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NEW IRELAND(Papua New Guinea)
Index→ Papua New
Guinea → New Ireland
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PNG: Arapesh, Ari, Barano, Baruya, Bimin-Kukusmin, Busama, Darabi, Dobu Isl., Eipo, Etoro, Foi, Gebusi, Jaquai, Keraki, Kewa, Kimam, Kiwai, Koko, Kwoma, Lesu, Manus, Marind
Anim, New Britain, Normanby
Islanders, Paiela, “Sambia”, Trobrianders, Vanatinai, Wogeo
See also PNG Bibliography
In New Ireland, girls of eight and nine were
placed in narrow cages until the age of marriageability, somewhere after age
15 (Danks, 1889:p284-6).
Kingston (1998; cf. Kingston, 2003)[1] notes that from an early age
[note: “The age seems to be debatable and increasingly of lessening severity,
but certainly by puberty”] brothers and sisters must avoid each other, and
may not mention each others names. Normally a boy would go and sleep in the
men's house from around 12 (depending on the accommodation available), and if
a girl was reaching puberty the father would sleep in the men's house (or
alternatively the daughter would sleep with other female relatives)”.
Genitals are within the realm of shame; thus, “[…] a child [who] saw their
father or mother naked during washing, is [a fact] regarded as pial, a
lowgrade betrayal of secrets”. “My impression was that girls became sexually
active from around the age of 14 or 15 and boys from a little older. By all
accounts, a fair amount of pre-marital sex goes on, and a moderate amount of
discrete extra-marital liaisons”.
“Menstruation,
variously known as rei kaben (seeing the moon), or samsilik (sick blood), is
[…] seen as caused by intercourse, the blood being discarded (or inadequately
congealed?) semen. First menses are in fact meant to take place during the
girls seclusion in the dal ritual (see Ch.6), during which spirits and
suitors are attracted to her before she is married off. The moon (in whom
Siar people, like us, see a man) is also seen as 'cutting' the girl, or being
causative in some rather vague way. […] Singing of being made to bleed by
being bitten or eaten by a sea snake, in a rite where girls are transformed
into sexually active women and menstruation is 'produced', is very thinly
disguised reference to a, presumably spirit, phallus deflowering the girl
and, given the correlation the Lak make between the two, initiating
menstruation. […] The most direct statements we have of the cause of the
menstruation are the references to phallic sea snakes. They cause bleeding by
eating the dal and uninitiated girls are encouraged to pull them to them.
Earlier we saw how other 'sea-snakes', paloloworm, were similarly attracted
to pregnant women. But other entities are also attracted to the dal in an
analogous manner. There are various birds who come to her, and, amongst other
actions, 'shake the goh'. We also have a succession of spirits, pidiks and
men coming to her: from the inchoate and thoroughly inhuman sounds and
otherworldly visions of the night pidiks, to the still pidik and ancestral,
but visibly human and male malerra, to, presumably and eventually, an all too
human suitor or husband. All these, the snakes, the birds and the various
pidiks clearly belong to the same family of representations, most easily
classifiable as spiritual, ancestral and male. Two things are clear about the
selection of these images. Firstly, the most phallic form is most directly
connected with menstruation, clearly linking it with physical as well as
spiritual penetration. Secondly, the least human and least bound to form
presentations were during the night and during the dals seclusion; the
half-human malerra were presented in daylight when the girl herself was no
longer in enclosed obscurity, but was still in the role of dal; and fully
human men are subsequently taken as lovers when she herself is fully restored
to the world of women”.
Dal, which, “[…] as a word, refers both to
the girl or woman and the ritual they undergo. It also means a young,
sexually attractive woman and is the name given to several such characters in
various stories in which Suilik (the main culture-hero) or a wallaby (an
animal associated with male display and decoration) attempt to take her as a
sexual partner. Sexual attraction is a major theme of the dal ritual and the
production of a gendered and sexual woman from a non-sexual and androgynous
child attracts male spirits in a way similar to that predicted by Strathern’s
‘Melanesian aesthetic’ (1988)[2]. […] The dal is an idealized
cultural image: all young women have breasts and menstruate, but not all are
dal, some are kurmakmak and some, having only completed the exchange part of
the rite, only nominal dal. The dal is an icon of a sexually attractive,
fecund, ‘fat’ young woman who has developed breasts and started
menstruating”.
Janssen,
D. F., Growing Up Sexually. VolumeI. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin:
Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology
Last
revised: Sept 2004
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