irresistibly
drawn to adopt the conduct of the opposite sex.
Another aspect of body language studied by scholars is proxemics, the distance
that people assume from one another. In social encounters Europeans prefer
greater distance than Arabs and Brazilians. To come close makes the other
individual feel uncomfortable, and may even be interpreted as a sexual
"pass." In straight company, therefore, many homosexuals check
themselves from approching "too close" to their interlocutor - so
that paradoxically the excessive distance which they maintain amounts to a
giveaway.
See also Semiotics, Gay.
Wayne R. Dynes
Ghettos, Gay
The term ghetto originated in Renaissance
Italy, as the Venetian dialect form derived from Vulgar Latin iectus "foundry," the
name of the enclosed area of Venice in which the Jews were not merely required
to live, but even had to be after a certain hour in the evening, while
conversely Christians were forbidden to enter the Jewish quarter after dark.
The motive for the creation of the ghetto was to prevent sexual intercourse
between Jews and Christians. In the nineteenth century the abolition of the ghetto
was a significant part of the emancipation of the Jewish communities of
Western and Central Europe.
In the 1960s, the survival of the word in English usage led to its being
applied by analogy to areas in the inner cities of the United States in which
racial minorities, especially blacks and Latinos, were concentrated by reason
of poverty or of the collusion of real estate interests to prevent them from
obtaining homes or apartments outside of designated neighborhoods. It also
connoted the exclusion (or self-exclusion) of such minorities from the
political and cultural life of the larger society. As early as 1942, a survey
of residential patterns in New York City had found similar clusters of
homosexuals in three areas of Manhattan: Greenwich Village, the East Side in
the 50s, and the neighborhood around 72nd Street and Broadway. Subsequently,
other cities were noted to have sections largely populated by those practicing
an evident homosexual lifestyle. Along with the West Village and Chelsea in
New York City, Chicago's North Side and San Francisco's Castro Valley have such
an ambience.
Such concentrations probably stem from the bohemias of the late nineteenth
century, in which the sexually unconventional mingled openly with artists,
writers, and political radicals, among them advocates of what was then called
"free love." The gay ghettos of the present are often districts that
have been reclaimed from previous decay, with neatly refurbished apartments
and brownstones alongside fashionable boutiques and exotic restaurants, as
well as enterprises offering wares or services specifically for a homosexual
clientele. The urban homosexual can be the spearhead of gentrification in that
he frequently has considerable discretionary income, no wife or children who
would suffer from the initially depressed environment, and a preference for the
anonymity of the metropolis over the high social visibility of the
upper-middle-class suburb with its basically heterosexual lifestyle. This
tendency of gay ghettos to encroach upon former working-class minority
neighborhoods as part of the gentrification (and Europeanization) of American
cities has at times generated social friction between the two groups. However,
while the ghettos in which other minorities find themselves confined are
resented as symbols of discrimination and exclusion, the gay ghetto can be a
haven of toleration whose denizens enjoy liberties seldom accorded to overt
homosexuals residing elsewhere.
See also Geography, Social; Subculture.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Martin P. Levine, "Gay Ghettos," Journal of Homosexuality,
4 (1979), 363-77.
Warren Johansson
Ghulamiyya
This rare
Arabic term (plural ghulamiyyat]
alludes
to a girl whose appearance is as boyish as possible, and who therefore
possesses a kind of boyish sensuality. Especially prominent in the ninth and
tenth centuries, this phenomenon seems to have originated in the court of the
Abbasid caliph Al-Amin (809-13) in Baghdad. It is said that his mother arranged
for a number of girls to be disguised as boys in order to combat the caliph's
preference for male eunuchs. The practice spread quickly, especially among
theupper classes, where many female slaves and servants circulated dressed and
coifed as boys.
A ghulamiyya dressed in a short tunic with loose sleeves; her hair was worn
long or short, with ornamental curls across the temples. Some girls even
painted a mustache on their upper lips, using a colored perfume such as musk.
("Did you perhaps kiss the rainbow? It is just as if he is drawn on your
red lips.") Ghulamiyyat also tried, as much as possible, to act and speak
like boys, often taking up sports or other masculine pastimes.
These girls were adept in two varieties of sexual intercourse, and therefore
potentially attractive to both men who loved girls and those who loved boys.
But true pederasts, naturally, would not be fooled: "But how could she,
alas, plug up that deep and sombre pit, something that no boy possesses."
Abu Nuwas once made the mistake of being attracted to a ghulamiyya,
"although the love of generous breasts is not my taste," but
regretted this when he nearly drowned: "And I swore that for as long as I
lived I would never again choose the abundant froth, but would only travel by
back."
The short-lived popularity of the ghulamiyya may have derived from androgynous ideals of
beauty, which a boyish girl or a girlish boy can approximate more closely than
a grown male or female. In the Middle East, male prostitutes often wear female
clothing, possibly to appear more attractive. In ancient Greece, female prostitutes
were obliged to wear male clothing, and in seventeenth-century Japan they
dressed as boys, which made them popular with Buddhist monks, who were prohibited
from being seen in the company of women.
The term ghulamiyya stems from an Arabic root, ghalima, which means "to be
excited by lust, be seized by sensuous desire." Derived terms are ghalim, "excited by lust,
lewd," ghuhna,
"lust,
heat, rut," and ghulam,
"boy,
youth, lad; slave; servant, waiter." The two facets of meaning seem to be
clearly pédérastie
in
nature. Ghulamiyya in the present sense seems to be derived from ghulam, simply
being the feminine form of the better-known word.
See also Mukhannath.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Maarten Schild, "The Irresistible Beauty of Boys: Middle Eastern Attitudes
Towards Boy-love," Paidika,
3(1988),
37-48.
Maarten Schild
Gide, André (1869-1951)
French
novelist, diarist, and playwright. Born into a family that gave him a strict
Calvinist and puritanical upbringing, Gide rebelled against his background, yet throughout his life
joined a Protestant attachment to the Gospels with a profound admiration for
the beauty and sensuality of the pagan classics. After his visits to North
Africa between 1893 and 1896, he gave open expression to a pagan value system
that was for him a self-liberation from the moral and sexual conventions of
his upbringing. He became a controversial figure in the French intellectual
world of the first half of the twentieth century, not least because of his
public defense of homosexuality.
Life and Works. In 1891 Gide met Oscar Wilde, the
flamboyant aesthete, who set about ridding him of his inhibitions - with
seductive grace. Gide's first really striking work of moral
"subversion" was Les
Nourritures terrestres (The Fruits of the Earth; 1897), a set of lyrical exhortations
to a fictional youth, Nathanaël, who is urged to free himself of the Christian sense of sin
and cultivate the life of the senses with sincerity and independence. During
the political turmoil of the 1930s Gide returned to the same themes and stylistic manners in Les nouvelles nourritures (1935).
In 1895 he married his cousin, Madeleine Rondeaux, and suffered an acute
conflict between her strict Christian values and his own yearning for
self-liberation, together with his awakening homosexual drives. The
never-ending battle within himself between the puritan and the pagan, the
Biblical and the Nietzschean, caused his intellect to oscillate between two
poles that are reflected in his succeeding books. In Les Caves
du Vatican (The Vatican Cellars;
1914), the hero, Lafcadio, "lives dangerously" according to the Gidean
formula and commits a seemingly senseless murder as a psychologically
liberating "gratuitous act." A further series of short novels have an
ironic structure dominated by the viewpoint of a single character, while his
major novel, LesFauxmonnayeurs
(The
Counterfeiters; 1926) has a Chinese-box like structure meant to reflect the
disorder and complexity of real Ufe.
In 1908
he was among the founders of the highly influential periodical Nouvelle Revue Française.
After
World War II he traveled widely, writing ever more on colonialism and
communism. During the period of the popular front he joined other intellectuals
in rallying to the left, but after visiting the Soviet Union in 1936, he wrote
a book voicing his disillusionment with the workers' paradise, Retour de l'U.R. S. S. (Back from the USSR; 1936). While others were dazzled by
what their Soviet hosts chose to show them, or turned a blind eye to what they
preferred not to see, Gide's experience as a homosexual had taught him to look
for the telltale signs of the disparity between the surface of society and the
hidden reality - which he espied only too well.
His publications include an autobiography, Si le grain ne meurt (If It Die . . .; 1926)
and his Journal,
which
ultimately covered the years 1885 to 1949. His ambivalent stand during the
years of the German occupation cost him much of the influence which he had
enjoyed during the height of his career, and even the Nobel Prize for
literature awarded him in 1947 could not restore his prestige. He died in 1951
at a moment when his importance as a man of letters had largely waned and the
homosexual liberation movement that was to vindicate a significant part of his
life's work was just beginning.
Views on Homosexuality. Gide's major work on
homosexuality was a set of four dialogues entitled Cory don. A short first version had
been privately printed in 1911, the enlarged essay was issued privately in
March 1920, and the public version was placed on sale in May 1924, creating a
scandal in that it made a tabooed subject the talk of the literary salons of
Paris. Limited in scope as they were, Gide's four dialogues constituted a
remarkable achievement for their time by blending personal experience, the
French literary mode of detached presentation of abnormal behavior, the
traditional appeal to ancient Greece, and the then quite young science of
ethology - the comparative study of the behavior of species lower on the
evolutionary scale.
The incidents that prompted the dialogues were the Harden-Eulenburg affair in
Germany and a debate over Walt Whitman's homosexuality on the pages of the
journal Mercure
de France. Their publication followed the appearance of Proust's Sodome et Gomorrhe (1921), with the explicit
depiction of the homosexuality of the character Baron de Charlus. The essay is
designed to oppose the medical point of view, as Gide thought physicians the
social group most hostile to homosexuality in that era. Religion is ignored
save for remarks in the fourth dialogue about the monastic suppression of the
pederastic literature of antiquity and the Christian exaltation of chastity.
The first two dialogues argue that homosexuality is natural because deriving
from the structure of sexual polarity, the ratio between the sexes, and the
independence of sexual pleasure from reproduction. The third and fourth
dialogues then claim that homosexuality occurs naturally in human beings, and
so far from being the unfortunate relic of an earlier stage of evolution, it is
capable of inspiring a great and classic civilization.
Responding to the polemic literature of his time, Gide addressed two antithetical
issues in the discussion of homosexuality. The first was the origin of
homosexual response as a problem in human macroevolution; the second was the
role of homosexuality as a factor in the erotic and cultural life of human
society. Going against the temper of the age, he noted that the positive
achievements of ancient civilization credited to the homoerotic impulse all
belong to the institution of pederasty, not to the androphile homosexuality of
modern times, and even less to "inversion," the passive-effeminate
male homosexuality which he spurned as diseased or "degenerate." The
problematic equation of the "natural" with the socially desirable he
therefore left unresolved, even if his work answers some of the conventional
objections to homosexuality on pseudo-biological grounds.
Andr6 Gide blazed a trail in making homosexuality a topic for literature and
for literary criticism, and the capital fact of his own sexual orientation -
including the narcissistic side of his personality - remains crucial to the
understanding of his entire life's work as a French prose writer.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Justin O'Brien, Portrait of Andr6 Gide: A Critical Biography,
New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1953; Andre Gide, Corydon,
with a
comment on the second dialogue by Frank Beach, New York: Noonday Press, 1950.
Warren Johansson
GILGAMESH
This
Mesopotamian figure ranks as the first tragic hero in world literature. The
Epic of Gilgamesh has survived in Sumerian, Akkadian, and Hittite versions that
go back to the third millennium before our era. Lost from sight until the
decipherment of the cuneiform script retrieved the literatures of early
Mesopotamia, the epic is a blend of pure adventure, morality, and tragedy.
Only the final version, that of Assurbanipal's library in Nineveh, has survived
in virtually complete form, but all the episodes in the cycle existed as
separate poems in Sumerian. The setting of the story is the third millennium,
and the original language was Sumerian, the Paleoeurasian speech of the first
literate civilization of Mesopotamia, which continued like Latin to be copied
as a dead language of past culture even after it was displaced by the Eastern
Semitic Akkadian.
The epic opens with a brief resume of the deeds and fortunes of the hero whose
praises it sings. Two crucial themes are sounded: (1) that love is at the heart
of the hero's character, and (2) that love (or eios as the Greeks later called it) is the force that provokes
the transformation and development of man's nature. Gilgamesh is announced at
the outset as a hero: two-thirds god and one-third man, endowed by the gods
with strength, with beauty, with wisdom. His sexual demands upon the people of
Uruk are insatiable: "No son is left with his father, for Gilgamesh takes
them all. . . . His lust leaves no virgin to her lover, neither the warrior's
daughter nor the wife of the noble." In reply to their complaints Aruru,
the goddess of creation, forms Enkidu out of clay. "His body was rough, he
had long hair like a woman's. He was innocent of mankind;
he knew not the cultivated land." To tame the wild man a harlot offers her
services, "she made herself naked and welcomed his eagerness, she incited
the savage to love and taught him the woman's art." At the conclusion, the
transforming power of eros has humanized him; the wild animals flee from him,
sensing that as a civilized man he is no longer one of them. The metamorphosis
from the subhuman and savage to his new self proves strikingly how love is the
force behind civilization.
Gilgamesh has two dreams with symbolism which presages the homoerotic
relationship which the gods have planned for him and the challenger Enkidu. In
the Akkadian text there are puns on the words lusru, "ball (of fire),
meteorite," andiezru, "male with curled hair," the counterpart
of the harlot, and on hassinu,
"axe,"
and assinu, "male
prostitute." Gilgamesh's superior energy and wisdom set him apart from
others and make him lonely; he needs a male companion who can be his intimate
and his equal at the same time, while their male bond stimulates and inspires
them to action. After a wrestling match between Enkidu and Gilgamesh in which
the latter triumphs, the two become comrades. Their erotic drive is not lost,
but rather transformed and directed to higher objects; it leads to a
homoerotic relationship that entails the rejection of Ishtar, the goddess of
love. A liaison of this kind is not contingent on the physical beauty of the
lover, it endures until death. Gilgamesh himself abandons his earlier
oppressive conduct toward Uruk and comes to behave like a virtuous ruler who
pursues the noble goals of fame and immortality through great deeds. But a
dream warns Gilgamesh: "The father of the gods has given you
kingship" but "everlasting life is not your destiny.... Do not abuse
this power, deal justly with your servants in the palace."
Because the pair have slain the Bull of Heaven and have slain the demon
Humbaba, the council of the gods decrees that one of the two must die, and the
choice falls on Enkidu, who succumbs to illness. Gilgamesh grieves for him and
orders a statue erected in his honor. To obtain the secret of everlasting life
he journeys far across the sea to Utnapishtim, who tells him the Babylonian
version of the story of the Deluge, On his return he carries with him a flower
that has power of conferring eternal youth, but loses it to a serpent lying
beside a pool and so reaches Uruk empty-handed, yet still able to engrave the
tale of his journey in stone. Gilgamesh has been transformed by a love that
makes him seek not the pleasures of the moment, but virtue, wisdom, and
immortality, hence the motif of the epic is that male bonding is a positive
ingredient of civilization itself.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
George F. Held, "Parallels between The Gilgamesh Epic and Plato's Symposium," Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 42 (1983), 133-141; Bent
Thorbjarnsrud, "What Can the Gilgamesh Myth Tell Us about Religion and
the View of Humanity in Mesopotamia?" Temenos, 19 (1983), 112-137.
Warren Johansson
Gloeden, Wilhelm, Baron von (1856-1931)
German
photographer. Wilhelm von Gloeden was born near Wismar on the Baltic Sea.
Though his stepfather was an advisor to the Kaiser, von Gloeden opted for the
arts, and trained as a painter in the academic tradition. In his early twenties
he showed signs of tuberculosis, and was advised to seek a warmer, dryer
climate. In 1878 he settled in Taormina, Sicily. More than just the weather
there proved attractive, as he was also able to explore his homosexuality more
freely. It was family money and not his painting that supported him, until 1888
when his stepfather defied the new Kaiser and his family estates were
forfeited.
Through his cousin, Wilhelm von Pluschow, a professional photographer in
Naples, von Gloeden had become interested in photography, and a new career was
launched. Already in 1889 von Gloeden won a prize at an exhibition in Rome;
other prizes followed in London, Cairo, Milan, and Paris. The male nudes for
which he is best known today were not his only work; he also produced
landscapes and studies of peasant life, and was perhaps the world's
best-selling photographer in the first decade of this century.
His life changed abruptly again in 1914, when he was repatriated to Germany
upon the outbreak of World War I. His studio and home were left in the care of
his assistant, Pancrazio Bucini, who had joined him as a model years before at
the age of 14. Although von Gloeden returned in 1918, and continued to
photograph until 1930, cultural trends had changed and he never regained his
reputation. Upon his death he was buried in his adopted village.
Bucini inherited some 3000 glass plate negatives, but five years later was
forced to defend von Gloeden's work against obscenity charges brought by the
fascist authorities. His defense was successful, but nearly two-thirds of the
plates were destroyed during the proceedings or never returned.
Von Gloeden's work must be seen in the light of the artistic concerns of the
mid-nineteenth century, during which he was trained. On the one hand, his
studies of peasant life reflect a concern for finding a source of artistic
inspiration in common life; on the other, his famous male nudes work out in
photography the concern for taking classical and academic forms and
naturalizing and humanizing them.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
M. F. Barbaro, Marina Miraglia, and Italo Mussa, he Potografie di von
Gloeden, Milan: Fotolibri Longanesi, 1980; Charles Leslie, Wilhelm von Gloeden,
Photographer, New York: Soho Photographic Pub., 1977; Ulrich Pohlmann, Wilhelm von Gloeden:
Sehnsucht nach Arkadien, Berlin: Nischen, 1987; Bruce Russell, "Von Gloeden: A
Reappraisal," Studies in Visual Communication, 9:2 (1983), 57-80.
Donald Mader
Gnosticism
Derived
from the Greek word meaning "pertaining to knowledge," Gnosticism is
a generic term mainly used of sects that broke with Christianity durintr the
second and third centuries, though one can al«o speak of Tew'sh and other
gnostics, some of whom were independent of the Jewish-Christian tradition and
formed syncretistic movements in the Middle East. Simon Magus, Basilides,
Valentinus, and Manichaean gnostics derived many of their doctrines from Christianity.
Although gnostic groups differed more among themselves than did Christian
groups because they had no "Book," most had certain beliefs in
common:
(a) Rejection, as in Hellenized Zoroastrianism and late Jewish apocalyptic, of
the material universe as an emanation of an evil spirit - darkness as opposed
to light, which was identified with the good.
(b) A view of the universe as the creation not of the high god, but of an
incompetent, perhaps even malign demiurge. Human beings ought not replicate
his mischief by engaging in procreative sex; other forms might be acceptable,
however.
(c) An assertion that souls in the elect are imprisoned temporarily in bodies,
awaiting a redeemer to awaken them and help them to escape and ascend to
heaven.
Gnostics held that all religions provided partially valid myths describing the
human condition. Because the world, and not man, was evil, most sects advocated
extreme asceticism. The Christian gnostic sect, the Carpocratians, however,
advocated sexual licence based in part on an antinomian reading of Pauline
predestination and antitheses between grace and law, between soul and body.
Some groups incorporated Mithraism's ascent of the soul through seven planets,
and angelology and demonology from such disparate sources as the Old Testament,
noncanonical scriptures, Philo Judaeus, and the Pauline epistles. Anti-Judaism
and anti-nomianism often occur, even when Old Testament myths and personages
are utilized as the basis for Gnostic speculations.
The account of the Naassenes in Hippolytus' Refutation of All Heresies asserts that the serpent
in Genesis {naas,
from
Hebrew nahas)
was the
first pederast, since he had homosexual intercourse with Adam and introduced
depravity into the world. The passage further ascribes to the Naassenes a text
incorporated in Romans 1:18-32 that blames idolatry for departure from the
sexual order of nature that provoked the deluge and the destruction of Sodom.
In Gnostic thinking, the primal man was androgynous, and the intercourse of
woman with man wicked and forbidden, while the restoration of androgyny was
tantamount to the abolition of sexuality. A profound malaise in regard to the
origin of sexuality and the meaning of sexual dimorphism is evident in the Gnostic
thinkers, who equated sexual reproduction with prolonging the soul's enslavement
in the material universe of the body, taking as their point of departure Jewish
(and ultimately Babylonian) anthro-pogonic and cosmogonic myths.
For centuries after the end of classical antiquity, knowledge of the Gnostic
systems came almost exclusively from the writings of Christian heresiologists
who opposed and condemned them. In 1945, however, a cache of Gnostic
manuscripts in the Coptic language came to light at Nag Hammadi in Egypt.
These, together with other writings such as those in the Hermetic tradition,
the Manichean literature in languages of Central Asia, and magical and
astrological texts preserved in manuscript or on papyrus, have broadened the
picture of the religious life of the late Roman Empire.
The Paraphrase ofShem, a Gnostic text from Nag
Hammadi, even makes heroes of the Sodomites for having opposed the will of the
Jewish creator God. "The Sodomites, according to the will of the Majesty,
will bear witness to the universal testimony. They will rest with a pure conscience in the
place of their repose, which is the unbegotten Spirit. And as these things
happen, Sodom will be burned unjustly by a base nature. For the evil will not
cease." Another such work, the Gospelofthe
Egyptians, declares: "The great Seth came and brought his seed.
And it was sown in the aeons which had been brought forth, their number being
the amount of Sodom. Some say that Sodom is the place of pasture of the great
Seth, which is Gomorrah. But others say that the great Seth took his plant out
of Gomorrah and planted it in the second place, to which he gave the name
Sodom."
In the view of some scholars, Gnostic elements in Christianity helped to
differentiate it from Rabbinic Judaism. Judaism developed in the following
centuries, to a considerable degree, as a dialectical reaction to the spread
of Pauline Christianity in the Roman Empire. What in Judaism had been concrete
and national was in Gnosticism metamorphosed into the symbolic and cosmic. The
legacy of Gnostic speculation framed the incarnation and death of Jesus as an
event of universal import in which the whole of mankind was redeemed from the
sin of Adam and offered the possibility of salvation; it also strengthened
theascetic, world-rejecting tendencies of primitive Christianity that led to a
devaluation of sexuality and exaltation of virginity which remained foreign to
Judaism in any form. In this way, Gnosticism reinforced ascetic Zoroastrian and
Stoic motifs familiar to the Greco-Roman environment. As the upshot of this
complex, process, a radical denial of sexual expression which neither biblical
Jewish law nor classical Greek philosophy had urged became for later Christian
thinkers an ethical ideal, and one to which homosexual gratification was
counterpoised as the ultimate moral evil.
William A Percy
God, Homosexuality as a Denial of
In the
debates on the Wolfenden Report and later proposals for decriminalization,
some Christian clergy asserted that "homosexuality is a denial of
God" because it is "an affront to the Creator who made them male and
female" (cf. Genesis 1:27). The underlying assumption is that since God
divided the human race into opposite sexes, any sexual dalliance with one's own
gender frustrates his express purpose and command.
The critique of this argument can take various lines. First, there is good evidence
from the early text of the Septuagint (the Greek Old Testament) and its daughter
versions, as well as from some passages in Rabbinic literature, that the
original reading of Genesis 1:27 was "And God created man; in the image of
God he created him male-and-female," which is to say androgynous, since
the Semitic languages have no formal way of compounding two nouns, and must
express the relationship paratactically - by juxtaposing them. The verse in
question would then be a mutilated fragment of an earlier Babylonian myth in
which the future heterosexual pair is a male-female, an androgynos. Modern evolutionary theory
recognizes that man is sprung from phylogenetic ancestors who were
hermaphroditic, and from them, even with the later sexual dimorphism, he has
inherited the archaic capacity for erotic response to members of both sexes.
But a more fundamental objection to this line of thinking noted at the outset
lies in the very notion of purpose (or teleology). Economy and purpose itself
are functions of areflective consciousness that is aware of the scarcity of the
resources at its disposal. An intelligence that had at its command infinite
time, infinite space, infinite matter, and infinite energy could have no notion
of economy, or even of purpose, because anything and everything would be
possible, anywhere and any when. Man is forced to organize his activity on
economic principles because he lives in a world whose every resource is finite,
and he must constantly reflect on how best to deploy his limited means to
attain his desired ends.
The conventional Christian reply amounts to claiming that because
homosexuality does not lead to reproduction, if tolerated it would lead to the
biological death of mankind and thus frustrate the will of the Creator. Hence
the positive injunction: "Be fruitful and multiply" (Genesis 1:28)
which the homosexual implicitly violates by "wasting his semen,"
which is the formal evil represented by sodomy.
The rejoinder to this claim is that the finite character of the economic means
at man's disposal - land, natural resources, capital and industrial plant,
social and cultural infrastructure - itself imposes a limit upon his numbers,
if distributive justice is to accord each member of the human family the
irreducible minimum of worldly goods necessary for his existence. If one admits
for the sake of argument that God created the planet Earth as a habitat for
man, then by making its land mass and resources finite he has also implicitly
set limits on the numbers which the human species could attain. Furthermore,
macroevolution has severely limited the reproductive potential of
heterosexuality by excluding superfetation. That is to say, once the human
female has been impregnated she cannot conceive again until the end of the
nine-month gestation period. Male and female have been allotted quite different
roles in the reproductive process; theoretically the male can have hundreds or
even thousands of offspring, the female can have only a handful, even if
impregnated again and again during her child-bearing years. The principle holds
true for the thoroughbred stallion and mare as much as it does for man and
woman. Even the economic interest of the breeder cannot offset this
reproductive disparity attendant upon sexual dimorphism.
The occurrence of homosexual activity in homo sapiens, therefore, implies
nothing with reference to God or his supposed purposes. The 3 percent or so of
the population that is exclusively homosexual insignificantly diminishes the
birth rate of the nation - which is only one factor in the demographic
picture. Even if a tenth of human sexual activity is homosexual, the other
nine-tenths more than suffices to maintain any population in equilibrium with
the economic resources at its command. Indeed, the task of the modern state is
to synchronize its demographic movement with the evolution of its economy, so
that not just a privileged few, but all its citizens can enjoy a rising
standard of living. Family planning services will in the future have the role
of guiding the citizenry in this direction.
Warren Johansson
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von (1749-1832)
Greatest
German writer. Born in Frankfurt am Main, he studied arts at Leipzig and law at
Strasbourg. His tragedy Götz
von Berlichingen (1773) and Romantic short novel The Sorrows of Young Werther (1774) began the literary
movement known as Sturm
und Drang, often said to be the start of Romanticism. Settling at
Weimar under the patronage of the ducal heir and elected to the Privy Council,
he became leader in that intellectual center, associating with Wieland, Herder,
and later Schiller. His visit to Italy recorded in Italienische Reise and probably involving
pederastic adventures inspired him anew as did his intimate friendship with
Schiller. Even after he married in 1806 he continued his frequent love affairs
with women. His autobiographical Wilhelm
Meister, a Bildungsroman or novel of character formation, and the
second part of Faust
(in
1832), exalted his reputation further, although he was already first in German
literature. The nonexhaustive Weimar edition of his works extends to over 130
volumes.
Goethe often hinted at his own sympathy for bisexuality. It is perhaps in the
nature of Germans to seek something that they do not have - a basic Romantic
yearning. And this striving and seeking, extending to sexuality outside the
bourgeois norm - not a crass sexuality but a refined sensitivity - goes into
homoeroticism and at times even into homosexuality. An epigram of his reads:
Knaben hebt ich wohl auch, doch
lieber sind mir die Mädchen,
Hab ich als Mädchen sie sätt, dient
sie als Knabe mir noch.
If I have
had enough of une ass a girl, she still serves me as a boy. In the play Egmont (1788) the hero's enemy
Alba is embarrassed by his son's intense emotional bonding with Egmont. The figure
of Mignon, the waif girl in Wilhelm
Meister, could be androgynous. In his Travels in Switzerland he waxed rapturous over
the sight of a nude comrade bathing in ihe lake, and in the West Eastern Divan (1819; enlarged edition, 1827),
he used the pretext of being inspired by Persian poetry to allude to the
"pure" love which a handsome cupbearer evokes from his master
(section nine). In the last act of Faust,
Part II,
Mephistopheles freely admits the attraction that he feels for "handsome
boys," so pretty that he "could kiss them on the mouth." These
and other passages demonstrate that Goethe, though he may not have practiced
it, had a clear and remarkably unprejudiced understanding of homosexuality in
several of its forms.
In German literature Goethe's name will always be linked with thatofhis close
friend Friedrich von Schiller ¡1759 1805). who
left at his death the unfinished manuscript of a homophile drama Die
Malteser.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
"Notizen aus Goethes Werken über Homosexualität," Zeitschrift für Sexualwissenschaft, 1
(1908), ¡79 31.
William
A, Percy
Goodman, Paul (1911-1972)
American
novelist, short story writer, playwright psychologist, and social critic. Born
in New York City, Goodman was too poor to obtain a regular college education
during the Depression, but he managed to combine auditing of college courses
with a program of self-education that continued throughout his life. His
continuing production, of fiction, though it did not result in any masterpieces,
showed his tenacity and seriousness of purpose. In 1947 he coauthored, with
his brother the architect Percival Goodman, the book Communitas, which is concerned with
city planning and which foreshadowed the critical social utopianism of his
later work. In an attempt to deal with his own personal conflicts he developed,
together with F. S. Perls and Ralph Hefferline, Gestalt Therapy, an invention
that did not prove to be very durable.
Goodman finally gained public attention in Growing Up Absurd [I960], a study of youth and
delinquency which captured the mood of a country attempting to extricate
itself from the conformity of the Eisenhower years. A copious flow of other
writings explored alternative possibilities for American society. Not surprisingly,
in view of his unwavering philosophical anarchism, Goodman emerged as one of
the major gurus of the Counterculture movement of the late 1960s. Yet his
insistence on the need for competence, carefully acquired through study and contemplation,
alienated him from some younger, would be supporters.
Goodman never hid his homosexuality, and his open propositioning of students
tended to make his appointments at the various colleges where he taught
controversial and shortlived. A loneiy man,
Goodman never seemed to achieve in life the balance and harmony that he seemed
to be seeking for society. In his work he aspired to be a Renaissance man, but
his own temperament, and perhaps the times as well, worked against his realizing
mis ambition. He nonetheless remains a worthy exemplar of the independent gay
scholar, doggedly marching to the beat of his own "different
drummer," and unperturbed by changes in fortune.
Gordon, Charles George (1838-1885)
English
general, surnamed "Chinese Gordon." In 1852 he entered the engineer
corps and took part in the Crimean War and then in the war against China.
After peace was concluded he traveled in China and in 1863 entered Chinese
service to suppress the Taiping rebellion. In February 1874 the Viceroy of
Egypt summoned him to continue the campaign to subdue the upper Nile as far as
the equatorial lakes. After his success, in 1877 he was named Pasha and
Governor General of the Sudan. Resigning this post in 1879, he was for a brief
time Military Secretary of the Viceroy of India and then adviser to the Chinese
government. In January 1884 he was dispatched to Khartoum by the British
government to assert Egyptian rule in the Sudan against the Mahdi. Furnished as he was with insufficient
means, he took up a military position in the city and w«ts vigorous in pursuing his
assignment; but as the Mahdi's supporters grew in number, while the Gladstone
cabinet failed to send relief forces, after a ten-month siege Khartoum was
captured and Gordon himself was transfixed by a spear (January 26,1885). He was
immediately recognized and honored as a national hero whose legend remains to
this day.
The homosexual a=ptit «.f Gordon's personality remains obscure, and disputed. From his early twenties, when he left to fight in
the Crimean War. he was possessed by a longing for martyrdom, and his actions
fully confirmed the desire which he repeatedly expressed in words to those
closest to him. On Russian sou and in the savage hand-to-hand fighting against the Taiping rebels
in China, he iuvited deatn at every
step, exposing himself to wholly needless risks and unarmed except for a rattan
cane. Again in the Sudan, whether tracking down slavers or suppressing a tribal
rebellion, he would delight in
outpacing
his military escoi t in order to arrive alone in the enemy's lair. And in the
final year of his life, in complete disregard of official instructions, he
courted and met death at the hands of the Mahdi's warriors. Gordon never
married and his relationships with women seem all to have been platonic. While
living at Gravesend in the
mid-1860s, he took a remarkable interest in the ragged urchins of the
neighborhood, "scuttlers" or "kings," as he called them. He
fed them and taught them, and when they were filthy, he would wash them himself
in the horse trough. He preached to them, though not very well, gave them talks of current affairs, and most important, he round them jobs -
in the army, in barges and warehouses, and at sea.
It seems probable that coming from a strict military family he was tormented
with guilt over
his homosexual
impulses, and that repressing his urges was so painful to him that he sought
death as a release from unbearable inner anguish. In his personality he was
both conformist and rebel, one who could never reconcile his inner nature with the
obliga tions that tradition and discipline imposed upon him. His life was one
continuous conflict, and he resolved it only by service to the point of
self-sacrifice and a hero's death at Khartoum.
BIBLIOGBAPHY
Anthony
Nutting, Goidon of Khartoum, Martyr and Misfit, New York: Clarkson N Potter, 1966; Chains Chenevix Trench, The Road to Khan..)am: A Life of
Gxineztil Charles Goidon, Nov.- York: W. W. Norton, 1979 Warren Johansson
Government
This subject
has two main aspects: homosexuals in government and the actions of government
with respect to homosexuality. The coming of modem regimes based on "the
consent of the governed" would have seemed to promise improvement in this
often adversarial relationship but, as the contemporary struggle for gay rights
shows, this is far from the case. Insofar as the residual ignorance and hatred
of homosexuality among the masses offer a tempting opportunity for reactionary
propagandists and demagogues, rational arguments that can sway the educated go
unheard. Conversely, earlier authoritarian regimes often allowed some room for aristocratic homosexuality that was
subsequently lost; such "zones of licence" were particularly fostered
when the rulers themselves were prone to take same-sex favorites.
Historical Perspectives. The first indication comes
from a surprisingly early source. The last great pharaoh of the Old Kingdom in Egypt, Pepy II ¡2355-2261 b.c), conducted an affair with his general Sisine. Much later the
controversial pharaoh Akhnaten (reigned ca. 1372-1354 b.c.) has been held by some to have combined sexual variation
with his better-known innovations in religion and art. Beginning in ancient
Sumeria Mesopotamia
saw the
emergence of institutions of state-supported cult prostitution, male and
female, attached to the temples. In some instances the inmates received a
regular salary. This institution became controversial in ancient Israel, and
the suppression of the male cult prostitutes {k&deshim-, sing, kadesh) may be said to constitute
the first state interference in homosexuality.
In ancient Greece
the pederastic institution played an
important role in state building, and not a few of the boys whose names appear on
vases followed by kalos
("handsome")
later became generals, admirals, and statesmen of the Athenian polis. Some Roman emperors were noted for their minions. Alongside such notorious
pairs as Nero
and
Sporus, Heliogabalus
and
Hierocles, stands the noble relationship of Hadrian and Antinous.
The
minion habit recurred in medieval and early modem Europe with Edward II and James I of England, Henri HI and Louis XIII of France. More
influential than royal minions were powerful politicians who used their office
for their own purposes, including Lord John Hervey (1896-1743), who was
Vice-Chamberlain to the household of George II for ten years, and Jean-Jacques Regis de Cambacérés (1753-1824),
archchancellor under the First Empire who was responsible for the creation of
the Napoleonic code.
Traditionally homosexuals in government service have had an affinity with the
diplomatic corps, perhaps because the practice in masking their feelings to
conceal their sexual orientation is good preparation for diplomatic discretion.
In any event it is interesting that nineteenth-century British history provides
information on two foreign secretaries. Robert Stewart, Lord Castlereagh
(1769-1822), committed suicide after confessing his homosexuality to George TV.
Archibald Philip Primrose, Lord Rosebery (1847-1929), who himself had a
homosexual secretary, was rumored to have been involved with Lord Alfred Douglas.
Modem Times. Modem nations, where rumor
and the media can conspire to spread sexual innuendo, have whispering
campaigns to discredit politicians who are claimed to be sexually deviant.
Until recent decades the favorite accusation was adultery, homosexuality
apparently having been believed either unlikely in holders of high office or
statistically quite rare. As homosexuality has come to be more discussed and
familiar, such diverse figures as Hitler, Stalin, and Adlai Stevenson have
been accused of having homosexual affairs. In the absence of evidence such
claims must be dismissed as the product of smear campaigns.
In the United States, Walt Whitman was discharged on June 30,1865, from a job
in Washington after his supervisor discovered a book of immoral poems in his
desk [Leaves of Grass). The ensuing gilded age is
largely an era of silence, though there are reports of cruising grounds in
Washington, D.C. In 1918-21 the United States Navy was involved in the suppression
of a complex scandal at Newport, Rhode Island. The New Deal saw such
individuals as Sumner Welles, under secretary of state, and Senator David
Walsh of Massachusetts implicated. Persistent rumors have circulated about the
person of J. Edgar Hoover, who was the immensely powerful director of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation from 1924 to 1972. Although Hoover never
married and had a life-long buddy relationship with his subordinate Clyde
Tolson, it has not been possible to learn the true nature of his sexuality, and
probably it never will be.
In 1950 Senator Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin began a vociferous and
unprincipled campaign against communists and homosexuals in government. A
spurious legitimacy was lent to this by such cases as the Austrian double agent
Alfred Redl before World War I and the recent Burgess-McLean-Blunt scandal in
Britain. It was rarely pointed out - except by homophile activists - that the
only reason that gay people in government service are subject to blackmail is
the existence of archaic laws. In most advanced countries these laws have been
eliminated, while (perhaps not coincidentally) the leading sex scandals in the
diplomatic corps have been heterosexual. After McCarthyism had died down,
another case made the headlines, that of an aide to President Johnson, Walter
Jenkins, who had been arrested in a public restroom. No one knows how many
civil servants accepted discharge in silence. However, Frank Kameny, a
government astronomer, decided to fight back after his dismissal in 1957.
Although Kameny never was reinstated, his experiences made him a gay activist,
one of the most vocal and vigorous of those prominent in the 1960s.
Openly Gay Office Holders. The more militant phase of
the gay movement (after 1969) with its demand "Out of the closets!"
made possible the first openly lesbian and gay elected officials, Elaine Noble and
Alan Spear, state representatives in Massachusetts and Minnesota,
respectively. Somewhat later Wisconsin representative David Clarenbach was able
to achieve both decriminalization and a gay rights bill in his state.
In San Francisco the 1978 homophobic murder of openly gay elected supervisor
Harvey Milk, and Mayor George Moscone, togehter with the judicial treatment of
their murderer, produced local riots and nationwide outrage. From this time
forward, however, gay politics have been a central and irrepressible feature of
the Bay City. In Southern California a newly incorporated City of West Hollywood
seems to be largely, though not completely, gay.
In the 1980s a new frankness in the media regarding the sexual behavior of
politicians has sometimes had unfortunate results, witness the 1987 Gary Hart
affair. In the U.S. House of Representatives a closeted conservative
Republican, Robert Bauman, was hounded out of office, but openly gay Democrats
Gerry Studds and Barney Frank of Massachusetts seem secure in their districts.
In the British House of Commons Maureen Colquhoun and Chris Smith have both
been open about their sexual orientation. In Norway the Conservative lawmaker
Wenche Lowzow is lesbian. For understandable reasons, given the pressures of
public office, most gay and lesbian lawmakers chose to remain in the closet
everywhere, but anecdotal evidence suggests that they are numerous.
Wayne R. Dynes
Graffiti
Since
classical antiquity, the art of writing has afforded the opportunity to record
one's sexual feelings, interests, desires, and experiences in the form of
inscriptions, for the most part anonymous, that were left for all and sundry to
read. A few of these have survived over many centuries to be recorded by modern
archaeologists. The oldest known texts of a pederastic character are from the
Dorian island of Thera; stemming from the sixth century b.c. and later, they seem a record of homosexual acts performed
as rites of initiation. The ruins of Pompeii and the remains of ancient Rome
furnish a considerable number of erotic graffiti duly recorded in the Corpus
Inscriptionum Latinarum; some relate sexual adventures, others are insults
directed at the hapless passerby.
The word graffito made its appearance in Italian toward the end of the
sixteenth century. The study of homosexual graffiti in modern times began
shortly after the beginning of this century. The first articles in which
homosexual urinal inscriptions were published appeared in 1911 in Anthropophyteia, the journal of sexual
folklore edited by Friedrich S. Krauss. More recently whole volumes have been
devoted to collections made in men's
rooms
from different parts of the world. Some of these locales were in effect homosexual
rendezvous where
the
writer could expect an
attentive - and responsive - public.
The graffiti may take either verbal or
pictorial
form, or both. The pictures are
frequently obscene, often of the
erect virile
nvniliex of
two or more persons
engaged in homosexual intercourse. Exceptionally, the texis
may be narratives - diary entries
as it w*:r:. - of sexual
encounter
or experience, iibciilly embellished by the writer's fantasy. Others aie advertisements
thai until quite recently could not be published in any periodical and so had to t>„ inscribed on the wall. These are requescs for partners for sexual encounters, with the desired physical attributes, age and the like specified in
de-bil, followed
by instructions for making contact - time
and place, telephone number, and the like. Presumably such texts were
originally inspired by the more conventional personal advertisements that were
printed in nineteenth-century newspapers. Then there are general comments on
sexual mores, expressions of ridicule or hostility directed against classes of
individuals disliked by the writer, or rhymes and sayings of an erotic nature.
The significance of such graffiti is that they express notions that are taboo
in the conventional media which, until quite recently, had to conform to all
the restrictions imposed by society, attest the occurrence of socially
condemned forms of sexual expression, and record non-literary and obscene
words and phrases excluded from polite speech.
Sometimes, as during the 1968 uprising in Paris, graffiti emerge from their
accustomed haunts in toilets and underpasses and appear prominently on the
streets, where they make some political point. The prominence of graffiti -
usually neither sexual or political - in New York City subways has prompted an
effort to interpret them as an art form. However this may be, the g?v artist Keith Haring, now internationally known,
first attracted attention through his subway drawings, which were executed
clandestinely in a deliberately simplified style.
The analysis of graffiti can yield evidence for linguistic forms unattested
elsewhere, for sexual behavior not usually recorded by the participants, and
for the attitudes not just of those engaging in such behavior but also of
outsiders. Thus homosexual graffiti may provoke dialogues with others so
inclined, or abusive and hostile comments by heterosexuals, even threats oí violence to the author of the homoerotic
inscription. In the 1980s the spread of AIDS m the gay community became a frequent topic oí comment. Clever puns,
rimes, word plays and the like may reflect a moment of lewd inspiration on the
part of the author. Others are banal pieces of doggerel. Within the. walls of an institution
graffiti may contain bits of malicious gossip about the sexual identity or the
sexual life of a wellknown individual, who cannot retaliate because of the
anonymity of the writers. This function of giving vent to repressed feelings
recalls the grotesque marginalia of medieval manuscripts that spill over into
the crudely obscene. Political opinions and attitudes, especially ones
excluded from the media by contemporary unofficial censorship, can find vivid
expression in erotic graffiti that blend anger and satire, insult and
defiance, reality and fantasy. Nearly all homosexual graffiti are by men;
lesbian inscriptions are so far the rare exception.
Graffiti are thus in modern times, even with the freeing of the media from
long-standing taboos,aprecious document of the attitudes and mores of the
culture that produces them and of the evolution of both homosexuals' own behavior
and the attitudes of heterosexuals toward homosexual expression.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Emilio Cantu,
et al., II cesso degli angeli: Graffiti sessuali sui muri di una
metropoli, Milan:
Gammali-bri, 1979; Ernest
Ernest, Sexe et graffiti, Paris:
Alain Moieau,
1979; Peter Kreuzer, Das Gmffiii-LeKtkfm, Munich: Heyne, 1986.
GRANADA
Granada
is until 1492 capital of the last fetamic kingdom in Spain. Blessed by climate
and geography, it is a striking example of
the incorporation of running water into architecture and urban design Much of
the Moorish city has been lost, and visitors should be aware that for many
present-day granadinos
its
Moorish heritage, is only a source of tourist income. However, there remains
the superlative palace, the Alhambra, with a unique esthetic which has
suggested homosexuality or androgyny to many, although the topic has yet to be given
proper
examination in prir.t. There is also the most
important survivor of the many pleasure-gardens of Andalucía, the Generalife. The city
of Fez (Morocco) is said to resemble Moorish Granada.
When the Castilian armies conquered Córdoba and Seville in the thirteenth century, Granada, with its
natural defenses, reached new prominence as a center for refugees. There are
great gaps in our knowledge of Granadine culture, and basic source works, such
as Ibn al-Khatib's Encyclopedia of Granadine History, remain untranslated. The
last major poets whose works survive are the fourteenth-century Ibn al-Khatib,
his disciple Ibn Zamrak, whose verses adom the walls of the Alhambra, and the
king Yusuf HI. Five thousand manuscripts, which would presumably have much
illuminated the fifteenth century, were publicly burned by Cardenal Cisneros shortly after the
conquest of the city. The best-known and most-translated Spanish source is Ginés Pérez de Hita's Grañadan Civil Wars; it and other
sixteenth-century presentations of former Granadan Ufe include much that is
deliberate falsification.
What information we have suggests that homosexuality was widely practiced in
Granada, as part of a broad tapestry of
hedonistic indulgence. (Wine and hashish were also widely used.) As preserver
of the spirit of Islam in Spain, anything else would be very surprising.
Granada w as "an example of
worldly
wisdom'' in which "their quest in iife was to impart beauty to every
object, and joy to every hour.” All
the major Granadan poets are linked to
homosexuality
to a greater or lesser extent.
Various of its rulers, apparently including the kst king Boabdil, openly indulged,
Castilian monarchs who were sympathetic to
homosexuality,
Juan
II,
Enrique IV) lived in relative peace with
Gransda. Isabella's expensive, campaign against Granada was partly motivated by
fear of a Granadine alliance with Turkey, whichhadrecept-'y conquered
ConstAntin ople; it
may well
have another motive.
At the
time of its conquest Granada was the most prosperous, cultured, and
densely-populated part of Spain; its population and economy declined sharply
after its conquest and did not recover. Contrary to misconception, its Moorish
inhabitants were not expelled in 1492 (it was the Jews who were expelled that
year); Islam was permitted in Granada until 1499 and Arabic language and dress
until the 1560s, when their prohibition brought civil war, ending with the
forced resettlement of the Moorish inhabitants elsewhere in Spain. They were
finally expelled in 1609.
Into the seventeenth century, however, and from the mid-nineteenth century
until the Spanish Civil War, the Alhambra and the legend of Moorish Granada it
preserved have been an inspiration to dissidents and reformers. St. John of
the Cross wrote some of his most famous works, taking the female role in a
mystical union with God, in Granada. Poets of withdrawal, such as Espinosa and Soto de Rojas, dealt with Granada's
gardens and rivers. In the nineteenth century Pedro Antonio de Alarcón, Valera, Ganivet, and Salmerón (president of the first
Spanish republic), are all associated with Granada. More important, the great Institución Libre de Enseñanza is also so linked, as Sanz
del Rio and Giner de los Ríos studied in Granada, and Giner's disciple and nephew Femando de los Ríos made Granada his home in 1915 and was
elected to represent it in the Republican legislature. Américo Castro, whose identifying
the Semitic and especially Jewish elements in the Spanish nationality marks a
watershed in Spanish intellectual history, was a graduate of the University of
Granada. Both the influential Residencia de Estudiantes (Madrid), a descendent of
the Institución
Libre de Enseñanza, and the Centro Artístico y
Literario (Granada), opened buildings in the Alhambra style in 1915.
In the early twentieth century Granada had the most important homosexual subculture
in Spain. One of the first gay guidebooks in any language, Martinez Sierra's Granada: Guía emocional, with photos by "Garzón" ("an ephebe"),
was published in 1911. With Manuel de Falla's relocation to Granada in 1919, the city reached
international status. Falla said that he felt in Granada as if he were in Paris,
"at the center of everything." In Granada homophiles had a
sympathetic newspaper, El
defensor de Granada (the name suggests
sympathy with the Moorish heritage), a bar, El Polinario, built on the site of
a former Moorish bath, and in the Centro Artístico a sympathetic organization. The peak was the
internationally famous festival of Cante Jondo in 1922, whose program appeared under the imprint of
the Uranian Press. Subsequently the leading figure was De los Ríos' protege, Federico García Lorca, executed along with many
others in 1936. What homosexual life remained in Granada after the Civil War
went underground. See
also Jews,
Sephardic.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
María
Soledad Carrasco-Urgoiti, The Moorish Novel, Boston: Twayne, 1976; Emilio García-Gómez, "Ibn Zamrak, el poeta de la Alhambra," in Cinco poetas musulmanes, Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1945, pp. 171-271; idem, éd., Poemas árabes en los muros
y fuentes de La Alhambra, Madrid: Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Islámicos, 1985; James Monroe, Hispano-Arabie Poetry: A Student
Anthology, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974; José Mora Guarnido, "Granada, ciudad triste," in his Federico Garcia Lorca y su mundo, Buenos Aires: Losada, 1958, pp. 35^9; Luis Rosales, "La
Andalucía del llanto," Cruz y Raya, 14 (May 1934), 39-70.
Daniel Eisenberg
Grant, Duncan (1885-1978)
English
painter. In his youth Grant was the lover first of Lytton Strachey and then of
John Maynard Keynes; all three were members of the Bloomsbury group of writers,
artists, and intellectuals. After study in Italy and France, Grant participated
in several English group exhibitions in the heady days before World War I, when
the continental avant-garde was beginning to shake up Britain's relatively
stodgy art scene. Together with Vanessa Bell, he headed the Omega Workshops, a
modernist design studio ¡1913-19), where he created pottery, textiles, interior
decoration, and stage flats. In 1916 Duncan Grant established a ménage à trois at the country house of
Charleston in Sussex with David Garnett and Bell. Although Bell bore him a
daughter, Angelica, in 1918, Grant's later sexual career seems to have been
exclusively homosexual.
Despite much sophisticated proselytizing by the critic Roger Fry and others,
the artistic achievements of Bloomsbury never attained the success of its
literary productions. Grant tended to be dismissed as a tepid follower of
Matisse, and his name scarcely figures in the standard histories of modern
art. As in the case of such American artists as Charles Demuth and Marsden Hartley,
his homosexuality may have hindered recognition. Despite neglect, Grant
continued painting almost until the end of his life, accumulating an extensive
oeuvre. Since his death, however,
a more pluralistic approach to twentieth-century art has facilitated réévaluation of his work, and it can be
seen that his best paintings are valid works in their own right.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Paul Roche, With Duncan Giant in Southern Turkey, London: Honeyglen, 1982; Douglas Blair Turnbaugh, Duncan Grant and the
Bloomsbury Group, Secaucus, NJ: Lyle Stuart, 1987; idem, Private: The Erotic Art of
Duncan Grant, London: Gay Men's Press, 1989.
Wayne R. Dynes
Greece, Ancient
Beginning
with the Romans, every succeeding people in Western civilization has felt the
attraction of ancient Greece. The adulation of Greece peaked in the eighteenth
and nineteenth centuries. Ironically, just at this time the industrial
revolution and the Enlightenment were working profound changes in the character
of Western civilization; in the new context the values of Hellenic culture no
longer seemed the eternal truths that the world had only to accept and revere.
But in no aspect of its social order was the nineteenth century in Europe and
the United States farther from the value system of the Greeks than in the
matter of homosexuality. Accordingly, the study of same-sex behavior in
ancient Greece is valuable not only for its own sake but for the contrast it
points with our own society.
Basic Features. Although homosexual
behavior was ubiquitous in ancient Greece, had an extensive literature, and was
never seriously threatened either in practice or as an ideal (as it was to be in
later times), it is not easy to appreciate j ust how the Greeks themselves
conceptualized it. The specific function of homosexuality in their
civilization was one which the modern world rejects, and which the homophile
movement of the twentieth century has regarded as marginal at best to its own
goals and aspirations. Paiderasteia,
or the
love of an adult male for an adolescent boy, was invested with a particular
aura of idealism and integrated firmly into the social fabric. The erastes or lover was a free male
citizen, often a member of the upper social strata, and the eromenos or beloved was a youth
between 12 and 17, occasionally somewhat older. Pedophilia, in the sense of
erotic interest in young children, was unknown to the Greeks and the practice never
approved by them. An interesting question, however, is what was the average age
of puberty for ancient Greek boys? For some men (the philobupais type), the boy remained attractive
after the growth of the first beard, for most he was not - exactly as with the
modern pederast. The insistence upon the adolescent anthos (bloom) and the negative
symbolism of body hair that occur repeatedly in the classical texts leave no
doubt that modern androphile (adult-adult) homosexuality was foreign to the
Greek mentality, both in aesthetic theory and in the practice of male
courtship.
When it emerges into the light of history in the archaic period, pederasty is
the specific Greek form of a relationship that may have been institutionalized
among some Indo-European peoples in prehistoric times. It formed part of the
process of initiation of the adolescent into the society of adult males, of his
apprenticeship in the arts of the hunter and warrior. The attachment of the
lover to his boy eroticized the process of learning, making it less arduous and
more pleasurable, while reinforcing the bond between the mentor and his pupil.
The homoerotic ties between the older male and the youth were, it is true, grounded
in a biological universal - the physical beauty and grace of the adolescent
that invest him with an androgynous quality soon lost when he reaches adulthood.
The Greek form of pederasty institutionalized that bond of affection in a form
that varied from one city-state to another, because Greece never had a unitary,
homogeneous civilization. Each polis (city-state) preserved and used its own
local dialect; each had its own constitution and laws. If periodic festivals
such as the Olympic games were pan-Hellenic, they bore witness only to the
sense that all Hellenes shared certain values in common which set them apart
from the other peoples of the eastern Mediterranean.
The Greeks were at first barbarians invading a realm whose civilizations -
Babylonian, Phoenician, Egyptian - were already old at the moment when the art
of alphabetic writing reached the mainland (ca. 720 b.c.). The achievements of their own history necessarily rested
upon the legacy of three thousand years of cultural evolution in the Semitic
and Hamitic nations. In technology and material culture they - and their
successor peoples - never went far beyond the accomplishments of the
non-Indo-European civilizations of the East. It was in the realm of theory and
philosophy that the Greeks innovated - and created a new model of the state and
society, a new conception of truth and justice that were the foundations of
Western civilization. Sir Francis Galton calculated in the late nineteenth
century that in the space of two hundred years the population of Athens - a
mere 45,000 adult male citizens - had produced 14 of the hundred greatest men
of all time. This legacy - the "Greek miracle" - owed no small part
of its splendor to the pederastic ethos that underlay its educational system and
its civic ideal.
Pederasty was in each of the city-states a channel of transmission of its
specific traditions and values from the older generation to the younger. In
many states, it was virtually inseparable from preparation for the rights and
duties of citizenship. The emphasis on outdoor athletic training and practice
in the nude, and the concomitant eroticization and glorification of the
adolescent male body, strongly reinforced the pederastic spirit.
Homoerotic behavior in either the active or passive roles in no way disqualified
one for heterosexual activity. Marriage and fatherhood were part of the life
cycle of duties for which the initiation and training prepared the eromenos. Needless to say, family
life did not hinder a male from pursuing boys or frequenting the geisha-like hetairai. Down to the fourth century
b.c., however, the really
intense and reciprocal passion that the modern world calls romantic love was
reserved for relationships between males. Only in the Hellenistic period (after
323 b.c.) was the
additionalpossibility of love between man and wife recognized.
Misinterpretations. Some authors - including
Christian apologists and historians influenced by them - have tried to maintain
that while pederastic liaisons were intense enough, they rarely descended to
the level of physical union and sexual release. This nonsense stems from a
misinterpreation of the "double standard" that prescribed a modest
and coy demeanor for the boy, who was to yield his person only to a worthy suitor
and - above all - could never offer his body for money. Such mercenary conduct
was unworthy of a free citizen and could incur the penalty of atimia, civic degradation. The
misinterpretations have been reinforced by the strictures of the elderly Plato
in the Laws,
where an
element of ressentiment toward the young and of embitterment at his own
failures and disappointments as a teacher seems to have been at work. This
text, however it may anticipate later Tudeo-Christian attitudes and practices,
was never typical of Greek thought on the subject. The evidence of the
classical authors shows that as late as the early third century of our era the
Greeks accepted pederasty nonchalantly as part of the sexual order, without
condemnation or apprehension.
The greatest error of which modern commentators have been guilty has been to
take the strictures of the Mosaic Code as if they were moral truths that had
been decreed at the beginning of time, when in fact they are part of a text
that was compiled by the Jewish priests living under Persian rule in the fifth
century before our era. The Greeks knew nothing of the Book of Leviticus, cared
nothing for the injunctions it contained, and scarcely even heard of the
religious community for which it was meant down to the beginning of the
Hellenistic era, when Judea was incorporated into the empire of Alexander the
Great. On the other hand, there is evidence that in the Zoroastrian religion
pederasty was ascribed to a demonic inventor and regarded as an inexpiable
sin, as a vice of the Georgians, the Caucasian neighbors of the Persians - just
as the Israelites identified homosexual practices with the religion of the
heathen Canaanites whose land they coveted and invaded. However, the antagonism
between the Greeks and the Persians precluded any adoption of the beliefs and
customs of the "evil empire" - against which they won their legendary
victories. The Greek spirit - of which pederasty was a vital component - stood
guard over the cradle of Western civilization against the encroachments of
Persian despotism. Only on the eastern periphery of the Hellenic world - where
Greeks lived as subject peoples under Persian rule - could the Zoroastrian
beliefs gain a foothold.
Sexual Moies. The bulk of the available
evidence - and the universal grounding of male physiology and psychology -
support the view that Greek pederasty was carnal in expression, and not
restricted to intercrural intercourse but often involved complete penetration.
Oral-genital sexuality seems not to have been popular, but this was probably
for hygienic reasons specific to the ancient world. But again, it is a profound
error to project modern attitudes shaped by Christian theology and the
definitions of sodomy or ages of consent upheld by Anglo-American courts onto
the social or legal setting of ancient Greece. It is important to bear in mind,
however, that (1) the active - passive dichotomy was crucial for the ancient
mind, rather than the heterosexual-homosexual one, (2) norms of sexual behavior
were not uniform, but varied for different social classes, and (3) that while
men and women could have sexual relations for procreation within marriage, men
alone were allowed to pursue sexual pleasure outside of marriage. That is to
say, some forms of homosexual behavior were proscribed for certain individuals
on the basis of sex and social status, but there was no general taboo such as
Christianity later formulated for its whole community of believers.
The career of Sappho suggests that lesbian relations in ancient Greece took the
same pattern, that is to say, they were corophile - between adult women and
adolescent girls who were receiving their own initiation into the arts of womanhood.
But the paucity of evidence makes it difficult to assay the incidence of the
phenomenon, especially as Greek sexual mores were entirely androcentric - everything
was seen from the standpoint of the adult male and free citizen. The subordinate
status of women and children was taken for granted, and the effeminate man was
the object of ridicule if not contempt, as can be seen in the plays of
Aristophanes and his older contemporary Cratinus. Such individuals were a
liability in a society in which each city-state had constantly to field armies
that would fight for its independence and hegemony.
The central opposition in the Greek mind was between the active (ho poion) and the passive [ho paschon) partner in the sexual
encounter. The Greeks were concerned not with the act as a violation of a religious taboo (as in the Christian
Middle Ages) or with the orientation
as
psychological substratum (the legacy of forensic psychiatry), but with the role as becoming or unbecoming particular actors. A man behaves
appropriately when he penetrates boys or women (or even other men whom he has
vanquished and captured on the battlefield). From this perspective, the
dichotomous classification of men as heterosexual or homosexual makes no
sense, although the ancient sources sporadically mention as an idiosyncrasy of
character that particular historical figures loved only women or only boys.
Disapproval - which could be intense, though it never took the form of
imprisonment or death - was reserved for males who took the passive-effeminate
role and for women who played the active-aggressive part in relations with men.
These two phenomena, then - the idealization of pederasty and the primacy of
the active-passive dichotomy - made Greek homosexuality radically different
from what the homophile apologists and forensic psychiatrists of the late
nineteenth century defined by that name, leaving aside the evaluation of sexual
contacts between members of the same sex in Judeo-Christian moral theology. It
is true that the more abstract thinking of the Greeks ultimately recognized the
parallel between male and female homosexuality, beginning with a passage in
Plato's Laws
(636bc)
in which both are stigmatized as "against nature" - a concept which
the Semitic mind, incidentally, lacked until it was adopted from the Greek
authors translated in the Middle Ages.
In Hellenistic and Roman times a genre of contest literature emerged that
debated the merits of boys versus those of women as sexual partners for men.
The option falls to the adult male: adolescent boys or adult women, although
there was usually an age disparity between husband and wife that was greater
than customary in modern times. Plutarch was even willing to entertain the
idea that an older woman might legitimately aspire to marry a teenaged boy. So
in terms of age marked asymmetry is commonplace.
Greek attitudes toward homosexuality reflected the allocation of status and
power in Greek society, and the goals which Greek education pursued. They were,
furthermore, embedded firmly in the context of Greek religion and mythology,
in which pederastic loves were ascribed to gods and heroes who in a sense
furnished thesublirnj^ m,Qdel|which their admirers coulfloflow ancFfmitata If
the Greeks were less psychologically introspective than the heirs of their
civilization have become, it was because they stood at development; they
cannot be blamed for failing to anticipate what came only millennia later -
often in a context of guilt and self-exculpation. Historical Evidence. Modem archeology has
determined that proto-Greek dialects were spoken in the southern area of the
Balkan peninsula that later was called Hellas from about 2000 js.c, that is,
during the whole of the Mycenean period. While material evidence has given
scholars more information about this period than the Greeks themselves
possessed, scarcely anything can be said with certainty about the sexual life
of this prehistoric age. There is no basis whatever for the currently popular
assumption that this was a matriarchal period. Toward the end of the second
millennium the Mycenean era closed with a series of disasters, both natural
catastrophes and wars - of which the Trojan war sung by Homer was an episode.
During this period the Dorians invaded Greece, blending with the older stocks.
One landmark paper on Greek pederasty, Erich Bethe's article of 1907, ascribed
pederasty to the military culture of the Dorian conquerors, an innovation
ostensibly reflected in the greater prominence of the institution among the
Dorian city-states of history. More recently, however, Sir Kenneth Dover has
shown that the evidence for specific links with the Dorian areas of Greece is
weak. What may be worth exploring is the notion, stressed by Bethe, that the
essence of the lover passes into the soul of the beloved through sexual union -
a survival of archaic beliefs on the function of sexuality in initiatory
rites.
As Greece emerged from the dark age of the heroic period into the light of
history, one of the salient features is the relative insignificance of the priestly caste as
compared with its predominance in the cultures of Egypt and Mesopotamia. This
entailed the absence of sacral prostitution of members&f both sexes as was found, for example, in the Ishtar
worship of western Asia. The sexual lives of the Greeks were free of
ritualistic taboos, but enacted in a context of comrade simplified in the devotion of
Achilles and Patroclus, which foreshadowed the pederastic ideal of the Golden
Age. The lyric poetry composed in the dawn of Greek literature was rich in
allusions to male love, between gods and between mortals. In the art of this period the male nude - as
seen especially in the monumental kouros
figure#ef young men - was cultivated and
perfected. The classic age (480-323 b.c.)
produced
the great dramatists and philosophers, and saw the rise of Greek science and
medicine.
At the conclusion of this phase of tremendous creativity, the armies of Alexander
the Great conquered the whole of the eastern Mediterranean littoral and the
western Asia hinterland. In a mere four centuries Greek civilization had
matured into a force that intellectually and militarily dominated the world -
and laid the foundations not just for Western culture, but for the entire
global metasystem of today. What followed was the Hellenistic era, in which
Greek thought confronted the traditions of the peoples of the east with whom
the colonists in the new cities founded in Egypt and Syria mingled. The
emergence of huge bureaucratic monarchies effectively crushed the independence
of the city states, eroding the base of the pederastic institution with its
emphasis on civic initiative. The outcome of this period, once Rome had begun
its eastward expansion, was Roman civilization as a derivative culture that
blended Greek and indigenous elements. Even under Roman rule the position of
the Greek language was maintained, and the literary heritage of previous
centuries was codified in the form in which, by and large, it has been
transmitted to modern scholars and admirers.
Authors and Problems:
TheEarly Epic. For nearly two hundred years scholars have argued the
Homeric question: Did one, two, or many authors create the two great epic poems
known as the Ihad
and the Odyssey? What were the sources and
techniques of composition of the author (or authors)? The current consensus
favors a single author utilizing a traditional stock of legends and myths,- the
final redaction may have taken place as late as 640 b.c. A second question arises in connection with these epic
poems: Did they recognize homoerotic passion as a theme, or was this an
accretion of later times?
The central issue is the relationship of Achilles and Patroclus in the lhad, which forms the real subject of the poem. Later Greek
opinion in general j udged their friendship to have been an erotic one
(Aeschylus, Plato, Lucian), a judgment reversed by many modern scholars who
would like to imagine the heroic age as free of the "decadence" of
later periods, and point to the absence of explicit passages. Recently,
however, opinion has veered about, identifying subtleties of the Homeric text
that support the contention that Achilles and Patroclus were male lovers. This
recognition makes still other verses in Homer even clearer: Telemachus' male
bedmate in Pylos [Odyssey,
3, 397);
Hermes' ephebic attractiveness to Odysseus [Odyssey, 10, 277); and the Ganymede
story [Iliad, 5, 266; 20, 282:
"godlike Ganymede that was born the fairest of mortal men"). Homer
may not have judged the details of their intimacy suitable for epic recitation,
but he was not oblivious to a form of affection common to all the warrior societies
of the Eastern Mediterranean in antiquity. The peculiar resonance of the
Achilles-Patroclus bond probably is rooted in far older Near Eastern epic
traditions, such as the liaison between Gilgamesh and Enkidu in the
Mesopotamian texts.
Hesiod, the other great epic poet of early Greece, left a much smaller body of
work, but the Shield
of Heracles, a work of his school, if not actually by him, depicts a
pederastic relationship between the hero and his page Iolaus. Later poems in
the epic genre devoted far more attention to mythological and legendary tales
of homoeroticism.
The Archaic Lyric.
Paiderasteia may not yet have become self-conscious, but in the seventh
century a new lyric genre arose that marked an advance over the epic in that it
recorded vivid fragments of experience tinged with personal emotion. The
subjectivity of Greek lyric poetry is saturated with the vicissitudes of
homosexual passion. Though none of these early writers is preserved in
entirety, they come from the whole farflung Hellenic world.
Archilochus of Paros, writing perhaps about 650 b.c, is generally recognized
as the earliest major figure of the group. His sense of personal ambivalence
strikes an almost modem chord. In admitting contradictory, unheroic, and at
times irrational feelings he invites comparison with the Roman Catullus. In
fragment 85 he concedes to a male that "desire that loosens our limbs
overpowers me." The famous Athenian lawgiver Solon was also a poet, and in
two surviving fragments (13 and 14) he speaks of pederasty as absolutely
normal (see also Plutarch's Life
of Solon).
The isle
of Lesbos, off the coast of Asia Minor, was the home of a school that brought
Greek lyric poetry to its peak. Alcaeus is in fact the first poet whose
surviving corpus takes pederasty as its major theme. Despite the mutilated and
fragmentary state in which Sappho's poetry has been transmitted, she was hailed in
antiquity as the "tenth Muse," and her poetry remains one of the high
points of lyric intensity in world literature. In the nineteenth century
philologists tried to reconcile her with the Judeo-Christian tradition by
dismissing the lesbian interpretation of her poems as libelous, and
misinterpreting or misusing bits of biographical data to make her nothing but
the strait-laced mistress of a girls' finishing school.
The homoerotic intensity and candor of her poems has been vindicated by modern
critics, who locate her entire career in the setting of the
ezos paidagogikos, the affection between
teacher and pupil that was integral to Greek education. Again, not
surprisingly the last book of her collected poems contained the epithalami* she had written for the weddings of the alumnae of her school.
The corophile lesbianism of Sappho was part of the training that prepared a
girl for her duties as mistress of a household, just as the boy's education
prepared him for service to the polis. Over the centuries, her name has become a byword for the
love of woman for woman, hence the earlier term "sapphist" and the
modern "lesbian."
Anacreon of Teos, who flourished in the mid-sixth century, owes his fame to his
drinking songs, texts composed for performance at the symposia, which inspired
an entire genre of poetry: anacreontic. Though bisexual like most of the
poets, he clearly preferred boys. Theognis of Megara is more serious and
moralizing, and the second book ascribed to him (with less certainty than the
first) presents pederasty in its ideal form, as it flourished for only some two
centuries, from 600 to 400 b.c.
Ibycus of
Rhegium composed poems at the court of the tyrant Polycrates, where among other
subjects he explored love in old age.
Piriüar
of Thebes
(518-438) composed magnificent odes fusing the intensity of the new lyric trend
with the monumental style of the earlier epic tradition, so joining the
personal with the public. His poems celebrate youths of the aristocracy, above
all the victors in the athletic contests that played a major role in Hellenic Ufe. Changes in cultural
expectations poetry more remote than that of other classical authors, but he
still represents one of the giants of world literature, and he deals with
themes integral to pederasty in its noblest form.
Athenian Politics and
Art. Archaic
Greece had many political and cultural centers, but among those of the
mainland Athens emerged in the late-sixth century as the dominant force in its
culture- "the school of Hellas." A political power as well, Athens
witnessed a shift homoerotic attachments: Solon, Themistocles, Xenophon, and
Alcibiades.
Toward the end of the sixth century Athens took the lead in the style of vase
painting with red figures, replacing the older black-figure style. Many of
these ceramic works were inscribed with the names of the male beauties who
enjoyed the favor of the Athenian (male) public and the word kalos: Alkibiades kalos meant "Alcibiades
[is] handsome." These pederastic "calendar boys" were thus celebrated
throughout the Hellenic world. Although some girls' names appear with the
inscription kale,
it is
revealing that they are outnumbered by boys' names almost 20 to 1. In the field
of sculpture the strapping kouzos
type of
youth yielded to the more supple and graceful ideal of the classic type,
beginning with the so-called Critian Youth (Athens, Acropolis Museum).
Drama and History. The fifth century saw
Athenian drama reach its apogee in the work of the three great tragedians who
all composed plays that dealt with one homoerotic aspect or another of Greek
mythology: Aeschylus wrote The
Myrmidons and Laius-,
Sophocles
The Levers of Achilles; and Euripides Chrysippus, all unfortunately lost
save for a few surviving quotations. In comedy as well, lost plays of Cratinus,
Eupolis, Timocles,
from tyranny to Menander, and the
surviving master in which homoerotic bonding played a catalytic role. In 514 b.c. Harmodius and Aristogiton, angered by the sexual
harassment of one of the Peisistratid tyrants, slew him and opened the way for
the family's downfall. Although they perished in the attempt, the heroes were
thenceforth honored as major benefactors of the polis, honored by annual
sacrifices and the performance of odes. Two statuary groups were successively
commissioned to preserve their likenesses, the second of which (477 b.c.) is one of the first landmarks of the emerging classic style
in art. Other civic leaders were renowned for their pieces of Aristophanes
dealt with the subject, often in subtle double entendre and other satiric word
plays that the modem philologist must struggle to retrieve from the text.
In a different genre, Herodotus, the "Father of History," used the
data that he gathered on his extensive travels to point up the relativism of
moral norms. Among the phenomena that he reported was the Scythian institution
of theEnarees, a shift in gender that puzzled the Greeks, who called it the nousos theleia or "feminine
disease," but can now be identified as akin to the shaman and the berdache
of the sub-Arctic and New World cultures. Profiting from the insights of the
pre-Socratic thinkers, Herodotus anticipated the findings of modern
anthropology in regard to the role of culture in shaping social norms. The
consequence of his relativistic standpoint was to discredit absolutist
concepts of "revealed" or "natural" morality and to allow
for a pluralist approach to sexual ethics.
Law. The legal institutions of
the Greeks were highly diverse owing to the particularism of the regions and
city-states, and comparatively few of the laws and analyses of the political
structure of the polis have survived. Thanks to a surviving oration of Aeschines,
the Contra Timarchum of 346 b.c., we know of the restrictions that Athenian law placed on the
homosexual activity of male citizens: the male who put his body in the power of
another by prostituting himself incurred atimia or infamy, the gymnasia
anathose who had authority over youth were subject to legal control, and a
slave could not be the lover of a free youth. There is no evidence for parallel
statutes elséwHeré, and certainly no indication that homosexual behavior per
se was ever the object of legal prohibition, or more stringently regulated
than heterosexual, which had its own juridical norms.
Philosophy. Socrates (469-399 b.c.) wrote nothing, but left disciples who have transmitted his
teaching to later ages. He was undeniably a pivotal evolution of Greek
philosophy, the one who reoriented it from the preoccupation of the Ionians
with the physical cosmos to questions of ultimate human concern, such as the
nature of knowledge and the critical scrutiny of ethical norms. In the writings
of Plato and Xenophon, Socrates basks in a strongly homophile ambiance, as his
auditors are exclusively male, even if he was no stranger to heterosexuality
and had a wife named Xanthippe who has come down in history as the type of the
shrewish wife.
His chief disciple, Plato (ca. 429-347 b.c.),
whose
thought cannot easily be disentangled from that of his teacher, never married,
and left a record of ambivalence toward sexuality and homosexuality in
particular that is one of the problematic sides of his thinking. His influence
on Western civilization has been incalculable. One of the ironies of history is
that the atypical hostility to pederasty in the elderly Plato, probably reflecting
both personal resentment and envy and the decline of the institution in the
fourth century (while anticipating later "puritan" attitudes), was
often received with enthusiasm in later centuries, becoming a Hellenic source
of Christian homophobia.
In one of Plato's most brilliant dialogues, the Symposium, the speaker Aristophanes
explains the origin of differences in sexual orientation by means of a myth of
Babylonian provenance: human beings as but the severed halves of three female,
and male-female. Homo'sexuality is thus the yearning for reparation and
wholeness of the first two types, heterosexuality the longing for physical
un^on of the third. In this dialogue Plato also adum-' brated the concept of
sublimation, suggesting that the contemplation of male beauty should only be a
stage in an upwarditly one of continence. Thus he inculcated the notion of
sexual activity as ignoble and demeaning, which was integrated with the
absolute prorubj^pus of biblical Juda ascetic ideal of
complete asexuality which was to have fateful consequences for homosexuals in
later centuries.
A completely negative approach to pederasty emerges in one of his last works,
the Laws, the product of the pessimism
of old age disappointed by Athenian democracy and the failure of his ambitions
at statecraft in Sicily. In the first book (636) Plato calls homosexual acts
"against nature" [para
physin) because they do not lead to procreation, and in the eighth
book (836b-839a) he proposes that homosexual activity can be repressed by law
and by constant and unrelenting defamation, likening this procedure to the
incest taboo. The designation of homosexual acts as "contrary to
nature" found its way into the New Testament in a text that intertwined
Judaic myth with Hellenic reasoning, Romans 1:18-32. This passage argues that
"the wrath of God is revealed from heaven" in the form of the rain of
water that drowned the Watchers and their human paramours and the rain of fire
that obliterated the homosexual denizens of Sodom and Gomorrah. Later Christian
thinkers were to insist that the morality of sexual acts was coterminous with
procreation, and that any non-procreative gratification was "contrary to
nature," but this view never held sway in pagan antiquity, so that Plato
himself cannot be charged with the tragic aftermath of this belief and the
attempt to impose it upon the entire population by penal sanctions and by ostracism.
The attempt of modern Christian historians to prove that Plato's idiosyncratic
later attitude corresponded to the mores of Athenian society, or of Greece as a
whole, is unfounded.
Plato was succeeded by the almost equally influential Aristotle (384-322 b.c.), who sought to correct some of the imbalances in his
teacher's work and bring it more in line with experience. Aristotle was more
concerned with the empirical sciences and the match between theory and
objective, multif aceted reality. Though known to have had male lovers, he also
expressed some reservations about homosexual relations, but his work evaluating
the Cretan form of pederasty has not survived. In the Nicomachean Ethics (1148b) he undertook to
differentiate two types of homosexual inclination, one innate or
constitutionally determined ("by nature") and one acquired from
having been sexually abused ("by habit"). He stated categorically
that no fault attached to behavior that flowed from the nature of the subject
(thereby contradicting Plato's assertion that homosexuality per se was
unnatural), while in the second type some moral fault could be imputed. In the
thirteenth century Thomas Aquinas utilized this passage in arguing that
sodomy was unnatural in general, but connatural in some human beings; yet in
quoting Aristotle he suppressed the mention of homosexual urges as determined
"by nature," so that Christian theology has never been able to
accept the claims of gay activists that their behavior had innate causes. At
all events, Aristotle can be cited in favor of the belief that in some forms,
at least, homosexuality is inborn and unmodifiable.
The successors of Plato and Aristotle, the Stoics, are sometimes regarded as
condemnatory of pederasty, but a closer examination of their texts shows that
they approved of boy-love and engaged in it, but counseled their followers to
practice it in moderation and with ethical concern for the interests of the
younger partner. However, they lived in" an age when the pederastic ideal
was more and more fading into the past, as the aristocratic way of life of the
ruling class in the Greek city-states gave way to a more sensual, more oriental
type of pederasty in the Hellenistic world ruled by the successors of Alexander
the Great.
Medicine. Greek medicine stands at
the beginning of the Western tradition of the art of healing, both in theory
and practice. Medical theory accomplished far less than other branches of Greek
thought because of the limitations of technique and the restriction that Greek
religion imposed on such practices as dissection. However, the Hippocratic
corpus knew the term physis
(nature)
in the sense of "constitution, inborn trait," and recognized that
there were innate differences in sexual orientation correlated with the
secondary sexual characters. The ethical corollary of this distinction is that
the individual is obliged only to act in accord with his own nature, not with
any hypothetical unitary "human nature."
Also, the Greek physicians evolved a number of fanciful notions in regard to
human physiology which, though now discarded by science, influenced later
civilization. For example, the pseudo-Aristotelian Problemata (IV, 26) claims that the
propensity to take the passive role in anal intercourse is caused by an accumulation
of semen in the rectum that stimulates activity to relieve the tension. Another
notion was pangenesis - the belief that the
semen incorporated major parts of the body in microscopic form; yet another the
belief that the male seed alone determines the formation of the embryo (only in
the nineteenth century was the actual process of fertilization of the ovum
observed and analyzed). Another major belief system was the theory of the four
humors, which became the basis of four temperaments associated with the
characterological ideas embraced by Simonides, Theophrastus, and the comic
playwrights.
The Hippocratic treatise On Airs,
Waters, and Places touched upon the effeminacy of the Scythians, the
so-called nasos
theleia, which it ascribed to climate
- a view that was to recur in later centuries. The Greek adaptation of late
Babylonian astrology created the individual horoscope - which included the factors
determining sexual characterology. Such authors as Teucer of Babylon and
Claudius Ptolemy of Alexandria named the planets whose conjunctions foretold
that an individual would prefer his or her own sex or would be effeminate or
viraginous. Because Greek religion and law did not condemn homosexual behavior,
it fell into the category of an idiosyncrasy of temperament which the heavenly
bodies had ordained, not of a pathological condition that entitled the bearer
to reprieve from the severity of the law. Ptolemy taught, for example, that if
the influence of Venus is joined to that of Mercury, the individuals affected
"become restrained in their relations with women but more passionate for
boys" [Tetrabiblos,
III, 13).
The astrological texts make it abundantly clear that the ancients were familiar
with the whole range of sexual preferences - a knowledge that psychiatry was to
recoup only in modern times.
The Hellenistic Age. Beginning with the death
of Alexander the Great in 323 b.c, the Hellenistic period
saw many profound changes in Greek institutions such as had to attend the
formation of a far more cosmopolitan culture shared by subject peoples of
different races for whom the Greek language was a binding force. The instrument
for its cultivation was the system known as paideia, or humanistic training
grounded in the mastery of the classics. This new emphasis on teaching worked
to promote a fusion between the person of the paidagogos, the instructor, and the
ideals of paiderasteia
bequeathed
by the earlier part of the Golden Age of Hellenic civilization. Alexandria in
Egypt, the capital of the kingdom of the Ptolemies, emerged as the
intellectual center of the Hellenistic age. Two poets, both associated with the
great library in that city, composed works that dealt with aspects of boy-love.
Callistratus exhibits the Hellenistic penchant for recondite allusions to and
quotations from older literature; a number of his surviving epigrams are
pederastic in theme. Theocritus created the poetic convention later known as
Arcadian pastoral that served as a model for much of later Western poetry. His
idylls are tinged with homoerotic sentiment in a rustic setting.
However, the greatest single collection of the pederastic poetry of the
Hellenistic period is the twelfth book of the Greek Anthology, the core of
which was assembled by Meleager of Gadara about 80 b.c. The collection was several times enlarged, notably by
Strato of Sardis in the middle of the second century. His anthology bore the
name Musapaidike or Boyish Muse; its
sparkling epigrams sound the whole diapason of emotions felt by the Greek lover
of male youth: the fleeting radiance of his anthos doomed to perish as
adulthood encroaches upon his charms; unresponsive or avaricious boys; the disappointment
that awaits the boy himself when age overtakes him; and fear of the loss of the
boy's affection, expressed in the mythological guise of Zeus' abduction of
Ganymede.
Another literary innovation of the Hellenistic period was the romance of
adventure or Milesian tale. Though most of the extant examples tell of the
vicissitudes of heterosexual lovers, homoerotic episodes and characters often
figure as secondary motifs. A good instance is The Adventures ofLeucippe and Chtophon by Achilles Tatius
(probably of the Roman period that followed the Hellenistic one). The chief
homosexual component is a debate on the respective merits of love for women and
love for boys - a subject that was to reappear in later centuries. Essays on
pederasty were also written, the most notable being those ascribed to Lucian
and to Plutarch. The latter composed the Parallel Lives in which the homosexual
proclivities of Greco-Roman statesmen are frankly discussed, but also a
humorous piece entitled Gryllus
in which
a talking pig argues that pederasty is unnatural because it is unknown among
animals - an assertion that contradicted the observation of ancient
naturalists. [See
Animal
Homosexuality.)
Perhaps the last major work in the Hellenistic tradition that deals extensively
with pederasty is Deipnosophistae
or
Banquet of the Learned by Athenaeus, composed about ad. 200. It treats the subject of love for boys with utter
nonchalance, and preserves quotations from earlier works that have not
survived in their entirety. The pagan culture of the Greco-Roman world accepted
homosexual interests and relationships as a matter of everyday life, with no
scorn or condescension. It was the growing influence of Christianity, and its
adoption as the state religion of the Roman Empire, that sounded the death
knell of this major era in the annals of homosexuality.
Conclusion. If we include its
prolongation into the Roman period, the world of ancient Greece offers almost a
millennium of evidence for homosexual behavior from poems, prose, inscriptions,
and works of art. Many of these are not only documents of the occurrence of
homosexual relations, but vivid capsules of personal feeling. The historian
must, of course, be wary of anachronism - of the temptation to project back our
own same-sex customs and judgments onto a very different era. Every allowance
made, however, there remain notable similarities; the differences themselves
set in relief the spectrum of homosexual expression of which human beings are
capable.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Erich Bethe, "Die dorische Knabenliebe: ihre Ethik und ihre Idee," Rheinisches Museum, 62 (1907), 438-75; Félix Buffière, Eros adolescent: la pédérastie dans la
Grèce antique,
Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1980; Sir Kenneth Dover, Greek Homosexuality, Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1978; Hans Licht, Sexual Life in Ancient Greece, London: Routledge and
Kegan Paul, 1932; William A. Percy, Greek Pederasty, New York: Garland, 1990; Bernard Sergent, Homosexuality in Greek
Myth, Boston:
Beacon Press, 1986.
Wayne R. Dynes and Warren
Johansson
Greece, Modern
A
republic of ten million occupying the southern extremity of the Balkan
peninsula and the adjacent islands, Greece today has a strong sense of national
identity. Each year it is the goal of millions of tourists, some of them in
quest of sexual experience.
History. The modern Greeks derived
their sexual mores, like their music, cuisine, and dress, from their overlords
the Turks rather than from ancient Greece. During the long Ottoman domination
from the fall of Byzantium in 1453 to 1821 and in Macedonia and Crete until 1911, and in Anatolia and
Cyprus even today, the descendants of the Byzantines who did not convert to
Islam preserved their language and religion. Orthodox bishops were given wide
political authority over their flocks whom they helped the Turks fleece. The
black (monastic) clergy were forbidden to marry, and they were often inclined
to homosexuality. Greeks, like Armenians, often rose in the hierarchy at the
Sublime Porte, sometimes as eunuchs. Also they served as Janissaries in the
Ottoman regiments which were taught to revere the Sultan as their father, the
regiment as their family, and the barracks as their home. Forbidden to marry,
they engaged in sodomy, particularly pederasty, and in such Ottoman vices as
opium and bribery. Along with the Armenians, Greeks became the chief merchants
of the Empire, especially dominating the relatively backward Balkan provinces
where they congregated in the cities and towns as Jews did in the
Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth.
After being inspired by the French Revolution and Napoleon, Greek nationalists
sought to revive their ancient traditions. The war for independence, in which
Lord Byron died fighting, began in 1821 and triumphedin 1S20 wjth much support from Hellenophiles in Western Europe inspired
originally by J. J. Winckelmann. The German art historian was murdered in
Trieste while waiting for a ship to carry him to Venice on his return to Rome; he
never reached Greece itself as he wished.
Byron visited Ah Pasha, a notorious Albanian Moslem pederast, and then Athens,
where he went in search of boys for pederasty. Oscar Wilde was taken to Greece
by his Dublin professor, Mahafy, probably influencing his later sexual proclivities.
Although Orthodox prelates like Makarios, Archbishop of Cyprus, contributed to
the nationalist leadership and still exert a strong homophobic influence
throughout modern Hellas, native homosexuals, often in contact with gay
foreign tourists, and scholars such as Renée Vivien and Kimon Friar revived ancient concepts.
Homosexuality over the age of seventeen is not criminal in Greece, but public
disapproval is sometimes expressed.
The socialist government headed by Andreas Papandreou engaged in some harassment
of meeting places and organizations during the 1980s. Apart from Athens, gay
tourists flock to Mykonos, while the island of Mytilene, home of Sappho, understandably
attracts lesbians. Three gay magazines have been active: Bananas (now defunct), Amphi (1978-), and ToKraksimo
(1984- ),
while the literary review Odos
Panos, though not strictly gay, often publishes works of a
homophile nature.
Since the Greeks generally reject the hybrid compounds formed by Western European
scholars and scientists from classical roots, the Modem Greek term for
"homosexuality" is omophylophilia,
literally
"same-sex-love," in contrast to eterophylophilia, "heterosexuality."
Literary Achievements. As in ancient Greek
literature, homosexual themes-figure prominently in the work of several
twentieth-century writers. With his special linguistic gifts and his interest
in both ancient and modem reality, the poet Constantine P. Cavafy (1863-1933),
considerably influenced modern Greek verse. His specifically homoerotic themes
have inspired such contemporaries as Dinos Christianopoulos. Born in 1931 in
Salonika, Christianopoulos was abandoned by his parents at the age of one and a
half, then adopted. In 1945 the poet began to use thepseudonym "Christianopoulos,"
which suggests "son of a Christian" or "little Christian."
He studied literature at Aristotle University in Salonika, receiving his
degree in 1954. In 1958 he founded the literary review Diagonal and in 1962 opened his own
publishing firm under the same name. In his earliest poems, he began dealing
with what was to become his major theme: homosexual love. His first collection,
Season of the Lean Cows(1950), includes
several historical poems in the Cavafy mode. The juxtaposition of situations
and details from diverse periods and sensuality in conflict with Christian
faith reveals T. S. Eliot's influence. In Knees of Strangers (1954), Defenseless Craving (1960), Suburbs (1969), and The Cross-Eyed (written between 1949 and
1970), Christianopoulos discards historical settings for erotika piimata, "erotic poems"
or "love poems," which, although similar to Cavafy's in their
directness and simplicity, being void of metaphor, move beyond them in their
even greater boldness and contemporaneity. The poems commemorate emotions,
corporal sensations, rendezvous, chance encounters, nights spent searching for
love in city parks, evenings spent in a lover's embrace far beyond the city
limits. In 1960 Christianopoulos began writing what he calls mikra piimata, "short poems,"
cryptic epigrams based on puns and psychological paradoxes. In his later work
the poet deplores the influence of the American and European gay movement
entailing the evanescence of the strict Middle Eastern division'of roles into
"active" and "passive." His previous collections of verse
are now published in one large volume, Poems
ft 98
%whtohisregularly updated and reprinted.
Andreas Angelakis (born 1940) has written a series of poems based on the life
of Cavafy {Cavafy
on the Way, 1984), several homosexual plays, and compiled and
translated an anthology of American gay poetry (1982), the first such to appear
in Greece. Also influenced by Cavafy, the poet Yiannis Ritsos (born 1909) in
the several volumes of his fictionalized autobiography, iconostasis of Anonymous Saints,
has
written more frankly of his own homosexuality than he had earlier. An early
poet who wrote explicitly homoerotic poetry was Napoleon Lapathiotis; more
discreet was Mitsos Papanikolaou. Two contemporaries are Loukas
Theodorakopoulos and Yiorghos Khronas.
Kostas Taktsis' (1927-1988) novel The
Third Wedding Crown (1963), now considered a classic of twentieth-century
fiction, and a few stories in the collection The Leftover Chance (1972) deal in particular
(though as minor themes) with homosexual incest and transvestism. First shocked
by the divorce of his parents and moved by his mother from Salonika to Athens
where he was raised by a half-crazed grandmother, then settling by accident
into a building inhabited by female prostitutes, he took some of their customers
for himself. Influenced by Rimbaud, he won recognition in Greece after his
works were translated into French and English. He was found strangled to death
on his bed in Athens. Taksis discussed homosexuality in a long interview
included in his My Grandmother
Athens and Other Texts (1979).
Two other major writers on homosexuality are Yiorghos Ioannou (1927-1985) and
Menis Koumandareas (born 1933), while Alexis Arvanitakis, Yiannis Palamiotis,
Vassilis Kolonas, and Pródromos Savidis have also dealt with it. Themos Kornaros' novel Mount Athos (for which he was sent to
prison) treated the initiation rites undergone by novice monks in monasteries.
The ecclesiastic code of the Greek Orthodox Church has specific statutes
dealing with the punishments to be inflicted (e.g., prayers to be said in
atonement) for homosexual acts.
As for the vestiges, especially in colloquial speech and folksongs, of homosexual
mores from the earlier periods of modem Greece, much work has been done by Elias Petropoulos (The Bordello-, Rebetic Songs- Kahardá; The Underworld and Greek Shadow Theater) and by Mary Koukoules in
her continuing series Neoelleniki
Athyrostomia (1984- ). A play has also been staged dealing with the life
of transvestites and homosexual prostitutes, Yiorghos Maniotis' The Pit of Sin.
Such
writers depict traditional Greek (or Middle Eastern) or Mediterranean
homosexuality in terms of strict role opposition: "active"
counterposed to "passive" partners, as well as each writer's views on
the coming to contemporary Greece of "European" homosexual mores -
the "Gay Movement" - in which sexual roles are not so strictly defined,
because "identity" has taken the foreground. Greek readers by no
means consider the work of many of these writers, some of whom were or are
major figures in Greek literature, to exemplify a specific literary genre
designated "homosexual" or "gay" literature (though the
more explicit work of certain contemporary writers may modify this situation).
Whether eros is depicted in its homosexual or its heterosexual manifestation
is secondary in importance to the literary power with which it is depicted.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Kimon Friar, "The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos: An Introduction,"
Journal of the Hellenic
Diaspora, 6/1 (Spring 1979), 59-83; Tom Horner, Eros in Greece, New York: Aegean Books,
1978; John Taylor, "The Poetry of Dinos Christianopoulos," Cabirion, 12(1985), 11-13.
William A. Percy and John
Taylor
Greek Anthology
The Greek
Anthology is another name for the Palatine Anthology preserved in a unique
manuscript belonging to the Palatine Library in Heidelberg. It was assembled
in the tenth century by the Byzantine scholar Constantine Cephalas on the
basis of three older collections: (1) the Garland of Meleager, edited at the
beginning of the first century b.c.;
(2) the
Garland of Philippus, which probably dates from the reign of Augustus; and (3)
the Cycle of Agathias, collected in the reign of Justinian (527-535) and
including only contemporary works. But in addition Cephalas incorporated in his
anthology the Musa
Puerilis or "Boy-love Muse" of Strato of Sardis, who
probably flourished under Hadrian (second quarter of the second century). It
is probable that the segregation of the poems on boy-love from the rest of the
anthology (with the mistaken inclusion of some heterosexual pieces) reflects
the Byzantine attitude, quite different from that of the pagan Meleager who
indifferently set the two themes side by side.
These poems, assembled in the twelfth book of the Anthology (with others
scattered elsewhere in the collection), are monuments of the passion of an
adult male for an adolescent boy (never another adult, as some modern scholars
have suggested; XII, 4 is the most explicit testimony on this matter) that
was an integral part of Greek civilization. The verses frankly reveal the mores
and values of Greek pederasty, exalting the beauty and charm of the beloved
youth, sounding the intensity of the lover's attachment, and no less skillfully
describing the physical practices to which these liaisons led, so that it is
not surprising that the complete set of these poems was not published until
1764. They are realistic in that they deal with the rejection and frustration
of the lover, the brief and ephemeral quality of the boy's prime [anthos], and the loss of his
attractiveness once the coarseness and hairiness of the adult male make their
appearance, even the gloating at the downfall of a youth who once could tease
and reject his lovers with cruel impishness. The whole set of themes belongs
specifically to the world of the boy-lover and his paramour, not that of the
androphile homosexual of modern times, even if certain poems also profess an
exclusively homosexual orientation that is indifferent to women's beauty. Some
of the verses are little masterpieces of Greek literature whose euphony can
scarcely be rendered into English; and when they were translated, until quite
recently, often the sex of the subject or the addressee was falsified to
conform to the mores of contemporary society. It has been said that if every
other work of Greek literature had perished, the Anthology would make it
possible to reconstruct the private Ufe of Hellenic civilization down to the smallest detail, and
this truism certainly applies to its image of the paiderasteia that informed the culture
of Greece not just in its golden age, but even in later centuries, when the
Hellenistic world embraced the whole of the Eastem Mediterranean. The most
recent poems in the group are from the second century, showing that in pagan
circles the old ethos was undimmed.
The prudery that persisted into modem times compelled scholars to treat this
section of the Anthology only in the obscurity of Latin annotations, and just
recently has it become possible to discuss the content of these poems in the
clarity of the modern languages. Students of classical literature and
apologists for pederasty alike have undertaken the task of analyzing and
commenting this corpus of poems; in particular one may consult the works of J.
Z. Eglinton, Greek
Love (New
York, 1964) and Felix Buffi ere, Eros
adolescent (Paris, 1980), as well as the bilingual editions of the
Anthology that have appeared in various countries, beginning with the Loeb
Classical Library text in English (1918). No account of the homosexuality of
the Greeks can be written without taking into account the abundant and express
testimony of the Anthology on the facet of their civilization that marked the
apogee of love and fidelity between males.
Warren Johansson
Grierson, Francis (1848-1927)
American
musician and essayist. Grierson was bom Benjamin Henry Jesse Francis Grierson
Shepard in England; until 1899hewascalledjesse Shepard. His family moved to
frontier Illinois, where Jesse heard Lincoln debate Douglas in 1858, an incident
incorporated in his The
Valley of the Shadows (London, 1909; Boston, 1948). The family next moved to St.
Louis, where the boy's beautiful singing voice attracted the attention of John
Fremont (explorer, first Republican presidential candidate, and Civil War
general). Fremont took thirteen-year-old Jesse as his page, but when the older
man lost his command, the boy moved with his family to Niagara Falls and then
to Chicago. Jesse early developed his talent as a pianist and gave musical
recitals along the Atlantic coast in 1868. He met Walt Whitman then and the two
remained life-long correspondents and friends.
Not yet twenty, he went to Paris, where his singing and piano improvisations
made him an international star. On March 25, 1870, he sang the lead part in Léon Gastinelle's mass at Notre
Dame Cathedral. Inviting him to dinner, the elder Dumas predicted "With
your gifts you will find all doors open before you." In 1874 he returned
to the United States and in October conducted seances at Chittenden, Vermont,
with Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, the founder of Theosophy. She, however,
disapproved of Grierson because he had performed at Salle Koch, a St. Petersburg
dancehall frequented, Blavatsky claimed, "by dissipated characters of both
sexes." Jesse was not deterred in his career as a medium, which he
combined with his music. He made his way to San Francisco and thence to
Australia. In 1880 he was in London lecturing and in 1885 he met Waldemar Tonner, a German Jewish tailor in
Chicago; the two remained lovers for forty-two years. Offered a city block in
San Diego, the couple moved for a time to 20th and K streets, where they built
the Villa Montezuma with contributions from spiritualists and theosophists.
With the collapse of their San Diego venture, the couple returned to Europe in
1890. Taking the name Francis Grierson, Jesse wrote a series of books: Essays and Pen-Pictures (Paris, 1889), Pensées et essais (Paris, 1889), Modern Mysticism and Other Essays (London, 1899), The Celtic Temperament and Other Essays (London, 1901), Parisian Portraits (London, 1910), La Vie et les hommes (London, 1911), Some Thoughts (London, 1911), and The
Humour of
the Underman, and Other Essays (London, 1911). His works denounced materialism, praised
art and explored a cosmic consciousness. Grierson's sketch of Paul Verlaine details visits to the
poet's garret and concluded that two lines of Verlaine were worth more than the
whole of Paradise
Lost.
Fearing
the onslaught of war, Grierson returned to New York City in 1913. The New York Evening Post sent a reporter to
interview him, who later wrote, "I had never seen a man with Hps and
cheeks rouged and eyes darkened. His hair was arranged in careful disorder over
his brow, his hands elaborately manicured and with many rings on his fingers;
he wore a softly tinted, flowing cravat." Grierson's writings on the
German menace and the "yellow peril" show him at his weakest: The Invincible Alliance, and Other Essays,
Political, Social, and Literary (London, 1913) and Illusions
and Realities of the War (New York, 1918).
Grierson's fame in the United States faded with the years; he remained known
only among spiritualist circles. His last two books were Abraham Lincoln, The Practical Mystic (New York, 1918) and Psycho-Phone Messages (Los Angeles, 1921); his
lover never found a publisher for a poetry anthology and Grierson's autobiography,
which were left in manuscript. Tonner and Grierson moved to Los Angeles in
1920 and soon took up with a Hungarian count, Michael Albert Teleki, and his
mother; they all ran a dry-cleaning business together. In 1927, Tonner arranged
a concert for Grierson; at the end of the performance, when he did not turn to
the audience, Tonner checked and found his lover dead.
Having observed Queen Victoria's funeral, Grierson was no sexual liberationist.
While he was flamboyant and enjoyed the airs of the aristocracy, he deeply
loved and shared his life with a tailor. He lived his entire life like the
grasshopper enjoying whatever prosperity showered upon him. When his funds ran
low, he pawned his fur coat or ruby ring. More truly than his contemporary
Oscar Wilde, Grierson could have said that he put his genius into his life and
only his talent into his books.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Harold P. Simonson, Francis Grierson, New York: Twayne's United States Authors Series, 1966.
Charley Shively
Griffes, Charles Tomlinson
(1884-1920)
American
composer. Growing up in a middle-class home in Elmira, New York,
theyoungGriffes early became aware of his musical talent as well as his
"difference" - his lack of attraction to girls and dislike of
contact sports. His ability as a pianist attracted the attention of an eccentric
patron, Mary Selma Broughton, who arranged for him to go to Berlin to study
(1903). There his acquaintance with the city's thriving gay subculture must
have given him an insight into his own nature far richer than the hints that he
been able to piece together in Elmira. He also acquired a "special
friend" in an older student, Konrad Wôlcke, who helped him to become
acclimated in Germany. The two remained devoted to one another for a number of
years. On the advice of his teacher, Engelbert Humperdinck, Griffes' professional goal shifted
from piano performance to composing. His first compositions reflected the
heavy, Germanic taste that he had learned; later, however, under the influence
of French and Russian music, he acquired the lighter, more colorful accents
that are characteristic of his mature work.
In 1907 Griffes
returned
to the United States, and the following year he accepted an appointment at the
Hackley School for boys in Tarrytown, NY. Frequently complaining of overwork,
he was to remain there until his death. During his trips to New York City he
became a regular patron of the Lafayette Place Baths and the Produce Exchange
Baths. Although he disliked some aspects of these establishments, he found
them an indispensable resource for sexual contacts. Griffes' last years were
illuminated by a deeply emotional friendship with a married New York
policeman, Dan C. Martin, an arrangement recalling one effected some years later by the English
novelist E.M. Forster. Always of a delicate constitution, Charles Tomlinson Griffes died of pneumonia in 1920.
His papers passed into the hands of his younger sister Marguerite, who destroyed
many of them, apparently because she feared their "compromising"
nature. In this way precious material for the understanding of his inner Ufe has been lost.
Griffes was the first important
American composer to be fully conversant with the avant-garde, as represented
by such figures as Claude Debussy, Ferruccio Busoni, and Edgard Várese. He was also influenced by
Indonesian and Japanese music. His Symphony
in Yellow of 1912 bears a dedication to Oscar Wilde. The choral work These Things Shall Be employs a text by another
English homosexual writer, John Addington Symonds. One of his last works, the
experimental Salut
au Monde, uses texts from Walt
Whitman's Leaves
of Grass. The general public, however, knows Griffes best for his sensual
short pieces, The Pleasure-Dome
of Kubla Khan and The
White Peacock.
bibliography. Edward Maisel, Charles T. Griffes: The Life of an American
Composer, rev. ed., New York: Knopf, 1984.
Ward Houser
Gross Indecency
As a term
of art for homosexual acts, "gross indecency" entered English law
through the Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885. An amendment, drafted by Henry
Labouchère
and
retained as Section 11 of the Act, has the following language: "Any male
person who, in public or private, commits, or is party to the commission of,
or procures or attempts to procure the commission by any male person of, any
act of gross indecency with another male person, shall be guilty of a
misdemeanor. ..." Earlier
legislation, culminating in the 1861 Offenses Against the Person Act, directed
against anal activity (buggery), required proof of penetration (down to 1828
the law was interpreted to require proof of penetration and emission).
Ambitiously, the 1885 legislation enlarged the prohibition to include any
homosexual contact whatsoever. As Havelock Ellis pointed out in 1897, it was
illogical to include private acts, since no one would be present to record the
indecency or be outraged by it. At all events, Oscar Wilde was convicted ten
years later under the 1885 Act in a case that sent Shockwaves throughout the Western
world.
"Indecency" has a broad connotation, suggesting anything held to be
unseemly, offensive, or obscene. The 1861 Act had mentioned "indecent
assault" against both females and males. Apparently wishing to leave no
uncertainty that consensual acts, as well as coercive ones, fell within the
scope of the prohibition, Labouchére seems to have deleted the noun "assault," adding
the adjective "gross" by way of compensation. There is no crime of
"petty indecency."
In 1921 a Scottish Conservative M.P. proposed to criminalize acts "of
gross indecency between female persons." This legislation was not adopted,
and in fact lesbian acts have never been against the law in the United Kingdom.
The 1967 Criminal Offenses Act (England and Wales) removed private conduct
between consenting adults from the scope of the criminal law, but left the
expression "gross indecency" for public acts. If committed by members
of the Armed Forces or Navy, even private acts remain a matter of gross
indecency. It also remains illegal to "procure" an act of gross
indecency; in a bizarre case, the director of a play, The Romans in Britain, was prosecuted in 1982 for
a brief episode of simulated buggery.
Five New England states and Michigan imitated the British statute. As of 1988
Michigan still recognized "gross indecencies between males" and
"gross indecencies among females." Generally, however, the expression
has little currency in American law and is unlikely to acquire much, as it
would be vulnerable to attack under the "void for vagueness"
principle.
See also Common Law.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Paul Crane, Gays and the Law, London: Pluto Press, 1982¡ H. Montgomery Hyde, The Love That Dared Not
Speak Its Name, Boston: Little, Brown, 1970.
William A. Percy
Guides, Gay
In the
nineteenth century various guides of limited circulation were published of the
demimondes of Paris, London, Brussels and other cities, sometimes including
directories of prostitutes; none is known to have had a homosexual emphasis.
For some decades in our own century, it appears, homosexual men exchanged
among themselves handlists of favorite haunts - bars, restaurants, hotels,
baths and public meeting places. A few seem to have been duplicated in a kind
of samizdat form, reproduced in
carbon-copied or mimeographed sheets. Thiîse lists were distributed privately, and sold) if at all,
clandestinely. This clandestinity served to protect the establishments listed
from notoriety that might result in police harassment.
Out of the small handlists pamphlets and books emerged. The earliest surviving
example seems to be The
Gay Girl's Guide (69 pp.), a male-oriented publication with a directory of
"where to make contacts," that apparently began publication in Boston
in 1949. It was succeeded by the international Guide Gris,
first
published in San Francisco in 1958 with subsequent editions, which seems to be
the first such collection to appear as a real book. In the 1960s, the Incognito Guide, published in Paris,
enjoyed fairly wide circulation. In 1972, "John Francis Hunter" (John
Paul Hudson) published a heroic one-man job of 629 pages, The Gay Insider USA. While these and other
guides of those decades are now obsolete, they are useful for the historian who
wishes to establish the "homo-geography" of the recent past.
Currently three well-established publications dominate the field: the Spartacus Guide, covering the world outside
thelinited States; the Movement-oriented annual Gayellow Pages, blanketing North America,
with one national and five regional editions; and the lesbian Gaia's Guide, edited by Sandy Horn. Gay
guides have also been published for such cities as London, Paris, Amsterdam,
Berlin, New York, San Francisco, and Los Angeles, with special telephone books
("yellow pages") appearing also for the latter two.
Wayne R. Dynes
Guyon, René Charles Marie
(1876-1961)
French
jurist and sexual theorist. Guyon earned a doctorate in law from the University
of Paris with his study La
Constitution austraHenne de 1900 (Paris: Chevalier-Marescq, 1902). This work and his Ce que
la loi punit: code pénal
exphqué (Paris: Larousse, 1909) brought him to the attention of the King of Siam, who
appointed him in 1908 a member of the Code Commission and in 1916 chief of the
Drafting Committee of the Siamese Code of Law. In 1919 the Siamese government
published Guyon's The
Work of Codification in Siam in both English and French editions. René Guyon developed early the
principle of privacy, that law should never invade the bedroom. "The
greatest charity you can render your neighbors, " he wrote, "is
keeping out of their private lives." In Siam (called Thailand after 1949),
as the Spartacus
Gay Guide notes, "The right to be homosexual has never been
forbidden or restricted."
In his philosophy, Guyon developed a rationalism endebted to Epicurus and
updated with Einstein, Freud, and modem science. He expounded his ideas in a
series of works: Essai
de métaphysique matéhahste (Paris: Costes, 1924); Essai
de biologie matérialiste (Paris: Costes, 1926), Reflexions sur la tolérance (Paris: Alcan, 1930); Essai de psychologie matérialiste (Paris: Costes, 1931), and
La porte large (Paris: Rieder, 1939). His belief in freedom,
science, and reason was absolute: he vigorously opposed the irrationalities
incorporated in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam.
From anthropology and from his own travels, Guyon found many superstitions but
also sexual freedoms unknown to Europeans. With his brother he wrote an account
of Brazil's emerald forest: A
travers la forêt vierge: aventures extraordinaires de deux jeunes Français au
Brésil (Paris:
Gedalge, 1907). Guyon traveled extensively throughout Asia and
Africa and closely studied the works of James Frazer [The Golden Bough), Paul Gauguin [Noa Noa), General A. H. Pitt-Rivers [The Clash of Cultures and Contact of Races),
and
Sigmund Freud [Totem
and Taboo).
Most of
the latter half of his long lif e was spent in Bangkok, where he died in 1961.
Editing a two-volume Anthologie
bouddhique (Paris: Crès, 1924), Guyon praised Buddhism, whose general ideas he found
"logical, acceptable, and relatively practical" because
"sexuality is not made an object of special odium of an unreasonable and
almost pathological kind." In La
cruauté (Paris: Alcan, 1927), he
contrasted the Buddhist attitude toward animals with Christian cruelty.
In 1929, Guyon published the first volume of his monumental Etudes d'éthique sexuelle. Before World War II, six
volumes appeared: /. La
légitimité des actes sexuels (Saint-Denis: Dardaillon, 1929); II. La liberté sexuelle (Saint-Denis: Dardaillon, 1933); 111. Révision
des institutions classiques (Mariage: Famille) (Saint-Denis: Dardaillon, 1934); IV. Politique rationnelle de sexualité, la
reproduction humaine (Saint-Denis, Dardaillon, 1936); V. Politique rationelle de sexuahté; leplaisir
sexuel (Saint-Denis:
Dardaillon, 1937); and VI.
La persécution des actes sexuels I. Les courtisanes (Saint-Denis: Dardaillon,
1938). The first volumewas translated into English in 1934 and the second
volume in 1939 with introductions by Norman Haire.
A further volume which would have included homosexuality has never appeared,
but Guyon's analysis of the topic emerges from his other volumes. He rejected
all notions of perversion, abnormality, inversion, third sex, and the
"woman's soul trapped in a man's body." Separating sexual
gratification from human reproduction, he argued that any and all sexual
pleasures are reasonable, natural, and legitimate. What he labeled "intersexual" (man and woman)
intercourse is relatively uncommon (abnormal); masturbation, he argued, was the
most common (normal) form of sexual activity. He rejected the idea of
"genital" sexuality and argued that the mouth, anus, fingers, tongue,
or other outlet was no less erogenous than the penis and vagina. For him
bestiality, incest, festishism, talking dirty, exhibitionism, voyeurism,
necrophilia, coprophilia, and other activities are equally joyful. "Every
mechanical means of producing sexual pleasure," Guyon postulates, "is
normal and legitimate,- there is no room for moral distinctions between the
various available methods: all are equally justifiable and equally suited to
their particular ends."
His reservations were sadism, chastity, and love. The first, he argued, too
often violated "the fullest respect for the liberty of others and the free
consent (uncomplicated by any element of violence or deceit) of the sexual
partner." Deliberate chastity to Guyon was an incomprehensible disease.
Love was understandable, but too limited: "Individualized love is only
sexual desire concentrated on a single person," which is unduly selfish
and lasts at most af ew years. Guyon was nearly unique among sexologists in
recognizing that homosexual and incestuous love "enjoy exactly the same
possibilities of passion, the same paroxysms of joy,
the same jealousies and torments, in a word the same characteristics, as the
most usual forms of intersexual love."
Guyon participated in the work of the World League for Sexual Reform on a
Scientific Basis and supported Magnus Hirschfeld and the founding of a French
chapter of the organization under Pierre Vachet. Guyon corresponded with Norman
Haire in London and Sigmund Freud in Vienna. He himself became a practicing
psychoanalyst, but Freud did not go far enough for him. Freud's Three Essays on the Theory of Sex (1905) identified the
libido of the child but failed to reject censorship and repression. Guyon
defended infant sexuality as natural and normal, but social conventions
"as abnormal and undesirable." In his reply, Freud argued that
homosexuality was not natural but "acquired." Guyon also rejected the
idea of a death instinct advanced in Freud's Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1920); for Guyon, the
conflict was not between thanatos and eros, but between eros and convention.
Guyon corresponded with Alfred Kinsey and warmly welcomed the appearance of Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948). Kinsey in turn
studied Guyon closely and cited his six-volume Etudes in the notes and
bibliography of Sexual
Behavior in the Human Female (1953). Guyon's work has had a continuing influence among
sexologists. In 1952 Milan's Scienza
e Sessualita published Guyon's "L'istinto sessuale" as a
supplement to their journal. "Chastity and virginity: the case
against" appeared in the year of Guyon's death in the Albert Ellis-edited The Encyclopedia of Sexual Behavior (New York: Hawthorn Books,
1961).
Guyon is best known today for his teachings on childhood sexuality. He
vigorously opposed all notions of innocence, chastity or virginity; he wrote:
"nature is on the side of the child, and artificial convention on the side
of the average adult." A year after his death, a group of seven
intersexual adults formed the René Guyon Society in Los Angeles. Their motto - credited to
Guyon - was "Sex before eight or it's too late," and they encouraged
training children in the use of condoms. Tom O'Hare for some time issued the René Guyon Society Bulletin,
but the organization suffered persecution and repression in the anti-sex
climate of the eighties.
Guyon's unfinished Etudes
resemble
Foucault's unfinished History
of Sexuahty in the ambition of the authors. There is no evidence that Foucault ever studied Guyon, but
Foucault's argument that sexologists invented the idea of homosexuality could
be corrected by reading Guyon. Guyon's books were published in editions as
small as a hundred copies. The Nazis who conquered France in 1940 and Charles
DeGaulle, who took power after World War II, had an equal repugnance for
sexual liberation. Guyon's work still remains to be discovered.
Charley Shively
Gymnasia
The Greek
sports ground, usually at first outside the city walls, was open to all
citizens but not to slaves or foreigners. Gymnasia evolved from the Cretan dromos (simple running track) where
in the seventh century b.c. boys and young men began
to exercise together nude. The Greeks and those nations they influenced were
the only civilized peoples ever to exercise regularly in the nude. As institutionalized
pederasty spread to Sparta and the rest of Greece, so did gymnasia, some of
which added covered tracks. The oldest in Athens date to the sixth century,
probably established by Solon, who forbade slaves, as in Crete, to enter them:
the Academy and the Lyceum, originally as elsewhere on the outskirts of the
city, outside the walls and large enough for parades and riding lessons. Soon a
third was added for metics, the Cynosarges. In the larger gymnasia special
areas of the palestra were set aside for the teenagers, from which men were barred
so that they would not cruise the boys while they were exercising. The
principal supervisor, the paedotribe, had to be over 40.
That the gymnasia early became centers of plotting is attested by the fact that
Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos (d. 521 b.c.), had them burned. The
more pederasty became associated with tyrannicide as it did, the more tyrants
opposed it. The Persians also opposed gymnasia, as did the tyrants they
supported, and Ionia after the Persian conquest did not practice pederasty, as
Plato's Symposium
said.
Gymnasia had three principal subdivisions: ( 1 ) the track [dromos], where athletes practiced
for contests of distance - running, javelin throwing, and the like; (2) the
palestra, for physical exercise, wrestling, and ball playing, at times with a
library attached; and (3) baths, swimming pools, and rooms for massage. As
centers of recreation and leisure for the Greek male the gymnasia became the
setting for paideia
(educational
instruction), as reflected in the Platonic dialogues, several of which are set
in them. Philosophers, sophists, dialecticians and all kinds of other teachers
frequented them, drawing audiences of boys and men to their lectures. Plato
preferred the Academy and Aristotle the Lycaeum.
In the Hellenistic period gymnasia and pederasty spread to all the cities
where Greeks settled or which became Hellenized. The gymnasiarchs appointed by
the Ptolemies eventually acquired wide political and administrative powers in
their poleis, under the Romans becoming
the chief officials. Even Jerusalem briefly acquired a gymnasium near the
Temple, where circumcised Jewish youths with simulated foreskins performed
their exercises nude in the reign of Antiochus. The scandal helped provoke the
Maccabean uprising, which destroyed the gymnasium in Jerusalem, though Herod
the Great (d. 4 b.c.) later patronized ones
in the Greek cities. Gymnasia also appeared in Rome and some Latin cities in
the West, although most Romans disapproved of nudity and gymnastics,
preferring hunting and war games. During the empire Roman baths, some of which
had mixed patrons, often added exercise rooms and even libraries, thus coming
to resemble the increasingly elaborate Hellenistic gymnasia, which even in
the eastern provinces they rivaled and to some extent replaced.
No more is heard of gymnasia after a.d. 380, when the intolerant
Christian Theodosius the Great began to persecute pagans. Ascetics, calling
themselves "athletes for Christ," preferred to mortify the body,
condemning not only pederasty and nudity but even bathing, and fulminating
against gymnasia and baths, which declined especially in the Western provinces
as cities shrank and became impoverished beginningwith the disasters of the
third century.
During the Renaissance Italian theorists like Guido di Montefeltro revived the
Greek and Latin desideratum of a sound mind in a sound body and the English
public schools established in the sixteenth century reimposed systematic
exercise and games as part of the program for their students, but no one
proposed nudity. The modem gymnasium thus grew up as an adjunct to the playing
fields of Eton and Harrow. American schools and colleges imitated these English
models. In the nineteenth century and even more in the twentieth gymnasia were
established in European and American cities for the rich, often as clubs, and
for the general public as the YMCAs. Some became centers of homosexual
cruising and after the Stonewall Uprising, openly gay gymnasia appeared in most
larger American cities. The Westernizing elites of the Third World also
established gymnasia.
See also Bathhouses.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Jean Delorme, Gymnasion: Etude sut les monuments consacrés à
l'éducation en Grèce, Paris: Boccard, 1960.
William A. Percy