Growing Up Sexually

PAPUA NEW GUINEA

Index→ Papua New Guinea

Featured: Arapesh, Ari, Awa, Banaro, Baruya, Binim-Kukusmin, Bumbita Arapesh, Busama, Dani, Darabi, Dobu Isl., Eipo, Etoro, Foi, Gahuku, Gebusi, Huli, Jaquai, Kaluli, Keraki, Kewa, Kimam, Kiwai, Koko, Kwoma, Lesu, Manus, Marind Anim, Murik, Ndumba, New Britain, New Ireland, Normanby Islanders, Orokaiva, Paiela, “Sambia”, Sawiyano, Trobrianders, Vanatinai, Wogeo

Bibliography

Introduction

Papua Semen Transactions, With a Specific Attention to Age of the Initiate (®Kiwai)

Penis Gourd: Transitional Meaning

Betrothal / Marriage; Prepubertal Coitus

“Genital Parenting”

Sexual Life in Childhood

SCCS Ratings

Introduction

New Guinea provides a rich collection of sexual subcultures, even when looking at childhood only. A (traditional vs contemporary) overview of the premarital situation is offered by Otto (1985:p326-47)[1]. Childhood in New Guinea was covered by Margaret Mead, and although specifically focussing on “sexual” themes, her observations on childhood sexual behaviour seem modest[2].

A note is in place with the interpretation of “puberty” categories. The Bundi were said to have their menarche at age 18.8 years (Malcolm, 1968, cited by Herdt, 1987; Malcolm, 1970)[3]. This late age was also noted for the Bimin-Kukusmin.

Oliver-Miller (2001)[4] (read in full: IES):

“Although it is seldom discussed, masturbation is widespread and generally considered harmless, but wasteful, particularly for boys. […] Trobrianders, and likely other Papua New Guinea societies, approve of imitative copulation or sex rehearsal play about age 10 or 11 (Davenport 1977:150)[[5]]. The initiation of first sexual intercourse among young people today takes place around the age of 15 for both girls and boys in both urban and rural areas. In general, virginity is not highly valued, but rather society denounces premenarcheal sexual intercourse for girls and getting pregnant before proper marriage arrangements, i.e., a brideprice, are made. In rural areas where traditional menarcheal seclusion ceremonies are still maintained, young men, often accompanied by their parents, begin to seek a young woman’s interests as soon as she is allowed out of seclusion. Unless she is in school, a young woman is considered ready for sex and marriage immediately after menarche. And, as the age of menarche declines, so has the age of first sexual experience. Most rural girls experience their first sexual encounter willingly with young men slightly older than themselves from nearby villages. Others are forced into sex or raped. According to one study, 17 percent in a sample of 116 women said their first sex was with a boy they had just met, while only 8 percent had their first sex with an older man”. (read in full: IES)

Papua Semen Transactions, With a Specific Attention to Age of the Initiate (®Kiwai; see also IES)

ECPAT[6] lists that among a variety of contemporary laws[7], boys under age 14 are not to be dealt with “indecently” or “unnaturally”. There are no statements on the contemporary occurrence of initiations which in the past indeed included such “unnatural” acts. Surveys are offered by Herdt (1984a), Creed (1984)[8], Greenberg (1988:p27-9)[9] and Murray (1992:p9-15)[10]. Herdt (1989:p336)[11] provides a table of 28 settings with some kind of “homosexuality” known to be “ritualized” some way or another; most are Lowlands cultures, or among their descending locales. Since 1977, Gilbert Herdt has covered the phenomenon of “Sambia” prepubertal insemination in many works[12] (cf. Valsiner, 2000:p289-91)[13], augmenting on a range of previous documentations (Wirz, 1922; Williams, 1936 [1939:p158-9]; Van Baal, 1966)[14]. The custom is described to be performed before puberty for the Marind-anim culture (Van Baal, 1984)[15], the Kimam-Papuans (Serpenti, 1984)[16], and others. Among the Papuas, insemination is actualised per os (Bedamini, Etoro[17], Anga[18], Gebusi, “Sambia”, former Baruya), per anum (Kaluli, Jaquai[19], Kiwai?), or transdermal (Onabasulu) (Sørum, 1984:p324; Schiefenhövel, 1990)[20]. Some tribes rub semen in dermal cuts (Gray, 1986:p61)[21] during blood-letting rituals. Among certain tribes, boys are to eat food prepared with semen (Jensen, 1933:p86; Bühler-Oppenheim, 1947:p2194)[22]. Among the Elema district Papuans, initiates are to drink the urine of a semese chief, to become semese warriors (Holmes, 1902:p424)[23].

Herdt (1984:p60) states: “An important and ignored aspect of initiation in [ritualised homosexuality] groups is that it frequently occurs before puberty, often as early as middle to late childhood (e.g., Marind-anim, Sambia, Keraki, etc.)”.

The “Sambia” themselves have no ready word for puberty (Guardians of the Flutes, p173n21). Many tribes believe in the andropoetic quality of semen, and the onset of puberty (semen) is certainly an outstanding item in this spectrum; likewise, early heterosexual fellatio “ostensibly precipitates menarche in girls” (Guardians, p178-85): “Men perceive premenarche females as children, a category of asexual or not exciting erotic objects”, in contrast to boys. However, premenarchic coitus is considered dangerous because it would prevent the body from expelling lethal fluids at (naturally timed) menarche. Apart from this, the “Sambia” value male-virgin contacts (1984:p177), while “sexual partners are perceived as having more “heat” and being more exciting the younger they are. A second factor is reciprocity: the more asymmetrical the sexual partners (youth/boy), the more erotic play seems to culturally define their contact” [sic]. Against the background of an utterly phallocentric ideology on the androtrophic properties of semen, “Sambia” prepubertal boys (7-12, on average 8.5) fellate post-pubertal adolescents to ejaculation in order to grow and turn seminarchic themselves, so that they may reverse roles. The boys do not have orgasms, and might have “vicarious erotic pleasure as indicated by erections” only “near puberty” (Herdt and Stoller, 1990:p70-1). Herdt (1981, 1982)[24] had argued that this age is “psychologically necessary for the radical resocialization into, and eventual sex-role dramatization expected of, adult men”. Another theoretical significance of the timing of this custom was discussed by Herdt (2000)[25] and Herdt and McClintock (2000:p593-7)[26]. They draw attention to the universally pregonadarchic onset of male sexual transition in precolonial New Guinea, as reported by many ethnologists, including Schieffelin (1976:p152)[27]. The latter author stated on the Papuan Plateau Kaluli: “Homosexual intercourse for boys […] took place in everyday life […] whenever a boy reached the age of about ten or eleven”[28]. Kelly (1976:p52)[29] on the Plateau Etoro stated that boys are inseminated by oral intercourse by a single inseminator from about the age of ten until he is fully mature and has a manly beard. Williams (1936:p158-9)[30] simply stated that homosexual practices occurred when the Keraki boy could “be trusted to keep the secret from his mother”[31], or at about age 13 (see also Bleibtrue-Ehrenberg, 1980:p98-102)[32]. Anal intercourse among the Marind-anim tribes of Irian Jara (formerly Dutch New Guinea) may have been begun between the ages of seven and fourteen years (Van Baal, 1966:p143-4, 147)[33] or before puberty (Van Baal, 1984)[34], although Van Baal generally speaks of pubertal onset (1966:p118; see Marind-anim); the author does not state a passive-to-active transition age. In general, the average age of onset would be 10 (Bleibtrue-Ehrenberg, 1980:p118), thus when the boy was called patur. In North-Eastern Irian Jara, Moszkowski (1911:p339)[35] observed that boys are initiated into the cult house at age ten. A number of Onabasulu males told Ernst (1991:p4)[36] that “to have male children who were never inseminated would be like planting a garden and not cultivating it”. Apparently, the homosexual friendship, which is not wholly exclusive, was observed to develop between boys aged 12-14 and married males aged 21-23. “The young man [that is, the boy] began to act coy and sometimes flirtatious around his potential partner. The older man acted indulgently and occasionally flirtatiously in return, indicating his interest. Actually in this case, as probably in most, it was difficult to decide who was the initiator. […] By the time [the boy] enters such a relationship, a youth has probably already had some homosexual experience”.

The subject of acceptation, at least the anthropologist’s communication on the matter, was issued, in apparent horror, by DeMause[37]. Although their

“first response to doing fellatio was fear that is how most boys respond”, they nevertheless conclude that the boys “do not just accept fellatio: they want it”[38]. Like most pederasty defenders, they depict the boys as “enthusiastically anticipating” their rape[39], and as “eager to suck” men’s penises and “enjoying” the rape with “fine erotic enthusiasm”[40]. Oral and anal rapes are said to be “grounded in personal affection rather than obligation”[41] and “have a positive effect on the boy’s development”[42] ”.

Thus: “Of the several hundred anthropologists whose work I have researched, I found none who said pederasty was detrimental, agreeing instead with the New Guinea natives that it was both desired by and beneficial to the victims”[43]. (Heterosexual) “indecent” dealing with minors could be classified under the heading “Trivial Acts”: “In the case of a girl it is taken seriously only as part of attempted intercourse. In the case of a boy, a minority of societies seem to regard the seduction of boys by older women a nuisance, but little more (But in one society where this is thought to impede the boy’s growth it gives rise to complaints)” (Strathern, 1979:p17-8, 21-2)[44].

The explanations forwarded for the New Guinea case are sexual segregation (“ein art Nothomosexualität”) and homosocial control of heterosexual opportunity (Schiefenhövel)[45].

Penis Gourd: Transitional Meaning

Penis gourds are commonly used in ritualised transitions (Ucko, 1969:p55-7; Gell, 1971)[46]. Ucko (cf. Gell, 1971:p71) notes that in Sepik the peda represents a “visible sign of sexual restriction”. Although at age 16 marking a “stage in sexual maturation, [it] does not sanction any sexual activity on the part of the neophyte”, but instead is intended to promote his success in hunting.

Betrothal / Marriage; Prepubertal Coitus

Betrothal before puberty used to be customary[47]. Goudswaard (1863:p65-6)[48] speaks of incidental infant betrothal among the Geelvinksbaai Papua. Gell (1975:p104)[49] speaks of generation-stratified betrothal in childhood among the Umeda. Manus girls were betrothed at age 8 or 10 (Mead, 1956:p31)[50]. Kewa girls can be married at menarche, but are sometimes chosen before puberty (Franklin, 1965:p417)[51]. Kapauku marriageability is measured by “physical appearance” (thelarche), rather than menarche (Steinberg, 1959)[52]. Child marriage was noted by Van Eechoud ([1959]:63] among the “Kaowerawédja”, and by Huizinga among the “Waropen” Papua (1937:p436)[53], but this was not noted a decade later (Held, 1947:p99)[54]. Gogodara girls usually married when they reach the age of puberty (Lyons, 1926)[55]. As for the Muruans (Murua, east of the Trobriands),  “[…] it is their practice to celebrate a marriage soon after the parties thereto have reached the age of puberty” (Lyons, 1925:p131)[56]. Lyons (1924:p58), however, states that girls are “immediately handed over to the care of her [apparently age-asymmetric] prospective husband”, unless an infant, who is taking into the care of some female relative of her affianced “until she attains puberty”.

On Kolopom, ceremonial sexual intercourse occurred between married men and prepubescent girls who had been betrothed to adolescent male novices (Serpenti, 1965/1977; 1984)[57]. Reporting on an Abelam village, Whiteman (1965:p117)[58] stated that if a father beat his prepubertal but betrothed daughter for having sexual relations, it was not about morals but about a possible bride price reduction. Langness (1967:p167)[59] stated that prepubertal girls occasionally attend formal courting parties “to learn the songs and watch” as the older girls have sexual intercourse. The darkness, however, would  prevent much of the learning. Knauft (1993:p101)[60] on the South Coast tribes, describes that the young girl is “subjected at about age eight to ten to serial sexual intercourse by adult men [...] to procure sexual fluids for rubbing on the girl’s groom-to-be, to help him grow”. The custom was said to be “willingly submitted to [...] in the belief that it was necessary to enhance their personal fertility as well as that of the Marind cosmos” (p96). “Sambia” girls practice fellatio on their adolescent spouses until menarche, and coitus thereafter (Herdt, 1977:p206)[61]. Boys and girls of the tribes inhabiting the mouth of the Wanigela River were “often betrothed at a very early age, by their parents”; however, the unbetrothed may have had secret get-togethers in the night (Guise, 1899:p208)[62].

“Genital Parenting”

By the Biami, Daribi and Hagenberg tribes an old mother would greet their adult sons with the caressing of penis and scrotum. Boy’s but not girl’s genitalia are commonly caressed among the Middle Sepik Iatmul (Hauser-Schäublin, 1997:p106)[63]. Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1973:p190)[64] hypothesises that this is a rudiment of the practice of genital soothing applied on the males when infants. Read (1965 [1980:p19])[65] notes that (adult) Gahuku hands where continually ‘reaching out’ that, beside the fondling of male and female adult genitalia, included a baby’s penis being “nuzzled”.

This is backed up by other observations. Mead (1948)[66] noted this custom in the Arapesh (“playful tics on his genitalia”). Berndt (1962:p91)[67]: “As babies and small children their genitalia are fondled”. Mothers caress “the fleshy parts of [the infant’s] body [...] and implanting breathy kisses over and over again in the region of its genital organs” (Hogbin, 1943:p298)[68]. Genital touching by older people was also noted by among the Marind-anim (Van Baal, 1966; cf. Money and Ehrhardt, 1973 [1996:p132]). Gillison (1993:p176)[69] describes the process of masturbating infants among the Gimi:

“The mother insists upon continued contact, interrupting her toddler’s play repeatedly to offer the breast. Masturbation [...] with a baby girl [occurs when] the mother or amau holds her hand over the vulva and shakes it vigorously. She may kiss the vagina [sic], working her way up the middle of the body to the lips and then inserting her nipple (often when the child has given no sign of discontent). With a boy, she kisses the penis, pulls at it with her fingers and takes it into her mouth to induce an erection. Several women may pass a baby boy back and forth, each one holding him over her head as she takes a turn sucking or holding the penis in her mouth. When the child then pulls at his own organ, the women, greatly amused, offer squeezes and pulls of their own”[70].

Poole (1982, 1983,1984, 1985a,b, 1987, 1990)[71], another observer of the practice, interviewed both mothers and children. Mothers, Poole states, systematically “masturbate” the penes of their baby boys:

“She is expected to masturbate him periodically to ensure the growth of his genitalia, but she must carefully avoid the excessive development of erotic “infant lust” which may injure his finiik [spirit][...]. When mothers rub the penes of their infant sons, the little boys wriggle on their mothers’ laps and have erections. These tiny erections bring laughter. It is play. It will make their penes big when they are older. But “infantile lust” can become too strong and can damage the growing “spirit or life-force” (finiik) of little boys. You will see mothers and sons together in this way everywhere” (Poole, 1990:p127, 106).

As cited by DeMause (1999)[72]: “Much of the ribald joking among mothers is for the purpose of denying that the erotic use of the child is in fact incest-it is blamed on the infant’s “lust” only-for only “bad” mothers “are believed to stimulate their sons beyond the bounds of “infantile lust”[[73]] in order to satisfy their own sexual desires [...]”[74]. Those mothers who completely give in to their own “lust” are called “witches” who are said to be “driven [...] to destroy all aspects of masculinity through jealousy and rage” [75] a condition all women can fall into, particularly when they are young, inexperienced mothers or are treated harshly by their husband’s family. In order to prove that she isn’t being too lustful, mothers deliberately cover their breasts with bark cloth when they are stimulating the penis in a ritually prescribed manner. Indeed, this often highly ostentatious act of covering the breasts is a display to an ever-watchful public that the mother is acting properly in tending her son. On occasion, I have witnessed older women admonish a young mother for failing to cover her breasts when rubbing her son’s genitals (1983:p11)”. More privacy is afforded at night, however, when mothers can rub against their children’s entire bodies because they sleep naked with their them, “together in each other’s arms” and when they also can “regularly rub” the boy’s penis to erection (P., 1987:p115).

Poole interviewed one young boy, Buuktiin, who described how when his mother was depressed or angry she often “pulled, pinched, rubbed, or flicked a fingernail against his penis” (1987:p118) until he cried, afraid it might break off[76]. “When he struggled to escape, she held him tightly and rubbed his penis even harder” (1990:p159). “Kiipsaak [his mother] had masturbated him earlier as mothers often do [...]. [But] now she increased the tempo and roughness of the episodes [...] and he often jerked at her touch and struggled to get away, hitting her and complaining of throbbing pain in his penis. “It hurts inside. It goes “koong, koong, koong” inside. I think it bleeds in there. I don’t like to touch it anymore. It hurts when I pee” (1990:p137).

Schiefenhövel (1990:p407) concludes that “it is not uncommon that New Guinean mothers fondle the genitals of their infants, possibly causing an erection, and make humorous remarks about children’s genitals […]”.

Sexual Life in Childhood

Ethnographers not only decentralised the timing of androtrophy, but also neglected the concurrent sexual pursuits before puberty, if any. For instance, little if anything is known about Kapauku childhood sexual development. The 1994 National Study of Sexual and Reproductive Knowledge and Behaviour in Papua New Guinea[77] has little concern for childhood. Male and female coitarchal age was calculated at 17, with lower extremes of 8 (M) and 11 (F). “A few women in different areas (Papuan Coast, Anga, North Coast) had intercourse before menarche. Fears that the first menstruation would be construed as proof that they had already experienced sexual intercourse were expressed repeatedly by young women in the Massim area” (p30). Schidlof (1908:p11)[78] cites Pfeil in the observation that boys aged 14 to 15 married girls aged 9 or 10. “Bedenkt man, daß außerdem noch vor der Ehe Geschlechtsverkehr besteht, so muß man zugestehen, daß die frühzeitige Kenntnis der Geschlechtsvorgänge für die kleinen Wilden nicht von Vorteil ist”.

Studying the Melanesian people of southeast New Guinea, anthropologist Ruth Benedict (1938)[79] concluded that adults paid little attention when young children engaged in sexual experimentation with one another (it was also observed that sexual talk was not restricted to adult audiences[80]). Parents in Melanesia shrugged off such activity because, before puberty, sex cannot lead to reproduction. New Guinean childhood sex play may follow from the “sociosensual exploratory attunement with age-mates”, as is seen in the Fore (Sorenson, 1978:p22)[81]. Denis (1966 [1967:p27][82]) was told: “As the children grew up they naturally took sex and its various attributes for granted. They witnessed the lovemaking of parents and other adults within the family huts. They played together freely, and sexual experiments between young boys and girls went of quite unchecked in the village. Unmarried adolescents were quite free to make love”. In an urban Papua community, Belshaw (1957:p176)[83] found that sexual experience began with the onset of puberty. Schellong (1889:p16)[84] found that “little” boys aged 13 to 15 seek secret get-togethers; perceiving this, their father would judge his “precocious” son to be growing up soon [menses was estimated to commence at age 13]. Pre-Trobriands Malinowski (1922 [1987:p53])[85] stated: “At an incredible early age they become initiated into sexual life, and many of the innocent looking plays of children are not as innocuous as they appear”. “There is no rite or magic at puberty, but then, with this people, puberty does not represent any very definite crisis in the life of the individual, as their sexual life starts long before puberty arrives, and gradually shapes and develops as the organism matures” (1922:p394). Watson and Watson (1972:p)[86] noted for the Batanabura: “The boys poke sticks into each others’ anuses [...]. If parents see boys having sex with little girls they joke about it and laugh. “Good. You can do it. Your mothers and fathers did this” [...]”. Chowning (1973:p76)[87] states that the children “are typically initiated into intercourse by older and more experienced children”. Dubuy[88] for the Ononghe tribe: “In the matter of chastity, they do not practice unnatural vices, but what is “natural” they do. Boys and girls cease to play together from the age of six or seven years. They marry from the age of sixteen or eighteen”.

Van Baal (1966)[89] states that the Marind Anim of New Guinea freely accept sex play of children. On the premarital freedom of the Swart Valley New Guineans, Wirz (1924:p74)[90] states: “Jedes Mädchen wird bereits im Kindsalter defloriert”. This observation could not be corroborated by Le Roux (1950:p688-96)[91], who says very little on childhood. Van Eechoud (II, [1959:p61]; 1962:p45)[92] in Central New Guinea states that there are few observations on children’s sexual expressions, and parents denied (imitated) coitus before nuptial age. “Sexual humour” was not forbidden, this including penis snatching and phallic imitation by means of objects. Berndt and Berndt (1971:p116-7)[93] argue that “little boys” form the most avid and untiring spectators of mock-adultery scenes during festive gatherings.

Initiation is seen as a legitimisation for sexual intercourse in the Papua Koko (Chinnery and Beaver, 1915:p77)[94]. Flint (1919:p39)[95]: “A Bamu River native considers it essential in paedotrophy that the children should learn how they come into existence, so whilst witnessing the copulation natives explain to the children who are sitting near them how their mothers become enceinte; advice relating to matrimonial matters is also tendered at a muguru”. It was said that in New Guinea sexual maturity was thought to be facilitated by coitus (Berndt, 1962:p87)[96].

Wedgwood (1927:p379)[97]: “Rivers [[98]] mentions that in Eddystone Island and in parts of New Guinea, for instance, infantile sexual relations between brother and sister are not considered reprehensible, though, after puberty, such conduct would be severely punished, and would be regarded as injurious to the community as a whole […]”. Lyons (1924:p58)[99] noted on western Papua that “[s]exual congress not infrequently occurs before puberty, especially in the case of betrothed children, who will “play” the married state in imitation of their elders”. Du Toit (1974:p219-20)[100] states that masturbation was discouraged. “At about ten years of age children of both sexes are informed, by both parents, that heterosexual play and intercourse which might follow, can cause trouble”. In tune with the separation of the sexes in later childhood, boys may actualise anal introduction, and girls may practice ventroventral approximation, all under the concept iyeranenu, play.

Reporting on the Elema People of Orokolo Bay in the Papua Gulf, Williams (1969:p77)[101] stated some “little girls [are] beyond suspicion of sexual activity”. “On moonlight evenings the beach here and there may be alive with boys and girls, some of them youths and maidens, for this is a golden opportunity to mix love-making with horse-play […] they are playing one or other of a variety of games which it is impossible for the onlooker to see or appreciate” (p17) [sic]. Among the Mandobo, Boelaars (1970:p135)[102] found that “dirty” games were not allowed, and older children are segregated. Boelaars (1981:p87)[103] on Irian Jara, states that, apart from a specific penis touching game, sexual interests start at age 14 (boys), and at menarche. In Sela Valley childhood, “[s]exuality, too, is part of everyday life” (Godschalk, 1993:p60)[104].

Schiefenhövel (1982:p149)[105] noted that among the Eipo, boy’s genital play was met with amusement, in contrast to the little girl’s. The author (1982; 1990:p403-7) sketches a picture of sexual tolerance. Childhood autogenital play is common in males, but not seen in females. However, “[I]n many interviews with informants in which sexual topics were touched upon, the information provided led the interviewers to believe that homosexual acts, playful or “serious”, among male children […] do not occur. On the other hand, this author did hear of male and female children “having had intercourse” in the grassland beside the village. Everyone laughed with good humour about this behavior; the children involved were neither reprimanded nor punished in any way”. Schiefenhövel (1990:p407)[106] agrees with Malinowski (1929:p50-1)[107] that adult-child intercourse in rare on New Guinea.

Krieger (1899:p297-9, as cited by Ronhaar)[108] observed that among the Bartle Bay people “immorality” not seldom commences in childhood, “when they are corrupted by the other children in the village. The girl is betrothed as a child or after reaching puberty”.

Among the Bena Bena, young boys are said to be given sticks and encouraged to chase and beat girls, the adults urging them to “stick it up her vagina” or “go and hit her hard” (Langness, 1981:p16)[109]. Boys are sometimes threatened with castration (Langness, 1972)[110].

Held (1951:p99-100)[111] marks a strict sexual segregation between sibs (cf. 104-5). “Uitingen van sexualiteit vindt men hier even natuurlijk als gewone biologische processen en het jonge meisje is daarom al veel eerder in de vrouwenwereld betrokken dan de jongen in de mannenwereld. Meisjes beginnen ook eerder kleren te dragen”[112]. Premarital sexual relations are frequent enough, though not approved; premarital pregnancy is strongly opposed (p106-7)[113]. A discourse of sex as “secret” is not apparent, given housing facilities (p106-7, 108).

In New Guinea sexual instruction to boys is facilitated by anatomically overly correct dolls. Further, a technique of self-arousal by means of intra-urethral insertion is communicated (Jensen, 1933:p85)[114].

Luluaki (2003)[115]:

“On 28 March 2002, the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea (PNG) passed the Criminal Code (Sexual Offences and Crimes Against Children) Act (the new law). Its purpose was to repeal certain sections and amend others of the Criminal Code, Ch. 262 (the Code) dealing with sexual offences against children to reflect more appropriately the changed and changing circumstances of sexual violence against women and children in the country. The old Criminal Code provisions relating to sexual offences against children and women generally went under the legislative scalpel changing completely the landscape of the old provisions with this enactment. The purpose of this article is to discuss the different provisions contained in the new law dealing with the issue of sexual crimes against children. This is done in the context of both legislative reform of outdated criminal laws and PNG's international obligation to safeguard children from all forms of abuse and exploitation and protect the rights of children.”

SCCS Ratings

Four New Guinean tribes have been rated: Kwoma, as described by Whiting (3+3-,4,3+,3+,4-;4,2;A), Trobrianders, as described by Malinowksi (2,2,2,2,2-,2-;8,8;E; eHRAF), Manus, as described by Mead (3,3,4,4,3,3;8,8;A) and Lesu, as described by Powdermaker (2,2,2+,2+,2,2;8,8;E). These childhood digits would suggest two patterns of sexual socialisation strictness.

Atlas

Featured: Arapesh, Ari, Awa, Banaro, Baruya, Binim-Kukusmin, Bumbita Arapesh, Busama, Dani, Darabi, Dobu Isl., Eipo, Etoro, Foi, Gebusi, Huli, Jaquai, Kaluli, Keraki, Kewa, Kimam, Kiwai, Koko, Kwoma, Lesu, Manus, Marind Anim, Murik, Ndumba, New Britain, New Ireland, Normanby Islanders, Orokaiva, Paiela, “Sambia”, Sawiyano, Trobrianders, Vanatinai, Wogeo

Janssen, D. F., Growing Up Sexually. Volume I. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin: Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology, Berlin

Last revised: Feb 2006