World Reference Atlas (Oct., 2002)
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Janssen, D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually. Volume I: World Reference Atlas.
Interim report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Europe (A Limited Selection of Numeric Studies, Qualitative Impressions and Ramifications)
[General historical references in a separate chapter]
[Note the additional bibliography for numeric sources on prepubertal sexual behaviour]
"[…] we don't want to hear any more about penises"
Geographic Index
Albania, Austria, Belgium, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic and Slovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Lithuania, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Scotland, Slovenia, Sweden, Switzerland, Spain, Ukraine, Yugoslavia
"Ethnic" Groups
Gitano (Spanish Gypsies), Olivos (Andalusian Pueblo), Saami / Lapps, Highland Scots, Serbs
Contents of Section [up] [Index]
Cross-National Survey of Studies
Introduction, Generalia [up] [Contents] [Index]
The most obvious source for European childhood sexual socialisation is the 1997/2001 4-volume International Encyclopedia of Sexuality chief-edited by Francoeur. The corresponding entries are linked at the outset [IES]. The work contains impressions on childhood/adolescent sexual behaviour development, sexual socialisation curricula and sex education facilities for 17 European entries. Most probably reflective of sexological priorities, the entries of developmental data vary in length and depth. Very few data are published in accessible languages, which is probably most true for Eastern Europe. Comparative cross-European studies on sexual behaviour socialisation (such as a 1981 study on European tolerance for sexual play; Lacombe, 1984:p33; Draijer, 1984:p18; Brongersma, 1987:p127)[1] appear to be rare. As reviewed below a number of studies provide numeric comparisons with the American case (cf. chapter Nonnative North America); qualitative and theoretical cross-cultural interpretations, however, are few in number (e.g., Straver, based on Ribal).
Whether or not children profited from the adolescent centred "sexual revolutions" of the past, in the 1980s a backlash launched a situation in which "the sexuality of children remains an unmentionable topic" (Eder et al., 1999:p17)[2]. This contrasts with earlier observations by Areco (1911:p51-2)[3] in Eastern Europe:
"In Bosnien, der Herzegowina, Südsiebenbürgen und den Karpathendörfern trifft man oft Knirpse von kaum zehn Jahren, die mit etwa gleichaltrigen mädchen in Gegenwart der Eltern Dinge treiben, die wir als grobe Unzucht bezeichnen würden. Dort aber nennt man es lächelnd nur spielen. – In der Ziganei von Oschinka—Ohaba (Siebenbürgen) forderten kaum achtjährige Mädchen gelegentlich der großen Manöver 1903 die Soldaten auf, gegen kleine Geschenke mit ihnen sexuell zu verkehren. Die Eltern unterstützten, ruhig vor ihren Hütten sitzend, die unverschämten Anträge der Kleinen durch eine in ganz Ungarn bekannte Hanbewegung, die an Deutlichkeit nicht zu wünschen übrig ließ. Man darf daher keinenwegs glauben, daß die Nacktheit der Kinder etwa in einer Überlieferung von sexueller Unkenntnis begründet sei, die Adam und Eva vor dem Sündenfalle besaßen".
Historical issues were to some extent reviewed in a separate chapter, focusing on the classical and medieval periods. In the following collection, I wish to identify qualitative accounts on European sexual behaviour development and early socialisation, in addition to studies that may numerically corroborate such accounts.
[Additional refs.: Creatsas, G. K., Vekemans, M., Horejsi, J., Uzel, R., Lauritzen, C. et al. (1995) Adolescent sexuality in Europe : a multicentric study, Adolesc & Pediatr Gynecol 8,2:59-63; Bozon M. & Kontula O. (1998) Sexual initiation and gender in Europe. A cross-cultural analysis of trends in the 20th century, in Hubert, B. & Sanford, Th. (Eds.) Sexual Behaviour and HIV/ AIDS in Europe. A Comparison of National Surveys. London: UCL Press, p37-67]
Age of Consent[4] [up] [Contents] [Index]
For contemporary details, one is to consult ECPAT[5] and ILGA[6]. Some data on sexual consent and sex education in East Central Europe were collected by the Center for Reproductive Law and Policy (CRLP)[7]. Graupner (1997; 2000)[8] further presented a convenient overview on the criminal law governing the sexual behaviour of, and with, children and adolescents in all European jurisdictions and in selected jurisdictions outside of Europe. Results show that all states in Europe and all of the studied jurisdictions overseas have minimum age limits for sexual relations, and punish sexual relations with persons under a certain age. Nowhere is this age set lower than 12 years. In Europe, in one-half of the jurisdictions, consensual sexual relations with 14-year-old adolescents are legal; in three-quarters, with 15-year-olds; in a majority, this is also the case when the older partner has started the relation. In nearly all jurisdictions, such relations are legal from age 16 onward. Most states apply a higher age limit for contacts in relationships of authority. If the authority is not misused, the age limit in most jurisdictions is set between 14 and 16; if it is misused, between 16 and 18. Most states make no difference between heterosexual and homosexual relations.
European age of consent is 16 for both sexes (Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Belgium, Bosnia, Finland, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Norway, England, Scotland, Wales) except in the following cases. In the Netherlands, it is twelve, provided no official complaint is filed by the child, or by parental authority or Council for the Protection of Children (Art.247, Penal Code). In Spain, the age of consent was as low as twelve years, but rose to thirteen in 1998 (Art. 181.1). In Bulgaria, Estonia (Arts. 115, 116) and Croatia (Art. 192, Penal Law), Hungary (Art. 201 (1) de la Loi IV de l'an 1978, modifié par la Loi LXXIII de l'an 1997), Kosovo, Romania (Art. 198), Serbia, Italy (Art. 609), Iceland, Portugal (Art. 172)[9], Slovenia (Section 183), and Germany (Art. 176, 176a, 176b, 182)[10] it is fourteen. A 1968 statute established the homosexual age of consent at 18, but it was levelled with the heterosexual consent of 14 in 1987 by a Supreme Court ruling[11]. In the Czech Republic (Art. 242, Criminal Code), France (Art. 227-25 du Nouveau Code Pénal), Greece (Art. 339)[12], Poland (Art. 177), Slovakia, Sweden (Section 7, Penal Code)[13], and Denmark (Art. 222, Penal Code) it is fifteen. In Northern Ireland, it is seventeen.
Cross-National Survey of Studies [up] [Contents] [Index]
A summary of European adolescent sex education practices was offered by Kozakiewicz (1981)[14].
Scandinavia (Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark) [up] [Contents] [Index]
Tomasson[15] tentatively argued that the high illegitimacy rate that prevails in Nordic countries, and the marked regional variations within these countries, is due to the differential penetration of Christian mores of marriage into the traditional folk culture. The older permissive pattern persisted in those areas where the influence of Christian conceptions of marriage was weakest.
Strindberg (1886)[16] observed eight to ten-year-olds having intercourse in the bushes.
Ribal (1973)[17] studied 36 case studies of American, Swedish and Danish college students about sexual learning and development during childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood, with comments by a student from the other culture. Using this material, Straver (1986:esp. p28-70)[18] compares the North American and Scandinavian case from an interactionist perspective (Vol.II, §1.1.3.3). In addition to this comparison, Martinson (1994)[19] cites Hagerfors [?], who
"[…] speaking about sex activity in a Swedish nursery, complained that the children sometimes closed themselves in the private area, an area provided for children in Swedish nurseries, engaged in sex play, and talked only about sex. The staff told the parents what was going on but otherwise played no part in it except to say something like, "Stop harping on that, now we are going to do something else; we don't want to hear any more about penises". Scandinavian children generally are more sexually knowledgeable than American children; they are not necessarily more or less likely to engage in sex play, but the type of play reflects their greater knowledge. That young children are sexual and can be expected to engage in some sexual activity is more accepted in Scandinavia than in the United States. […] Behavior that I found was still treated as child sex play in Scandinavia, at least up until 1984 (Aigner and Centerwall 1984)[[20]], was treated as perpetrator-victim behavior in the United States".
[Additional refs.: Johansson, B. (1995) Far jag chans pa dej? Om barns foralskelser [Do I Have a Chance with You? About Children in Love], Nord Nytt 58:86-107; Sjöstrand, W. (1954) Några fakta om onanien hos universitets- och högskolestuderande, Populär Tidskr Psykol & Sexualkunskap]
Norway [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
A research project was conducted on primary school children in the late seventies, completed with a retrospective study[21]. Obscene folklore in Nordic school children was studied by Heitmann (1988)[22]. An authority on Norwegian childhood sexuality is Thore Langfeldt, who published widely on the matter in Norwegian and English[23] (cf. Almås and Pirelli Benestad, 2001:p468-9[24]; Martinson, 1994, ch. 2). His original data were derived from clinical material, according to communications, on between eighty and hundred subjects aged seven to 67. Additional data were derived from students attending courses in sexology, young individuals (9-18) in therapy because of sexual problems, and interviews with street boys, Oslo boy prostitutes, and male homosexuals and paedophiles (1981:p37-8).
"Ola Raknes, one of [Wilhelm] Reich's most prominent Norwegian proponents, did extensive research on the results of the socialization of sexuality in childhood. Raknes was able to identify many adult sexual problems that were related to the repression of the natural sexual urge in childhood" ([no refs]; Almås and Pirelli Benestad, 2001:p450). Also, "[y]oung people are left to learn about sexuality from the media and their peer groups. Many parents still find it difficult to talk to their children about sexuality; they hope that the school will take care of this" (p452).
In a 1987 study by Sundet et al. (1992)[25], median coital debut age was 18 for females, and 18.4 for males, with definite cohort effects, especially for females.
[Additional refs.: Teiste, K. (1993) "Boys Should Ask and Girls Should Say No": The Relation between Man and Woman in Ringerike and Hallingdal, 1652-1710, Ethnologia Scandinavica 23:36-44; Nielsen, A. G. (1998) Børns sexualitet er tabu, Børn & Unge 39,8]
Sweden [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
In 19th century forensic psychiatry sexual assault against children was seen as the result of either a pathological condition or social disability. The perpetrator might also have been tempted by a seductive girl, although boys were never seen as seductive and hence were held blameless. Further, the general opinion among professionals was that sexual assault, if not too violent, rarely led to severe or permanent damage to the child.
Cases concerning sexual crimes against children in Sweden were rarely brought to court, since children, especially young girls, were not considered reliable witnesses (Bergenheim, 1998)[26].
A historical report on the Swedish discourse on child sexuality is written by Bergenheim (1994)[27].
"No Swedish studies, either attitudinal nor behavioral, have been done on sexual exploration and sex-rehearsal play among children. These natural behaviors are probably more permitted today that half a century ago. But no one talked about this at that time, and very few talk about it now" (Trost and Bergstrom-Walan, 1997)[28]. The statement on studies is not correct. Two day-care centre oriented studies are carried out on preschoolers: one (N=251) reported by Larsson (1994)[29] and Lindblad et al. (1995)[30]; the second (N=231, incl. parental observations) reported by Larsson and Svedin (1999)[31], Larsson et al. (2000)[32], and Larsson and Svedin (2001)[33]. Comparison with American data is also reported in the latter studies. Goldman and Goldman (1981)[34] did study children's sexual arguing in Sweden [contrasting that of Australian, U.S., and English performances], but neglected children's sexual behaviour. Helmius and Lewis provided sociological insights in adolescent sex life in the 1980s[35].
Some earlier studies on adolescents prove to be informative on childhood (Israel et al., 1970; Busch, 1974; Lewin, 1982)[36]. In a study of Swedish high school students (Klanger et al., 1993)[37], the median age at sexual debut was about 17 years. Among girls who had had intercourse, the median age at debut was lower than 10 years ago. Interestingly, 2% thought that they had too much sex education at school. Still, 41% felt they could not talk about sex with their parents.
Back in 1980, McConaghy[38] tentatively suggested that Swedish children may be advanced in awareness of genital differences and the genital basis of gender as compared to American children (p30-1), related to the greater extent of information provided for children (p20). In congruence with this observation, Barthalow-Koch (1980)[39] found significant differences in sexual knowledge as judged from drawings comparing 16 Swedish to 22 American children aged 7-8. The drawings were to illustrate "where babies come from and how babies are born". 11 out of 15 [?] Swedish children depicted sexual intercourse, while none of the American class did.
Ullerstam[40] states that sexual games between parents and infants in Sweden were becoming increasingly common in younger families. "Infant and child sexuality is becoming a topic of discussion in the Swedish press of late, as well" (Personal observation by Martinson, Stockholm, Sweden, January 1973).
Larsson and Svedin (2002a)[41] received anonymous questionnaires as answered by 269 final year, senior high-school students, mean age 18.6 years; 82.9% of the students reported solitary sexual experiences and 82.5% had mutual experiences together with another child.
Most of the children had their experiences together with a same-age friend. Girls had more same-sex experiences than boys did. Thirteen percent reported coercive experiences where they had been tricked, bribed, threatened, or physically forced into participation. Some children, 8.2%, had coerced another child into participation in sexual activities. The majority thought of their childhood experiences as normal. There were also 6.3% of the respondents who had had "inappropriate" sexual experiences (with someone at least 5 years older), the majority being girls. Gender differences were evident in several respects: girls were more often "coerced", they felt more guilt, and they had far less experience of masturbation, whereas boys were somewhat more active in explorative activities on their own as well as with peers. The authors assert that "[s]ome kind of coercive sexual experiences appears to be part of growing up for quite a few children".
Larsson and Svedin (2002b)[42] received questionnaires of parents and day-care teachers of 185 preschool children (3-6), from different socio-economic housing areas, answering questions about each child's sexual and general behaviour. They were also asked about their own opinions on child sexual behaviour. Parental and staff attitudes toward child sexuality were quite open, although 67% of the parents and 41% of the teachers never spoke to the children on sexual matters. One fifth of the adults used no term for genitals at all, and even fewer had a name for girls' genitals.
In an earlier publication[43], Larsson sketches the Swedish "abuse transition":
"In the 1970s and 1980s, in the spirit of sexual liberalisation, some pedagogical literature on children and sexuality was published in Sweden (see e.g. Olsson
& Risán, 1976; Aigner & Centerwall, 1983)[[44]]. The books were based on the idea of "good sexuality" and included advice on how adults could teach small children to masturbate using a good technique and how daycare staff could encourage children to play explorative games of "doctors and nurses". After the "discovery" of sexual abuse, the literature and adult education for professional groups working with children has primarily focused on children who are maltreated (see e.g. Akselsdotter, 1993) [[45]]" (p14).
Gisela Helmius[46] notes in a 1992 lecture in Canada that her
"research among young people in contemporary Sweden has shown that they shape their own patterns for how to become mature enough for sex and that they enjoy their early sexual experience - in spite of the problem-oriented sex education they receive from adults. […] Swedish adolescents manage to find a pattern that enables them to become mature enough for sex and in accordance with prevailing norms incorporate sexuality into everyday life. This pattern includes an accumulation of sexual experiences ranging from going steady through light petting to sexual intercourse and heavy petting. The more types of sexual activities they experience, the more they enjoy their sexual lives. […] In Sweden we don't have as strong taboos on nudity as is the case in many other Western cultures, including Canada I have been told".
In an 1991 paper[47], the author notes:
"In Sweden we have an officially sanctioned verbal openness about sexuality, manifested in compulsory sex education ["mandatory since 1956"]. This might be interpreted as a sign of the social acceptance of adolescent sexuality. But it also means that society is provided with a useful instrument to restrict adolescent sexuality. Through such socially sanctioned channels, society can supply young people with prevailing sexual norms, motivate them to make their sexual behaviour conform to these norms and condemn "wrong" sexual behaviour. As most Western cultures, Sweden is a sexually restricting society. In an educational environment coloured by the sexually restricting society's reluctance to accept adolescent sexuality, sex education for young people is problem-oriented, focusing on the risks inevitably connected with sexual activity, that is, unwanted pregnancy, side-effects of contraception, and sexually transmitted deseases. Sex education is thus first and foremost about what young people should fear rather than what they should care about".
In a study by Långströmet al. (2002)[48], scores of CBCL items concerning (apparently) specific sexual behaviour "problems" (Plays with own sex parts in public and Plays with own sex parts "too much") were summed and the influence of genetic and environmental factors on variability assessed.
[Additional refs: Mellan Barnkammaren och Sängkammaren : Om Barnen och Sexualiteten. 1. uppl.. Stockholm: Riksförb. för sexuell upplysning (RFSU): Prisma, 1981; Larsson, I. (1999) Barns sexuella beteende, är det normalt eller…? Social Forskning 3:11-3]
Finland (Saami) [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
Ojakangas (1993)[49] examined medical and pedagogical texts circulated in Finland from 1890 to 1939 concerning dangers of masturbation among school children. Sexuality was encouraged only as it led to legitimate procreation. Masturbation for pleasure was said to result in physical, mental, and moral degeneration. School authorities had a duty to educate and discipline students in proper habits of sexual hygiene.
Korkiakangas (1992:p96-7)[50] stated that even in the years immediately after WW II, guidebooks on sex and moral education warned for the dangers of masturbation. On the basis of interviews and questionnaire material from the 1980s, it was observed that children's playing doctor was prohibited. Despite the fairly liberal attitude on sex education at the time of writing, "[s]exual lore is still to some extent a matter between children: the wiser and more experienced "enlightens" the less experienced".
Sources of sex information were studied in 1950 (Westling and Tanka)[51], 1971, 1992, and 1993 (Kontula and Haavio-Mannila, 1997)[52]. "In their childhood home, information had been received about sexual matters by 39 percent of men and by 41 percent of women in 1971; in 1992, correspondingly, by 61 percent and by 64 percent. Ten percent of men and 14 percent of women in 1971 regarded the information received at home as sufficient. In 1992, the percentages were 29 percent and 32 percent respectively".
According to Kontula and Meriläinen (1988)[53], between 2 percent and 3 percent of both the boys and the girls reported having started masturbating already before age 10. Sexual games would have been played by at least 40 percent of the young adults in their childhood, half of them more frequent than one or two incidents[54]. In a follow-up (Kosunen 1993)[55], 36 percent, of 13-year-old boys and 23 percent of girls reported that they had at some time practiced masturbation
Relevant data are found in other papers[56]. The sexual biographies of Russian and Finnish women were compared by Rotkirch (1997, 1998)[57].
A complete sex education curriculum arose in the twentieth century.
"The greatest problem in the Finnish school sex education is its timing: it comes too late for the stage in the adolescents' development. The present sex education given to the ninth graders (aged 15 years) should be provided two years earlier. Both the students themselves and the experts in this field agree unanimously that sex education in its full extent should already be given to the 12- to 13-year-olds. According the latest news, the syllabi of biology will cover sex education for the eighth graders (aged 14 years)" (K&H, 1997).
As for domestic education:
"In their childhood home, information had been received about sexual matters by 39 percent of men and by 41 percent of women in 1971; in 1992, correspondingly, by 61 percent and by 64 percent. Ten percent of men and 14 percent of women in 1971 regarded the information received at home as sufficient. In 1992, the percentages were 29 percent and 32 percent respectively. Until recently, most people have thus not been getting very much information about sexual matters at home, even if these matters have been more talked about [[58]].
"By age 13, about four out of five girls have had their first periods of menstruation and about 60 percent of the boys their first ejaculations. As a result, many young people show considerably more serious interest in the opposite sex than before. Over half of the boys of this age and one third of the girls have already viewed sex magazines and sex videos, and more than half of both boys and girls have kissed, according to the 1992 data. Many have experienced caressing over the clothing. Almost half of the 13-year-olds are ready to accept sexual intercourse in their peers' relationships. About as many report having already had a dating relationship with the opposite sex. Mostly, this means going around together with the dating partner as part of a group of young people. Sexual intercourse has been experienced by about 5 percent by the age of 13".
A study of the sex lives of 15-year-old Fins is offered by Kontula (1991)[59].
According to Kontula and Haavio-Mannila (1994)[60]:
"Small children often masturbate and play sexually slanted games (doctor games) where other children's and their own genitals are examined. According to the KISS study, at least 40% of present young adults have played these "sex games", half of them several times (Kontula 1987). These games can also include imitating and experimenting with adult sex habits the children have seen. However, this cannot be regarded as initiating sex life as playing these games is not interpreted as conscious sexual behaviour. The sexual significance of these experiences is usually first understood when approaching adolescence. At this point, sexual issues in general become more interesting".
On sexarche,
"The respondents' first sexual encounter with a person of the same sex took place at an average age of 18.3. With men, this figure was somewhat lower than with women. The age at which homosexual experiences are first gained is exactly the same as the age for initiating sexual intercourse for all respondents. Accordingly, homosexual experiences do not differ from other sex experiments in this respect. A total of 8% have been part of childhood sex play because they had been experienced at an age under ten".
Sex education in the home and school have greatly increased between 1971-1992, approaching "sufficient" levels in the youngest cohort of some 60%.
Saami, Sámi / Lapps (eHRAF) (Finland, Norway, Sweden) (3,3,3,3,2-,2;8,8) [up] [Contents] [Index]
"As regards sexual enlightenment, this is never done by the parents, but by older brothers and sisters or by companions. The relations between the sexes are based on comradeship, and as a rule lead to nothing but innocent friendship" (Bernatzik, 1938)[61]. Lapps have a liking for sexual jokes which function as sexual education for the young (Delaporte and Roue, 1973)[62].
Anderson (1978)[63]:
"By prescription, sexual experience should be reserved to marriage partners, and sex education, birth control, and abortion are anathema. Despite this, once the person is confirmed in the church by the age of 16, he becomes de facto eligible for sexual experience. Before marriage, this experience is generally while intoxicated, and neither before nor after marriage is it frequent. When a person marries, it is often expressed as being motivated by a desire for a family rather than for a sexual partner" (p108-9). "Sexual intercourse between the unmarried is only truly scandalous if it takes place before their confirmation in the Norwegian state church about one year before compulsory nine-year schooling is completed. Confirmation serves as a rite of passage between childhood and adulthood" (p167).
"Premarital sexual relations are not subject to censure, whereas divorce is unknown (Pelto 1962: 147-8)[[64]]"[65].
Denmark, Danmark [up] [Contents] [Index]
In turn of the century Danish village, for engagement the girl was at least 16, the boy 20 (p97)[66]. Salomonsson (1993)[67] analysed a case of sexual misconduct involving nine girls aged 12-13 in a Swedish town during the 1950's to demonstrate the moral and social outlook of the authorities, contrasting it with the equally strong ethical values of the working-class families concerned.
Studies informative for childhood include those reported by Hertoft[68]. Masturbation seems to develop in the 12-14 age group, with 15% having experience before age 13. In a study by Auken (1953)[69] among 315 female inpatients, it appeared that the primary source of sexual enlightenment was stated to be "associates" (46.1%), mother (11.9%), fiancé (8.5%), domestic animals (8.8%), sisters (8.5%) and, among other sources, only 3.1% from school, sources, etc. Average age of learning about coitus was 14.4 (some months before menarche), coitus taking place on average at age 19.1. 25.2% of 150 women indicated some childhood sexual experience with an adolescent or adult (p390-4). A study by Wielandt et al. (1989)[70] showed that the median age of coital debut was estimated at 16.8 for both sexes.
A book by Ernst (1979)[71] is primarily analytic oriented, and offers no further perspectives.
Germany [up] [Contents] [Index][IES]
Historical Notes [up] [Contents] [Index]
Sumser (1992)[72] focuses on philanthropic pedagogy and its attempts at social control by regulating family relationships and children's sexual behaviour at the end of the 18th century in Germany. Inspired by the Enlightenment, philanthropists developed a concept of Kraft [power], which they believed was the essence of the human being that could be understood scientifically. While Erziehung [education] was critical to developing the higher level of Kraft, philanthropists believed that providing children with the proper environment was more important. One of the greatest threats to the development of Kraft was middle-class upbringing, in which sexual promiscuity and masturbation were thought to dominate and have a debilitating effect on a child's body and soul. As a result, philanthropists were less concerned with instruction than they were with displacing parents, who, they believed, promoted these bad habits. The pedagogue's tactics included controlling children's diets, limiting their contact with parents, restricting the periods devoted to book learning, and preventing children from isolating themselves. Police tactics were sometimes used to detect and cure sexual misbehaviour. In 19th century German medical literature, the appearance of hysteria in children led to either the rejection of sexual causation or more commonly the belief in childhood sexuality (Carter, 1983)[73]. For a more comprehensive discussion of the medical literature concerning prepubertal sexuality around the beginning of the 20th century, see Janssen (2001)[74] [bibliography here].
Grant (1999)[75] details the end of an era (most of the 18th and 19th century) in which middle-class girls' femininity, as defined as "innocence", was not only primarily constituted by virginity, but by "complete sexual ignorance" (p343).
[Additional refs.: Spree, R. (1992) Shaping the Child's Personality: Medical Advice on Child-Rearing from the Late Eighteenth to the Early Twentieth Century in Germany, Social Hist Med 5,2:317-35]
Sexual Behaviour [up] [Contents] [Index]
Numeric data on childhood sexual behaviour are exceptionally well researched[76]. [For authorative examples, consider the 3 PARTNER studies[77]]. Some lesser-known dissertations on childhood sexual experience were done in Hamburg, particularly on the subject of its role on later life (Laurig, 1967[78]; Weyland, 1967[79]; Brutzer, 1969[80]; Nachtigal, 1969[81]; Schoof, 1969[82]; Osieka, 1971[83]; Kannmacher, 1983[84]). Renate Volbert[85] examined sexological knowledge of 2- to 6-year-olds. Bettina Schuhrke [86] examined genital discovery, and published on the subject of physical shame development.
Aspects of childhood sexual socialisation are studied by particular specialists. Ernest Borneman (15 Apr., 1915 - 4 Jun., 1995) has written extensively on children's forbidden song and riddle culture (1973, 1974, 1976a,b; 1978a,b; 1985:p167-210, 216-36)[87], drawing material from fieldwork in Germany, Austria, Swiss, and other regions (Borneman, 1985:p174). Wilhelm Koch (1979, 1980, 1984, 1986)[88] since 1972 collected more than hundred "erotic drawings" on neighbourhood walls, children's playgrounds, etc. Most numeric data are available through large-scale student surveys.
Accounts of sexual education are given by Bach and Glück (1993)[89].
On the attitude on sexual games, Lautmann and Starke (1997)[90] stated:
"Even if informed parents know what their children are doing, these games are surrounded by a certain suspicion that they may be too early or the fear that the children may become oversexualized. Picking up on these silent messages, the children tend to hide their encounters and games from their parents. Since there is no discussion of the morality of these activities and their expressions not subjected to empirical investigation, one knows very little about their reality".
"School curricula provide for the instruction of sexual issues from the first elementary class onwards. Since there is no special course, the matter can be addressed in various fields such as biology, religion, politics, and so on. The outcome, in spite of existing detailed syllabi, is a sporadic sex education. The teachers think of themselves as not being competent enough. As a matter of fact, the academic training is entirely insufficient; only a tenth of the pedagogic students are offered suitable courses. The parents' attitudes are of a similar uncertainty. They hesitate to speak frankly to their children; and many parents wish that teachers would refrain from doing so" (Glueck 1990)[[91]].
Menarche currently occurs at approximately the age of 12.8 years while the ejacularche takes place at around the age of 13.9 years. Ninety percent of Germans at the age of 16 have already been in love, while about 80 percent of 16-year-olds have experience of a relationship. The average age at which young males and females have sexual intercourse for the first time, about 17, has remained constant for about a decade. One difference that is to be observed is that boys in western Germany and girls in eastern Germany start somewhat earlier; in fact, one third of the latter have their first experience of coitus before their 16th birthday. Members of the lower classes start particularly early in western Germany, whereas the upper classes and future intellectuals are somewhat slower.
[Additional refs.: Waninger, H. (1982) Einstellung von Landfrauen zu Fragen der Sexualität und Sexualerziehung und deren Auswirkungen auf die Persönlichkeitsentwicklung ihrer Kinder. Univ. Diss., Bonn. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer [Reviewed by B. Watz., Soziologische Rev 10 (1987), Suppl. 2:115-7]; Helfferich, C. (1999) Women's Life – Life Histories and Family Planning. A research project commissioned by the BZgA, in: BZGA: Sex education and Family Planning FORUM, Part 1 Family planning. Also BzgA, Women's Lives – A Study of Life Histories and Family Planning. Abridged Version, Cologne]
Iceland [up] [Contents] [Index]
[Additional refs: Bender, S. S. et al. (2001) Iceland, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.in chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York: Continuum. Online ed.; Jonsdottir, J. I. (1996) Sexual behavior among Icelanders: Implications for the risk of HIV infection and planning of AIDS prevention, Nordisk Sexologi 14,1:9-16]
Ireland, Eire, Irish (3,3,3+,4-,4-,4;2,2) [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
On the Isle of Inis Beag,
"[s]ex is never discussed in the home and islanders are monumentally naïve and inexperienced. Boys learn some facts by talking to other boys and watching animals, but girls may not even have done that. Girls understand that they must not look directly at a male or allow themselves to be touched. Premarital sex is unknown, courtship almost nonexistent, and marriages are arranged with little concern for the feelings of the young people involved" (Messenger, as read by Yates)[92].
The first Irish study of childhood sexual behaviour came as late as 1993 (Deehan and Fitzpatrick)[93].
More than half of the parents reported that their child had shown no interest in his/her own genitals, while thirty-seven percent reported that their child played with his/her genitals. Most parents said this occurred openly in the home. Sixteen percent described such play as self-pleasuring, most regarding this as a comfort habit or "nervous fiddling". Seven percent reported genital touching games and four percent said that their child had been lying on top another child in imitation of a sexual act. ("Simulated intercourse" or kissing or licking of the genitals was not reported by any parents.) Thirteen percent of the children were reported to share a bed, usually with siblings. In contrast to situations in the city, "[t]he country-bred boy and girl grow up in an atmosphere of constant reference to sex and breeding" (Arensberg and Kimball, 1968:p197)[94].
Kelly (1997)[95] stated that as late as 1984, the government had no formal policies regarding sex
education, and even today, "[i]t appears that there is wide variation in the ways in which individual schools provide sex education", so none may be given. The Durex Report - Ireland (1993), designed to be statistically representative of the adult population aged 17 to 49 years living in the Republic of Ireland, found that the following were the main sources of sexual information: own friends, 36 percent; mother, 23 percent; books and magazines, 12 percent; religious teacher, 10 percent; lay teacher, 10 percent; father, 5 percent; and sisters or brothers, 5 percent.
"Prior to 1984, the government had no formal policies regarding sex education. […] It appears that there is wide variation in the ways in which individual schools provide sex education. Some provide none, others set aside a particular day or days and provide expert speakers. More frequently, it is incorporated into one or two school subjects, usually science and/or religion".
The Durex Report - Ireland (1993), designed to be statistically representative of the adult population aged 17 to 49 years living in the Republic of Ireland, found that the following were the main sources of sexual information: own friends, 36 percent; mother, 23 percent; books and magazines, 12 percent; religious teacher, 10 percent; lay teacher, 10 percent; father, 5 percent; and sisters or brothers, 5 percent. A Health Education Bureau study in 1986 of a national random sample of 1,000 parents found that 64 percent learned about sex from friends, 37 percent from books, 23 percent from mother, 6 percent from both parents, 2 percent from father, and 11 percent from a teacher. Thirty-two percent stated that they had not themselves provided sex education for their children and one in three of these parents stated that they did not intend to do so. In the Deehan and Fitzpatrick study, parents reported having discussed breast development with 38 percent of daughters and 20 percent of sons, menstruation with 26 percent of daughters and 7 percent of sons, pubic hair development with 40 percent of daughters and 20 percent of sons, erections with 11 percent of sons and 5 percent of daughters, and wet dreams with 4 percent of sons and 3 percent of daughters. The vast majority of those children were prepubertal. An increasing number of primary school teachers are discussing puberty with their pupils. [In Northern Ireland of the late 1980s, university students reported considerable variation in the amount of sex education, the majority receiving "little or none"[96]].
One survey to date on premarital sexual activity in adolescence conduced in 1991 by Ni Riordain[97] (2,000 female 12- to 17-year-old students in the province of Munster) revealed that 25 percent of the 17-year-olds, 10 percent of the 15-year-olds, and 1 percent of the 12-year-olds had experienced sexual intercourse. In another study[98] (2754 pupils 15-18 years attending 40 second level schools in Galway City and County) the mean age of first sexual intercourse was 15.5 years.
Scotland (/ Highland Scots) [up] [Contents] [Index]
In early-20th-century Scotland, the old belief in the curative powers of sexual congress with a virgin led to a number of attacks on young girls by men suffering from venereal disease (Davidson, 2001)[99]. This "pernicious delusion" entered legal and medical discourses as court proceedings increased against rapists who transmitted syphilis and gonorrhoea to their children. However, despite the prosecutions, resistance remained with the legal and medical professions to recognising child sexual abuse with many of the symptoms of venereal infection dismissed as the result of dirt or worms.
In one contemporary study[100], preschool staff groups in Greece and Scotland differed in the extent to which they thought families and preschool establishments should provide sex education, the age at which it should start and the requirements for staff participation.
[Additional refs: Mahood, L. & Littlewood, B. (1993/4) The "vicious" girl and the "street-corner" boy. Sexuality and the gendered delinquent in the Scottish child-saving movement, 1850-1940 J Hist Sex 4:549-78; Wight, D. & Scott, S. (June, 1994) Mandates and Constraints on Sex Education in the East of Scotland: Preliminary Study for a Sex Education Initiative. Report to the Health Education Board for Scotland. MRC Social & Public Health Sciences Unit; Buston, K., Wight, D. & Scott, S. (2001) Difficulty and Diversity: the context and practice of sex education, Br J Sociol Educ 22,3:353-68]
Highland Scots [up] [Contents] [Index]
"Although sex education is sometimes provided in the schools today, it is a subject about which people are extremely reticent, except in the sometimes crude but more often lyrical and metaphorical excess of the late-night ceilidh. A woman in her fifties was first given sex education classes when she was in the forces. "I trembled as I listened to the lectures. I didn't want to have anything to do with that". Another woman recalls that her mother never told her anything about where babies came from; she just told her to stay away from boys, because if they got at her they would leave her and not care for her. "I never looked at them, even when I was eighteen--I hated them sometimes. Even after I got married, I felt my husband wouldn't like me". I once got into an awkward discussion with a nine year old about humans being mammals that carried their babies inside instead of laying eggs. She asked with wide, surprised eyes, "Do they get big?" Her mother said her daughter had never asked where babies came from" (Parman, 1990:p112)[101].
Historically speaking, however,
"human facts were not left to be learned only by observation of animals, but were simply and frankly taught. In a parent's verses to a maiden, for instance, marriage is spoken of tenderly but frankly, in words which can hardly be translated literally without over-emphasis to most English ears. There is a place for gentle frankness, as there is for reticence" (Geddes, 1955:p205-6)[102] .
Great Britain [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
--Historical Matters [up] [Contents] [Index] [Great Britain]
"In works dealing with the history of civilisation, we also encounter occasional references to our subject. Take, for instance, the knightly Code of Love (Liebeskodex), a work highly esteemed in the days of chivalry, and legendarily supposed to have originated in King Arthur's Court. Paragraph 6 of this Code runs: "A man shall not practise love until he is fully grown". According to Rudeck[103], from whom I quote this instance, the aim of the admonition was to protect the youth of the nobility from unwholesome consequences. Obviously, the love affairs of immature persons must have been the determining cause of any allusion to the matter" (Moll, 1908 [1912:p9]).
A late medieval author on gynaecology matters stated that
"[e]very mayde sholde kepe hir from the man at the lest till her flourys be falle & comyn, that is till she be .xv. yere olde, that nature and the matrice myght fulfylle and bere that longeth to hem. For truly, and she rose to dele with man or that tyme, oon of these iij thyngs or all shall falle to hir: other she shall be bareyne or elles hir breth shall have an evyll savour or she shall be lavy[sh?] of hir body to other than hir husbond"[104].
In the 15th to 17th century juvenile marriages were most common in both England and Scotland (Scott, 1960:p75-7)[105]. In Tudor (1485 to 1603) England[106]
"Although the word 'adolescence' was almost unknown at the time, Tudor society understood that there was a separate life stage with its own special characteristics following childhood and preceding full adulthood--a time of sexual awakening and physical development leading to romantic activity and marriage. What we might now call adolescence was identified then by the activities (such as courtship) which took place during it and was brought to an end by marriage".
A work by Furnivall[107] revealed that in England, as in France and Italy, children were betrothed and married in infancy, the children sometimes refusing consummation at puberty. As reviewed by Mclaughlin (1997)[108], child (<12 for girls, <14 for boys) marriages would have been a common practice in medieval England: "[…] it was apparently completely non-exceptionable in the 14th century. A social practice which entered the written record in the 12th century, but which seems to have had roots in the barbaric past, that extended from the royal abattoirs down to the lives of neighboring fishmongers and shop-keepers in medieval London, yet that seems to have received little more than passing notice in canon law beyond exhortation to limit it to age seven and ensure mutual consent of the parties […]". As for consummation, Brundage (1987:p434)[109] had cited Hostiensis[110] in advertising that
"[...] the real criterion of readiness for marriage was sexual capacity; a girl who was able and willing to consummate a sexual union was fit for marriage, whatever her chronological age, and boys who were fit for sex were likewise capable of contracting marriage".
Statutory rape was codified into English law more than 700 years ago, when it became illegal "to ravish" with or without her consent, a maiden under the age of 12. In 1576, the age of consent was lowered to 10[111]. In 1885 it was raised from 12 to 16[112]. The English Marriage Act of 1653 raised the age of consent to marriage to 16 years for men and 14 years for women[113].
Today, cross-ethnic marriages may raise ethical issues[114].
--"Victorian" Age [up] [Contents] [Index] [Great Britain]
Kern (1974)[115] argues that the very intimacy that marked the Victorian family, including the increasing nucleation of the Victorian family, its representation and evaluation in literature, the impact of its "explosive intimacy" on childhood sexuality and parent-child interactions, led to a psychologically debilitating institution loaded with conflict, repression, and guilt. It seems that mothers and daughters colluded in a joint awareness of their femininity as a "secret pollution" (Dyhouse, 1981:p20-2)[116]. Menarche was not discussed on beforehand. Bicycles, and other toys requiring straddling threatened girl' sexual innocence (Garvey, 1995:p74-6)[117]. Money (1985:p131-2)[118] observed that Victorian ideology on childhood sexuality is essential inconsistent between the image of shattered innocence and intrinsic wickedness. Anyhow, sexuality was said to be "an inescapable feature of live", at least for the urban poor, for whom overcrowding was a specific contributing factor.
In 16th century England lawmakers were prompted to pass a Bill in 1548 protecting boys from sodomy, and in 1576 protecting girls under 10 years from forcible rape, with both offences carrying the death penalty[119]. Medieval marriage age of twelve was in effect until 1753. In Victorian days, child prostitution was said to be rampant (Pearsall, 1969[120]:p358-66; Joseph, 1995[121]:p15-6; Rush, 1980[122]:p62-4; Walvin, 1982:p143-7[123]; Oppenheim, 1991:p260[124]; Trumbach, 1977[125]; Brown, 2002[126]), perhaps "aided" with the idea that venereal disease could be cured by means of sexual intercourse with a child (Eliade, cited by DeMause, 1982:p58) or perhaps a peculiarly English liking for "defloration" (Bloch, [1934:p142-3][127]). Or perhaps by the argument that children "could be seduced with near impunity since evidence of young children could be accepted in court only if they showed a complete understanding of the nature of the oath"[128]. This was probably equivalent to America (e.g., Rugoff, 1971:p270)[129]. There was also a small scene in "erotic" depiction of prepubertal girls[130], some of which are collected by Ovenden[131]. Kern (1975:p120)[132] states:
"The severely restrictive sexual morality of the nineteenth century was imposed by the newly triumphant bourgeoisie. Waste, whether financial or biological, became to be viewed as evil, and the class sexual morality called for even more thrift in the sexual sphere. Child sexuality was the persistent reminder of the human tendency to squander, and parents sought to control it both to instil a proper morality in the child and to reaffirm the wisdom of their own self-restraint".
Fishman (1982:p279)[133] speaks of a "conspiracy of adults" against children, an "obsession" that might "even have produced unusual examples of sexual precocity and prowess".
The notion (and fear) of violent revolutionary change in late Victorian England found its way into the new science of psychiatry in the form of Henry Maudsley's creation of the disease "masturbatory insanity" (1868), a malady which supposedly sapped the ambition and manliness of pubescent middle-class youths, thereby placing them as "degenerates" outside the "normalcy" of the bourgeoisie (Cohen, 1987)[134].
In the 19th century many cases of syphilis and gonorrhoea among children were diagnosed. Doctors did not believe that these were a result of sexual contact but rather came from innocent infections, particularly among poor people, who, due to crowded living conditions, were exposed to miasma and germs. In 1913 Dr. Robert Smith concluded children acquired venereal disease through sexual contact (Taylor, 1985)[135].
Upper and middle class children's lives changed dramatically in the 18th century as the need for absolute subservience and sadistic discipline declined. By the 1740's a more sensitive attitude toward children, which was part of a larger social change, spread and the aims of education became social rather than religious. Morality remained uppermost but emphasis was placed on equipping a child with skills essential to secure gainful employment. Children were expected to be companions of their parents in ways which were hitherto unknown; thus they gained a materially-richer life but control of their private lives became more rigid and sex became a subject of terror as chastity and abstinence were ruthlessly imposed (Plumb, 1975)[136].
In the 19th century, the characterisation of childhood virtues, which initially stressed their androgynous nature, gave way to one that was more overtly gender-specific. Womanliness and manliness came to be defined in sexual terms as shown in examples from Thomas Hughes's Tom Brown's Schooldays, Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book, and G. A. Henty's Bonnie Prince Charlie. This led to changed definitions of abnormality: the early 19th-century concern with excessive sexual activity was replaced by late Victorian fear of effeminacy among boys (Nelson, 1989)[137].
Havelock Ellis published some sexual histories.
Victorian age has been marked by a fascination with little girls[138]. This may perhaps be paralleled by early 20th century Vienna's ideal of the "child-wife" (Greenacre, 1947)[139].
--Consent Issues [up] [Contents] [Index] [Great Britain]
The legal concept of a child in need of protection shifted between 1860 and 1885, as the age of consent to sexual intercourse was raised from 10 to 12, to 13, and finally to 16 by the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act (Jackson, 1999:p223)[140]. A four-part newspaper article written by William Thomas Stead, July 1885, succeeded in securing the repeal of the Contagious Diseases Acts and in raising the age of consent from 13 to 16 (Robson, 1978)[141]. However, the agitation for reform legislation concerning child prostitution began even before the sensational exposé of William T. Stead in 1885. Reformers, who called for a rise of the age of consent from 13 to 18 or even 21, were influenced by their middle-class prejudices about childhood, adolescence, and female sexuality. They failed to understand the social and economic roots of the phenomena (Gorham, 1978)[142].
Under English law, "unlawful carnal knowledge of a woman without her consent" is the definition of rape under the provisions of the Offences Against the Person Act of 1861, and various additional qualifying conditions have been laid down chiefly in the Sexual Offences Act of 1956 and the Lunacy Act of 1890. The maximum sentence can be life imprisonment. Carnal knowledge of an infant female under 13 or of an idiot, whether by force or not, under the Sexual Offences Act of 1956, is a felony; a girl below 13 cannot give consent, and having or attempting to have carnal knowledge of a girl above 14 but under 16 years is a misdemeanour. Furthermore, the range of acts comprising indecent assault is very wide. Penetration of the female even to such a slight extent that the victim could remain virgo intacta still stands as a crime. (The law is concerned with the act, not with its quality or degree). The criminal's age is no bar; a male under 14 can be convicted of an attempt to commit rape or of indecent assault even though the age of puberty is generally held to be attained at 14 years. A boy of 14 or under who is not capable of unlawful carnal knowledge or rape in law, can still be charged with indecent assault. A woman who deliberately provokes intercourse with a boy can be convicted only of indecent assault. The virtue of the victim is of no importance; a prostitute is entitled to the same protection as any other woman (though an accusation of rape brought on by a prostitute would be carefully investigated). Nor can a husband be charged with rape of his wife -- unless legally separated. However, a possible charge of assault can be made.
--Sexual Behaviour [up] [Contents] [Index] [Great Britain]
Glaser (1997)[143] stated:
"Little research has been conducted on the sexual behavior of children and adolescents in the United Kingdom. Findings from one study [[144]] of children in different preschool settings show that many children are curious about each others' genitalia, expressing this curiosity by looking at and touching each other. The extent to which such exploratory behavior has mature sexual meaning is unclear. A smaller proportion of pre-school children enact sexual intercourse, usually by lying on top one another while fully dressed. It is likely that such behavior is imitative of adult behavior based on prior observation. These behaviors do not generally give rise to adult concerns unless the children appear preoccupied by genitally oriented activity or the behavior is coercive towards other children. Oral-genital contact appears to be very rare, as are attempts to insert fingers or objects into another child's vagina or anus. Coercive, preoccupied or very explicitly imitative behavior is associated with previous significant and inappropriate exposure to adult sexual activity, or sexual abuse of the child".
No arguments are made on masturbation or same-sex behaviours. According to Huish (1997)[145],
"[t]he impression given by sex therapy clients during history taking is that a small number of male clients report self-masturbation between ages 4 and 10, but the highest percentage recall starting masturbation between 10 and 14 years. Female clients report starting to masturbate anywhere between 10 and 25 years, but far greater numbers are concentrated at 15 years and upwards, with an impression that a significant number of women have never chosen self-masturbation as a way of expressing their sexuality".
Some data are available on first homosexual experiences in Great Britain (Liddicoat, 1956[146]; Westwood, 1960[147]).
Redman (1996)[148] examined boys' entry into heterosexuality during primary and secondary schooling. Data obtained via classroom observation and semistructured interview with boys in school years 5-10 (N=24) in Birmingham, England, suggest that discourses of heterosexuality serve as a cultural resource that allows boys to practice heterosexuality at a prepubescent age, and particular boys become heterosexual (or begin to identify as homosexual) through a complex process of social negotiations and unconscious identifications that are themselves shaped by schooling. Thus, heterosexual masculinities should be thought of not as biologically determined, but as produced and lived at a dynamic interface between historically available discursive positions, wider social relations, the local social environment, and unconscious processes.
A recent publication by Wellings et al. (2001)[149] based on the second National Survey of Sexual
Attitudes and Lifestyles (NATSAL 2000), revealed that there were some 25% of female and some 30% of male respondents aged 16-19 having had sexual intercourse before age 16. Median ages were 16 in both sexes, with 10 and 90 percentiles of 14 and 19. Data suggest a stabilisation of the downward trend noted before.
--Sex Education [up] [Contents] [Index] [Great Britain]
At the outset of the 20th century, girls were instructed in sex between the concept of pathology (impurity, filthiness) and the positive aspects of preparing for motherhood (Mort, p189-93).
[Additional refs.:
¨ Fletcher, A. & Hussey, S. (Eds., 1999) Childhood in Question: Children, Parents and the State, Manchester: Manchester University Press. Chapter 4: 'A denial of innocence': female juvenile victims of rape and the English legal system in the eighteenth century.]
¨ Gay, P. (1984) Education of the Senses: Victoria to Freud. New York, N.Y., [etc.]: Oxford University Press
¨ Hall, L. A. (1990) Forbidden by God, Despised by Men, in Fout, J. C. (Ed.) Forbidden History. Chicago [etc.]: University of Chicago Press, p293-315, esp. p300-2
¨ Hardyment, Ch. (1983) Dream Babies. London: Cape, esp. p137-8
¨ Jenkins, Ph. (1992) Intimate Enemies: Moral Panics in Contemporary Great Britain. Hawthorne, N.Y.: A. de Gruyter
¨ Knoepflmacher, U. C. (1983) The Balancing of Child and Adult: An Approach to Victorian Fantasies for Children, 19th-Century Fiction 37,4:497-530
¨ Knoepflmacher, U. C. (1998) Ventures Into Childland: Victorians, Fairy Tales, and Femininity. Chicago, Ill., [etc.]: University of Chicago Press
¨ Monk, D. (1999) Childhood and sex: an English case-study of sex education, Suomen Antropologi [Helsinki] 24,3:25-38
¨ Neill, A. S. (1960) Summerhill: A Radical Approach to Child Rearing. New York: Hart [see p205-38, 369-72]
¨ Pilcher, J. (1996) Gillick and After: Children and Sex in the 1980s and 1990s, in Pilcher J. & Wagg S. (Eds.) Thatcher's Children: Politics, Childhood and Society in the 1980s and 1990s. London: Falmer
¨ Porter, R. & Hall, L. (1995) The Facts of Life: The Creation of Sexual Knowledge in Britain, 1650-1950. New Haven: Yale University Press
¨ Wight, D. (1994) Boys' thoughts and talk about sex in a working class locality of Glasgow, Sociol Rev 42,4:703-37
The Netherlands [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
A fact unique worldwide, two Dutch Foundations have specifically argued for research on sexuality development: the Dr. F. Bernard Foundation[150], Rotterdam, and the Dr. Mr. E. Brongersma Foundation, Amsterdam, which provided funding for the current survey. Both founders researched and published on the subject of paedophilia and ephebophilia, particularly in the 1970s. Neither foundation apparently gave financial support for any publication until the late 1990s. This may be seen in the context of tolerance attributed to the Dutch; however, the present tolerance curriculum might seem to except everything sexual related to children[151], a situation at odds with the, at least in theory, exceptionally liberal legal regulations.
An illustrative trial in the early 1960s involved the case of a writer sentenced to the payment of 25 guilders (roughly $10) for having published "pornography" with his books Bob en Daphne, mentioning child and early adolescent sexual explorations[152].
Some scholars have interested themselves in the surveying of the literature (Winkel, 1972[153]; Sandfort, 1984[154]; Zuyderland, 1992[155]; Van der Zanden, 1992[156]; Gruental Klestadt, 1993a,b[157]).
Rademakers[158] with Straver report on a study on the sexual-relational development of girls using an interactionist perspective. Van der Mede (1983)[159] reports on a questionnaire study on the sexual behaviour of 594 freshmen students in biomedical majors. Vogels and Van der Vliet (1990)[160] conducted a major study of sexual behaviour among 11.500 boys and girls aged 11 to 19 years. The study was replicated in 1995[161]. A large study using an adaptation of the CSBI was conducted in 1990 by Cohen-Kettenis and Sandfort (1991)[162], and another on toddlers by Oostveen et al. (1994)[163]. Drenth and Slob (1997)[164] only include data on childhood sexual behaviour of the former study. In the latter study, "adult" sexual behaviour (defined as behaviour that would be demonstrated "by adults rather than children", p2203) was incidental. In the former study, reporting on parents of children aged 0-11, with a mean of 4, "sexual permissiveness" was measured by attitudes on four situations that seem to be related to adolescent sexuality. In 1974, Hartskeerl[165] found that 90% of questioned parents disapproved of sexual games between children and 62% are opposed to the idea of childhood masturbation. An equivalent survey was done by Corstjens[166]. Incidental studies on "body experience" were performed before 1990 (De Bruyn, 1972[167]; Van den Ende-de Monchy, 1980, 1984[168]; Laan, 1994)[169]. In the study by Laan, 31 eight- and nine-year-olds were interviewed on their experience of intimacy in physical contact. Hagens and Leeuwenburgh (1999)[170] performed semi-structured interviews on 71 elementary school students in the ages of 7 and 8 along with parental questionnaires. Brilleslijper-Kater (1995)[171] studied sexual knowledge before age seven. Van Halteren and Van Dij (1983)[172] questioned teachers on the relationship of sexuality and immigrant children. De Bruin (1997)[173] reports on a study using 35 psychiatric and 25 control children aged 7-13 to study sexual interest in relation to Antisocial Conduct Disorder.
Some informal discussions with children and parents were videotaped in the eighties[174]. More qualitative material is found in discussions with children in school setting[175]. Staffeleu[176] videotaped some 40 children aged 8-13, including ethnic minority children, while interviewed on a rather extensive range of sexual issues (not excluding SM, etc.) [raising some methodological questions, data await presentation, DJ.] In the mean time, Kuik (2001)[177] argues: "Adults like to think of the age group under study [11-12] as innocent children to whom sexuality is still quite irrelevant. However, these young children grow up in an urban environment, where one finds sexuality in many different forms very much present on practically every street corner. They have easy access to teen magazines, and other media (movies, TV, Internet)".
In a 1981 national survey[178] it appeared that less than half of adults of both sexes thought children before age eight had "sexual feelings". Only 5% of both sexes expressed the tendency to "suppress" rather than stimulate it, with [significant?] sex and cohort differences.
[Additional refs.:] Ninjatten, C. (1997) Tales of ordinary badness- sexuality in Dutch child welfare discourse, Am J Forensic Psychia 18,2:97-¨; Sandfort, Th. (1988) Het Belang van de Ervaring. Dissertation, Utrecht, The Netherlands. Publicatiereeks Homostudies Utrecht No. 13, p91-122 [Dutch]; Sandfort, Th. (1989) Seksuele Ervaringen van Kinderen: Betekenis en Effect voor Later. Deventer, the Netherlands: Van Loghum Slaterus, p53-85 [Dutch]
Historical Notes [up] [Contents] [Index] [Netherlands]
A noteworthy early historiographic account of courtship practices and morals was provided by De Roever[179]. A historical impression of 20th century sexual norms using sexual reform magazines was provided by Nieuwkerk[180]. A Dutch history of masturbation was offered by Hekma and by Pesch[181]. By the end of the 18th century, a rather extensive body of advise literature on matrimonial matters seemed to have been available for "young adults" from the age of 14-15 (Van Tilburg, 1998[182]; also Rang, 2002)[183]. Providing a thorough historical analysis of Dutch sexual socialisation, Röling (1990, 1993, 1994)[184] observes how, as a result of the process of modernisation, it became harder for society to maintain the ideal of the sexually innocent child, an idea that had evolved in the early 19th century. By the 1890's, many people in the Netherlands had reached the conclusion that sex education was necessary and advisable, but despite this rather widespread opinion, sexual ignorance and praise of childhood innocence remained commonplace. By the 1930's support for sex education had diminished dramatically. This remained the case until the 1960's. Eventually, sexual knowledge became so prevalent that it ceased to be a distinguishing factor between adolescence and adulthood.
Bois-Reymond (1992)[185] uses verbal accounts of early 20th century familial sexual education.
In the medical practice of the 1930s masturbation was seen as normal but during "latency", it still remained an "important complaint" warranting an extensive psychic investigation of the child"[186].
During the 1960s and 1970s it became accepted for adolescents in the Netherlands to have sexual relations, and the frequency of such relations increased[187]. Over the course of the twentieth century, the age of first menstruation and first sexual intercourse has declined, but the age of first marriage has increased, creating a prolonged transition period and a moratorium in the sexual life course[188]. This moratorium allows young people to explore sexual relationships while avoiding strong commitments before they enter the adult world and adopt the responsibilities of family life.
Today, "although most parents express their intention to guide their children during their sexual development in an active and communicative way, their own restrictive sexual education, feelings of shame and the respect they have for the private lives of their children, are all standing in the way. In spite of the idea of the adolescents that they can always count on their parents, they do not address their parents as communication partners. Feelings of shame, together with the definition of sexuality as their own domain, frustrate an open communication"[189].
[Additional refs.: Bedaux, J. B. (1988) Gebreidelde lust: uitbeeldingen van seksuele moraal op Nederlandse kinderportretten uit de 17e eeuw, in Bremmer, J. (Ed.) Van Sappho tot De Sade: Momenten in de Geschiedenis van de Seksualiteit. Amsterdam: Wereldbibliotheek, p59-67; Pol, L. van de (1988) Seksualiteit tussen middeleeuwen en moderne tijd, in Peeters, H., Dresden-Coenders, L. & Brandenbarg, T. (Eds.) Vijf Eeuwen Gezinsleven. Nijmegen, the Netherlands: SUN, p163-93]
Dutch Legislation [up] [Contents] [Index] [Netherlands]
The Napoleonic law, which was in effect from 1811 onward, did not impose consent legislation[190]. The 1886 Penal Code set the age of sexual consent at age 16, which was joined with a homosexual age of consent of 21 in 1911, until its bankruptcy in 1971. In 1985, the age of consent was revised, as discussed supra[191].
Theo Sandfort offered controversial material on Dutch children in "paedophilic relationships" in the late 1970s, and wrote many monographs and articles on related subjects. His work became recently the focus of a legal battle over the academic nature of Sandfort's 1988 findings initiated by an erotic magazine by the name Penthouse[192].
[Additional refs.: Nijnatten, C. van (1985) "Losse Leentje" en de kinderbescherming. Het zedenoffensief in de jaren dertig, Tijdschr v Seksuol [Dutch] 9,4:195-204; Brongersma, E. (1991) Zedelijkheidswetgeving: de nieuwe teksten, Tijdschr v Seksuol [Dutch] 15,4:274-86; Schuijer, J. (1993) The Netherlands Changes its Age of Consent Law, Paidika 3,1:13-7; Schuijer, J. (1995) Recent Legal Developments in the Netherlands, Paidika 3,4:64-71]
Belgium [up] [Contents] [Index]
Belgian government's traditional attitude of tolerance toward prostitution in general and child prostitution in particular turned to control and regulation in the 19th century (acc. Steverlynck, 1993)[193]. Judging from a questionnaire study among male and female Flemmish students aged 18 to 30, Kruithof and Van Ussel (1962)[194] speak of the "sexual needs" of the subjects due to an incomplete sexual "ethical" and education curriculum, which "definitely hamper a normal sexual development and experience of sexuality". Vanderbruggen[195] describes how in the years 1955-1966 the membership journals of the Catholic National Youth ('Katholieke Landelijke Jeugd', KLJ) employed a 'the flesh is weak and sinful' discourse in the contributions about mixed companionship, sexuality and physicality. Virtues like 'decency', 'chastity' and 'self-control' were crucial since every physical act concealed the danger of emerging 'desire'. For fourteen-to-seven-teen-year-olds, friendships between boys and girls were regarded with suspicion and advised against. A CSBI study was conducted by Schoentjes et al. (1999)[196].
A 1996 case of child abduction and murder, still under investigation in 2002, shocked the nation and may have had a significant impact on children's mobility[197] even in neighbouring countries. In any case, the issue was arguably identified as a "paedophile crime" ever since.
Luxembourg [up] [Contents] [Index]
[No data available]
France [up] [Contents] [Index]
Illsutrative historical material was collected by Flandrin (1975, 1977)[198] and by Crubellier (1979:p110-6, 328-34)[199] (see also Goulemot, 2002)[200]. In fifteenth century Avignon, "[t]here was no legal age for betrothal and parents sometimes betrothed very young children, especially when family interests were at stake" (Girard, 1953:p485)[201] . Prior to 1832, the penal code contained no provision against rape and indecent assault by adults on children (Donovan, 1994)[202]. Influenced by 18th-century reformers and by the French Revolution, the writers of the penal code did not want to put law at the service of Christian doctrines. In 1832, the government changed the law to criminalise all nonviolent sexual encounters with children younger than 11 years of age. The rate of prosecution of adults for sex crimes with children fluctuated for a variety of reasons, but by the 20th century prosecutions for sex crimes against children exceeded prosecutions for sex crimes against adults[203].
Significant is Rousseau and Tissot's concordant colloqium (McLaren, 1974:p614)[204]. Later scientist-reformer F. V. Raspail combated masturbation among school children by having them "wear camphor-impregnated drawers" (ibid., p621-2). Kraakman (1994; also 1993, 1990)[205] examined the sexual history of French girls through intertextual analysis of works concerning sexual initiation of girls at the onset of puberty and challenges the categorisation of pornography as a male genre. The works under consideration date from the period 1750-1840 and contain various treatments of pedagogical, medical, philosophical, and moral discourses, and construct virgin girls as active agents in the search for sexual knowledge and experience. Confined in total ignorance of their sexual bodies, dedicated to virginity, under strict supervision of their mothers and the Church, young girls nonetheless obtained a real insight into sentimental matters through an edifying literature. These books aimed to discipline the romantic temperament of young girls and convert it into the proper feeling for the right man, the future husband, for the sake of social order (Houbre, 2000)[206]. The sex education of French girls during the 19th century was generally left to their mothers, some of whom confined their explanations to a few whispered words to their daughters on the eve of their wedding (Stewart, 1997)[207]. The first books on the subject were written for middle-class girls in the 1880's and covered issues such as basic biology, hygiene, and pregnancy, with the sex act itself described as a necessary duty, and only to be practised within marriage. A limited form of sex education began in schools in the 1930's, but had little government support, and remained underfunded well into the 1970's.
Erotic folklore of children was collected by works (Gaignebet, 1974[208]; Bournard, 1979[209]).
Data of a study on the sexual knowledge and attitudes of French children were reported by Fijalkow et al. (1978)[210]. It appeared that 78% of boys and girls aged seven to nine admitted to having played "fathers-mothers", 64% to having played "doctors", and 10% in peeing contests (the sexual nature of the first two games was not explicitly addressed). 25% of the children did not know of the existence of testicles, ¾ seem to believe impregnation would result from kissing, more than half believed a baby's exit is through the belly, and only 12 percent did not ignore the feminine cycle.
In one study[211], most respondents had discussed sexuality with their parents during childhood. Some transcripts of interviews with children are presented by Oger (1991:57-60)[212].
In contrast to in America, the masturbation of a small boy makes French mothers, "[…] and sometimes fathers, uneasy; it is actively combated"[213]. Brougere and Tobin (2000)[214] claim that "there is a radically different conception between the American and French interpretation of sexual behavior patterns expressed in games between children in nursery schools. In the US, statistics principally focus on medical interpretations and sexual abuse, and engender panic-stricken moral questions on that score. French nursery school teachers are much more willing to use hard-won teaching methods and avoid mentioning the theme of sexuality with children under their responsibility". The authors attempt to understand the cultural ideology and reasoning for each nursery school system from his analysis of interviews of groups of children who had to perform playlets.
An epidemiological study[215] was carried out among 4,255 adolescents, aged 11-19 years, randomly selected from secondary schools in a northern urban area of France. A total of 31% had had sexual relations (43% of the boys, 20% of the girls). In an "ethnological" description[216] of a permanent French gypsy community of 691 persons, it appeared that a young child was treated permissively in all areas including eating and sleeping schedules, sex play, and toilet training. He is also ignored by adults who provide no supervision or specially adapted diet or play area.
De la Rochebrochard (1999)[217] provides data on masturbarche. Using life tables of male and female puberty were constructed using the Analysis of Sexual Behaviour of Young People (ACSJ) survey conducted in France in 1994 on the 1975-1978 generations, at that time aged between 15 and 18, the author found a masturbarche median age of 14.2, compared to a median menarche age of 13.1.
In a 1974 study, the majority of female subjects had received little or no formal sexual education prior to initiation[218].
French concept of the sexual lifecycle apparently excludes children, or noncoital debuts (Bozon, 1996)[219]. Even masturbation seems to be interesting only from age 18 onward (Béjin, same volume). Earlier, a large-scale study[220] only published data on masturbation from age 20 (p263). In this study, "sexual education" was thought to be best timed at about 11,1 years of age (median, females; p391). This figures was 9.1 for women 20-29 years, and 11.9 for women 50 years and older.
Wylie (1957 [1964:p113-8])[221] states that French villagers accept sex as a natural part of existence. However, "[p]arents do not discuss sex with their children. It seems to them ludicrous and lacking in taste and pudeur, that any parent should feel the need of explaining the "facts of life" to his children. When I asked how children were expected to learn these facts, they replied, "Why just naturally. They learn those things as they grow up. Their instincts just take care of that". In agricultural families, this would be observing animals would help, while among the poor the family sleeps in a single room. Older children would be the most informative.
"When I talked to men in a confidential, relaxed situation they freely said they had practiced masturbation as children, although they said they did not remember at what age they began or how frequently they indulged. If a boy was caught by his parents, he would be scolded and threatened with a light punishment but the punishment was never carried out. Everyone denied that parents ever threatened a child with castration, although it was admitted that if a child were caught by someone other than his parents he might be so threatened".
Comparing French with American situations, Wylie (1965:p265-8)[222] notes: "In learning how to cope with his sexual urge, the French child […] may be more upset than the American child by the feelings that accompany puberty, but he is better equipped to handle those feelings. From early childhood, he has been taught the necessity of controlling his impulses, of not expressing them freely. […] The American child has had less preparation. Rather he has been encouraged to express his feelings freely".
[Additional refs.: Hanry (1977)[223]; Debreyne[224]; Maynes, M. J. (1992) Adolescent sexuality and social identity in French and German lower-class autobiography, J Fam Hist 17:397-418; Colas, D. (1975) Mensonge pédagogique et sexualité enfantine chez Kant, Ornicar? 2:73-5; Agin, Sh. (2002) "Comment se font les enfans?" Sex Education and the Preservation of Innocence in Eighteenth-Century France, MLN 117,4:722-36; Ansen, D. (1995) Au revoir, l'enfance, Newsweek, 6/12/95; 125,24:65]
Swiss / Switzerland [up] [Contents] [Index]
In a survey of Swiss schoolboys (Biener, 1973:p64)[225], 41% declared having learned masturbation by trial, 25% would have learned from friends, 3% had read about it or seen it depicted, 4% learned from adults, 14% did not remember its mode of onset, and 13% claimed never to have given themselves to the practice. Another study[226] informs about the sexual coming of age according to a questionnaire among 16-19-year-olds.
Jarecki (1961a;b)[227] asked 2 groups of 40 mothers in the United States and in Switzerland about stuttering, weaning, masturbation (p350-1), lying, and bedwetting. There were significant differences in attitudes. Swiss mothers placed more stress on heredity and poor upbringing, and were stricter in demanding mature behaviour. Swiss mothers seem to view their children quite early as "little adults", while American mothers see them as "kids" and allow them to behave like children much longer. The difference on masturbation attitudes, however, is much smaller than the other themes, in fact smallest and nonsignificant. 60.0% of Swiss and 57.1% of American parents described psychic[228] and some 20% in both samples described physical damage as a result of the practice. Some 15% in both samples referred to moral and social laws, and only 5% in both samples did not see any danger.
Spain [Spanish Basques: 3,3,3+,3+,4-,4-;2,2] [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
Bachs-i-Comas (1984)[229] reports of a pilot study of sexual knowledge, identification, feelings, and attitudes of 5-7 year old children. Information was obtained on sexual identity, sex differences, role of the couple in reproduction, affective relationships within the family, pregnancy, birth, and lactation. Hernandez-Martinez (1984)[230] studied the sexual behaviour of 7,492 14-18 year olds. Subjects were administered a 116-item questionnaire and a face-to-face interview to assess "masturbatory activity, heterosexual intercourse, intercourse within an established relationship, homosexuality, and infantile sexuality".
López Sánchez (2001)[231] refers to a numeric study on childhood sexual behaviours carried out by López et al. (1997) involving parents, teachers and adolescents. Noting the problems in conducting the research ("[…] estamos en una cultura que niega la existencia de la sexualidad infantil por considerar peligrosas sus manifestaciones y hay dificultades éticas para estudiarlas de manera experimental, a través de observaciones o a través de preguntas directas a los menores"), it was observed that:
"La frecuencia de la masturbación es mucho mayor de lo que se suele creer, tanto en niños como en niñas aunque las fuentes de investigación no son muy precisas. En una investigación reciente (López, Guijo, Del Campo y Palomo, 1997) [?] en la que usamos tres fuentes de información, padres, educadores y jóvenes, referidas a los 11 primeros años de vida, encontramos que: a) El 28% de los jóvenes recuerdan haberse masturbado con la mano y el 16% con un objeto. b) Los padres han observado en el 13% de los hijos masturbación con la mano y en el 5% con un objeto. c) Los educadores han observado en el 20% de los alumnos masturbación con la mano y en el 8% con un objeto. Otras investigaciones apuntan en la misma dirección. Estas conductas tienen para los niños un claro significado sexual hasta el punto que el 5% de ellos cree haber llegado a tener orgasmos antes de la pubertad. […] Los padres y educadores afirman haber observado juegos de contenido sexual en aproximadamente el 80% de los menores[232] (López y Otros, 1997)" (2001:p276, 278).
The original work [received from the author, entitled "Sexualidad Prepuberal"][233], however, claimed that 9.4% experienced orgasm, or 5.4% of females and 18.0% of males (p20, 32 of Engl. transl.).
More interestingly, the authors make the following observations:
"[Depite a heightened interest in abuse matters] the existence of childhood sexuality remains largely unrecognised. In fact, as has been discovered in many Englishspeaking countries (particularly in the United States), apart from some positive results the studies that have been carried out on the sexual abuse of minors have had three perverse [sic] effects: the persecution of healthy manifestations of sexual behaviour in childhood –by the children themselves and among each other, who explore each other or play in a consensual fashion-, the increase in the "fear of affectionate and social contact" between adults and minors (even within the family!), and the increase in a deeply rooted idea in our culture: the "danger" itself of sexuality".
Barkley and Mosher (1995)[234] reviewed the research on childhood sexuality in Hispanic culture.
The difficulties that Tissot had in getting his work published in Spanish indicate opposition from medical authorities in Spain during the Enlightenment to consideration of onanism as a disease (Perdiguero Gil and González de Pablo, 1990)[235]. Nevertheless, Catholic priests warned children for masturbation by threat of "Heart problems, spinal debilities, brain tumors, and bowel obstructions" well into the 20th century (Mitchel, 1998:p107-8)[236]. Of course it was rampant even judging from schoolboys' confessions.
Before its revision in 1998, Spain has the lowest age of consent in Europe (12). Nieto et al. (1997)[237] reported:
"Studies carried out with 12- to 13-year-old elementary school students in Education General Basica (EGB) indicated that 87.74 percent of the girls and 38.42 percent of the boys had never masturbated. The numbers lessened when groups of 14- to 17-year-old high school students were studied from Baccalaureate Unified Polyvalent (BUP). In this study, 70.51 percent of the girls and 12.16 percent of the boys stated that they had never masturbated. […] Almost three quarters of the boys, 71.4 percent, began masturbating between the ages of 10 and 12 years, while only 10 percent of the girls stated they have masturbated at that age. […] The most-consistent masturbation frequency in children is once a month […]".
"A national study on masturbation in children and young people found that 76.7 percent stated that they began masturbating between the ages of 10 to 15 years. Knowledge about masturbation came from conversations and readings (74.8 percent for males and 57.2 percent for women)".
Also,
"Heterosexual conduct in Spanish children and adolescents has greatly increased in recent years. Current data indicate that more than 54 percent of the women and 52.7 percent of the men have already had their first date at 13 years".
Thurén (1988:p202-3)[238] stated that many informants for a Barrio in Valencia emphasised "ignorance, fear, bitterness" against parents for lack of support when questioned about growing up feminine. Nevertheless, many commented upon "the excitement they felt as children when they began to realize there was a great mystery around sexual differentiation. Most women told with great tenderness of the exciting whispers with girl-friends in pre-adolescence, the slow putting together of pieces of information, the acceptance and growing expectation of what "life" was like, the first daring lies to the parents in order to go out with a boy…". Although bookstores sold sex education materials since the middle 1970s, hardly anyone mentioned learning sex from books.
Marañón struggled with the issue of Freudian infantile sexuality, a notion that seems to offend "the patriotism of the human species. We want to believe that a child's soul is pure". He further believed that Freud's theory was, in part, culture-bound and that the precocious sexual activities ascribed to children did not occur in Spain: "It is certain that our children are not like that", he asserted (acc. Glick, 1982:p553)[239]. In a 1929 lecture, Juarros argued that, probably not exceptional for Europe at that time, "infantile sexuality [was] sadly ignored by most or all parents, who do not perceive sexual appetites in children"[240].
In a 1996-1997 study[241] based on 304 universities in, freshman students (63.49% female, average age 19.46 +/- 1.55 years) indicated in 51.77% to have begun to masturbate between the 11 and 14 years. In 56.15% of whom had sexual experience it was begun between 17 and 19 years of age. In another study[242] (2831 pupils aged 14-20 years from urban, suburban, and rural populations in the north of Madrid) the average age of the first intercourse was 15.4 years +/- 1.68 SD for males and 16.1 years +/- 1.46 SD for females. In yet another study[243] (3139 students aged 14 to 19 years living in the city of Barcelona), it appeared that boys had their first experience at a significantly earlier age, but girls participated in sexual intercourse more often.
To reflect on these figures, studies support the hypothesis that "religiosity and church attendance seem to still put a strong damper, in Spain, on young people's sexual behaviors"[244].
Thuren (1994)[245]:
"While celebration of the first menstruation may seem especially logical in societies that emphasize motherhood, as does Spain, a girl's first menstruation there is, paradoxically, a shameful matter. The explanation of this paradox lies in the supposition that what arrives with the first menstruation is not potential motherhood, but potential sexual activity, and also womanhood (as opposed to manhood), both of which are construed as negative or ambivalent. This, however, suggests a new paradox in the present Spanish context. After two decades of mostly positive change, the concept of change has become synonymous with improvement; and sexuality, always culturally emphasized in the Mediterranean area, has taken on the role of a key symbol of change".
A recent study[246] examined representations about sexuality among adolescents by analysing the content of 1,204 questions about sexuality and reproduction written by male and female middle school and high school students (aged 13-14 years) enrolled in sex education classes during a 6-year period (1992-1998) in Spain. The questions were evaluated according to dimensions of theme, information versus opinion, concept clarification, health, pleasure or displeasure, masculine or feminine reference, or quantity. The results indicated that "girls speak about sexuality as a part of the future, have low interest in erotic aspects of sex, and high interest in body, reproductive health, and birth control. The boys speak more about sex than girls, are more interested in erotic aspects of masturbation and intercourse, and are interested in opinions rather than information".
Gitano (Spanish Gypsies) [up] [Contents] [Index] [Spain]
Mulchay[247] characterises Gitano socialisation as promoting "a classic pattern of machismo" (p139). Among the Gitano, "[…] the sexual identity of children receives much attention in language and gesture, and is treated in a very joyful and playful manner. Praises or displays of affection to children very often involve references to their genitals. Adults- or older children- often address children through the words that define the genitals, and show their affection by rubbing or grabbing their sexual areas, and kissing or biting them there" (Blasco, 1994:p54)[248]. The boys' masculinity is stressed more than the girls' femininity: "[…] mothers love making their male babies' penises become erect, photos of boys aged two or three smoking sigarettes, or else naked, hung on the walls of every gitano house; and from that same age boys are very much encouraged to be proud of their genitals". Marriageability starts at puberty. Girls at menarche become "mozas", synonymous to "virgins"; anatomical indicators would betray her being "open" (deflowered), and coitarche equals the end of mozedad. There is an obvious double standard for premarital sex.
Olivos (Andalusian Pueblo) [up] [Contents] [Index] [Spain]
Price and Price (1966a,b)[249] describe that courtship among the Olivos, a traditional pueblo, is staged in three compartments, the middle with two subcompartments: informal, transitional, and formal. The first begins with puberty, when brothers and sisters no longer share a room.
A later study on Andalusian young people (Olive, Serra and Vallejo, 1993)[250] offers data on masturbarche and sources of sexual education.
Portugal [up] [Contents] [Index]
In a Portuguese coastal community, girls were considered "adult" when fertile (menstruation occurred around 16 or 17), boys when married. (Cole, 1991:p84-5)[251]. Girls begin to have namoradas soon after menarche. "A son was said to be able to "have sex freely" […], but a daughter should not have sex freely and should show restraint […] in the expression of her sexuality", which was defined in the context of fertility.
[Additional refs: Nodin, N. et al. (2001)
Portugal, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed. in chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York:
Continuum. Online ed. Further studies by Amaro (1990) and Amaro, Teles, Dantas
(1990); Amaro, F., Dantas, A. M.
& Teles, L. da C. (1995) Sexual behaviour in the city of Lisbon, Int J STD AIDS 6,1:35-41]
Lithuania [up] [Contents] [Index]
[Additional refs: CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p78-99]
Poland [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
For a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p290-1)[252]. Social and intellectual changes in Poland after World War I stimulated debate among educationalists, psychologists, and moralists about who should provide sex education for children and in what way (Gawin, 1999)[253]. Conservatives, especially in the Catholic Church, wished to confine it within the family and took a restrictive and punitive approach to sexuality, while liberals favoured sex education in schools with a factual approach allied with ethical education. Both liberals and conservatives betrayed a suspicious attitude toward child and adolescent sexuality, recommending a strict upbringing for children and questioning the emotional side of child rearing.
Sierzpowska-Ketner (1997)[254] stated: "Research in 1992 with a nationally representative sample revealed that friends were reported as the principle source of sex information with half of the men and one third of the women surveyed. The second source, reported most frequently by young people in large cities, was publications. Parents hardly ever wanted to provide input into sexual education, preferring to have their children obtain this information in school or from publications. Still, less than 10 percent of the respondents approved of school as a source of sex information". The repression of sex education is also demonstrated in terminology used to describe childhood sexuality in Polish medical literature.
On auto-eroticism in childhood:
"Retrospective research on the autoerotic behaviors of Polish children and adolescents has been carried out on a few select groups. M. Beisert (1990) found that about 15 percent of the girls and 29 percent of the boys remembered touching and manipulating their genitals in a repeated manner during childhood to evoke some pleasant feelings. In most children, an intensification of autoerotic behaviors is observed at ages 5 to 6, during nursery school education. The main purpose of autoerotic behaviors is to awake some positive emotions in oneself. Up to 80 percent of all children who engage in self-pleasuring consider the pleasure obtained as an autonomous value, while about 12 percent treat that pleasure as a side effect of fulfilling the need connected with what is termed a stimulation deficit, the deprivation of the need of receiving new and attractive stimuli from the surroundings. Research demonstrates that there are two types of autoerotic behaviors: one open, observed in children who are unaware of the common negative valuation of that behavior, and the other hidden and characteristic of children who are aware of the forbidden character of that behavior. An important source of information about the need to hide autoeroticism from parents is the child's peers. According to investigations, 80 percent of parents have never learned about the autoeroticism of children.
Polish literature dealing with sexual education presents two opposite views: an opinion that self-pleasuring is a normal stage of psychosexual development in human beings and the contrary view that self-pleasuring is a sin reflecting in a negative way on human development. These opinions lead to two contrary educational recommendations".
On heterosexual interests:
"M. Beisert's 1990 investigation reveals an undulatory character in the child's interest in sex. The first inflow is observed before the end of 5 years of age with the next during the prepubertal period, about the age of 10 and 11. Contacts with other children in nursery school are conducive to some exploratory activities. Up to 56 percent of investigated adults place their first discoveries connected with gender at that period. The most important source of knowledge are other children, particularly peers. The first discoveries are connected with playing together, bathing, and other hygienic activities. However, the awareness of a strict injunction not to stare at the naked bodies of others, and particularly their genitals, is passed down at a comparatively early age and is widely popularized. The division between erotic play and cognitive activities is a difficult one, especially since sexual curiosity is at the bottom of much of children's play. However, when children want to study their own bodies, they often do it openly and clearly state their interest. In approximately 2.8 percent of childhood sexual exploration, coercion is a factor. The cognitive methods are a bit different in families with many children of both genders. When the children in a family are close in age, or when the age interval is larger but older children participate in taking care of the younger, sex differences are not particularly exciting nor do they offer any special discoveries. The situation is similar when a child has no siblings but is brought up in a family with liberal attitudes towards sex. Many different children's games include an erotic element or produce specific pleasure connected with stimulation of the genitals. Nearly 70 percent of students surveyed remembered not only the fact of such games, but also all the details accompanying them. Gender was not a factor in such games. Considering all the functions fulfilled by erotic games, such as pleasure, learning, and stimulation, they were grouped separately from other forms of childhood activities. The essence of most games is to imitate a fragment of adult life. The most popular games imitate adult roles that create an opportunity of mutual touching, undressing, and body manipulation, playing doctor, hospital, nurse, mother and father, king and queen, convalescent home, masseur, or the theater, ballet and strip-tease. Among other inspirations for childhood games, direct observation of adult life takes place first, then movies, fairy tales, and stories told by others. Imitations of such adult activities that provide excuses for body contact are the most important children's games.
A particular, qualitatively different variety of games is among those designed for only two children. In such games, watching and touching meet the needs of demonstrating a mutual bond. Children embrace each other, kiss, and touch. Such pairs are accepted by their peers, and their range of behavior does not differ from the behavioral patterns of groups. Solitary play also provides an outlet for sexual curiosity and rehearsal, as when a child enacts erotic scenes using dolls, draws pictures of naked girls and boys, or plays scenes that evoke pleasurable excitement. The second period of interest occurs during the prepubertal age. Up to 35 percent of children report gaining knowledge about gender differences at the age of 10 or 11 years. The interest is focused on details and confirmation of earlier knowledge and intuition. Watching and touching is limited mainly to the genitals, and the aim is to gain pleasure along with a clear understanding of gender differences. These games occur in pairs, and sometimes in groups of peers of the same and other gender. Boys, for instance, may compare penis length or compete in urination contests. Girls concentrate on bust observations or dressing as adult women. Often pair games are clearly directed at pleasure, and consist of genital exploration and touching without the pretext of playing doctor or hospital. According to survey data, most Polish children are well aware of the forbidden nature of these erotic games. The punishing attitude of parents towards erotic games reaffirms the fear of childhood eroticism and the unfavorable attitude towards self-pleasuring. Parental dissuasion and limiting the child's time with peers are more mild forms of unfavorable reaction. However, two thirds of parents who catch their children in such games threaten them, punishing them verbally and/or physically for engaging in them. About 1 percent of parents do not adopt a punishing attitude, but quietly maintain their differing opinion of such games. Only 10 percent of parents treat these games as a normal stage in childhood development".
"It needs to be emphasized that sexual education has always been a kind of taboo in Poland. This was clearly reflected in the language used by the state in the past, referring to sexual education as "preparation for the life in a socialistic family." After 1989, sexual education was halted in the schools without any national debate about the relationship between the state and the Church, and the only textbook specially prepared by sexologists for school use was definitely forbidden. This was subsequently followed by introduction of religious instruction in all Polish schools. Research in 1992 with a nationally representative sample revealed that friends were reported as the principle source of sex information with half of the men and one third of the women surveyed. The second source, reported most frequently by young people in large cities, was publications. Parents hardly ever wanted to provide input into sexual education, preferring to have their children obtain this information in school or from publications. Still, less than 10 percent of the respondents approved of school as a source of sex information".
Polish criminal law forbids sexual contacts with minors under 15 years old.
In a study (Cianciara et al., 1994)[255] on 1239 Warsaw primary school students of the 7th grade, findings show "insufficient proficiency of families in sex education of their children. Although parents are the most desired source of sex related information, the range of their info-educational activities is found to be limited. This is particularly true when sons are considered; more attention is being paid to daughters. The results also indicate that mothers are more engaged in sex education than fathers. The findings show positive correlation between proficiency of parents in this field and their social status. This competence is also higher in families with better communication between members and families in which child freedom is not essentially limited".
According to a retrospective study reported by Trawińska ([1975:p51])[256], more than 60% of respondents denied a history of sexual experiences in childhood, while 15% had "sexual games of a demonstrative nature", 5% had "an encounter with a deviated person", and another 2% "tell of voyeurism". Coitarche ages top at 17-18 (p56). In information sources on sex, peers outweighed parents, family, school, "lectures", own experiences, and mass media, in that order (p71).
[Additional refs: Jaczewski, A. (1970) [Erotismus im Kindes- und Jugendalter]. Warschau; CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p100-25]]
Ukraine [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
Anderson[257], in augmentation to material offered by Wikman[258], reports on traditional night courting (bundling). Typical for former Europe, the phenomenon comes in two Ukrainian species: the individual form (houlyenka) and the communal (group) form (dosvitke). Chastity is stressed; no claims were made as for its timing.
Govorun and Vornyk (1997)[259] on childhood socialisation:
"[…] from early childhood, the deliberate manipulation of genitals is mostly prohibited by the family and social environment. Most children do not receive any information about their genitals as the source of pleasure and good feelings. Parents usually worry so intensely about the occurrence of masturbation that this initial sexual experience is immediately suppressed whenever discovered. Still, what surveys are available [?] suggest that by 6 years of age, between 2 and 10 percent of children have engaged in self-pleasuring". "Recent studies conducted in Ukraine by sexologists Iryna Vovk, Ihor Gorpinchenko, Zoreslava Shkiriak-Nyzhnik, and Borys Vornyk; and psychologists Myrosluv Borishevskyj, Oksana Shurgan, Tamara Govorun, and Svitlana Kyrylenko investigated the attitudes of elementary school children […]. They also examined their knowledge of sexual reproduction".
"To a large degree, sex and gender behavior begins in the home. At various stages, children should receive knowledge about sex and reproduction from their parents. Thus, the new program initiated efforts to encourage family-based sexuality education. A substantial gap, however, exists between the knowledge provided by the family and the average child's curiosity needs. This gap makes clear the need for child- and parent-oriented knowledge that revives national family customs and traditions".
Mogilevkina et al. (2001)[260], in a 1999 classroom survey of sexual behaviour among 689 first-year medical students at Donetsk State Medical University, Ukraine, found a mean age of first intercourse of 15.7 years for the men and 16.6 years for the women.
Czech Republic and Slovakia [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
For a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p293-5)[261]. Zverina (1997)[262] stated: "As a consequence of the lack of formal education, children and young people get the greater part of their information about sex from peer groups. The most important sources of sex information for the young are parents, books, television, and other mass media sources […]. Data from a 1994 representative sample of 1,719 men and women over age 15 years in the Czech Republic indicated that 45 percent of the men and 35 percent of the women learned about sex from their peers, 26 percent of both sexes from books, 12 percent of men and 21 percent of women from parents, 15 percent and 14 percent respectively from newspapers and magazines, and 12 percent and 9 percent from television, films, and radio (Zverina 1994) [[263]]". Further, "[t]he sexual games of children are usually played in secret, and ignored if discovered by parents. They are not the objects of special sanctions in most families". "Same-gender sexual experiences may be a natural part of the sexual play and exploration of children. However, their prevalence does not appear to be high. Only about 10 percent of men and 5 percent of women in the heterosexual population report having had same-gender experiences in childhood and early adolescence. In the population of gay men and lesbians, such experiences are, of course, more common". First sexual intercourse usually occurs between ages 17 and 18. Criminal law sets the minimum age of consent to sexual intercourse at age 15 for both men and women.
"As a consequence of the lack of formal education, children and young people get the greater part of their information about sex from peer groups. The most important sources of sex information for the young are parents, books, television, and other mass media sources. […] Data from a 1994 representative sample of 1,719 men and women over age 15 years in the Czech Republic indicated that 45 percent of the men and 35 percent of the women learned about sex from their peers, 26 percent of both sexes from books, 12 percent of men and 21 percent of women from parents, 15 percent and 14 percent respectively from newspapers and magazines, and 12 percent and 9 percent from television, films, and radio (Zverina 1994)[[264]]".
"Criminal law sets the minimum age of consent to sexual intercourse at age 15 for both men and women. […]In a representative sample of Czech adults over age 15 years, the average age reported for first coitus was 18.1 years for men and 18 years for women. […] (Zverina 1994a) [[265]]. In 1993, a representative survey of Prague youths, ages 15 to 29, [demonstrated an] average age for first coitus 17.3 years for men and 17.4 for women. […] (Zverina 1994b) [[266]]".
A sample of 602 Czech girls (students and apprentices) and 192 Czech boys (apprentices only), ages 15-18, was examined between 1987-92 to determine the differences in masturbatory activities and their frequencies[267], using one-hour structured 78-item interviews. Data on ages 16-18 suggested a great difference between boys (90.6%) and girls (3.8% and 2.5%). Similar results from the other countries confirmed the lower rates of masturbation in adolescent girls. Another national survey[268] also investigated age of onset of masturbation. According to a later article[269], the age at the time of first masturbation was lower in men comparing with that in women (13,97 vs. 16,89 years, p<0,0001; specific data for ages ≤10, 11-18 at p21). Koznar (1990)[270] discussed the fact that the prevailing social attitude toward masturbation remains that of rejection and prohibition, despite the enlightened and accepting attitudes of some professionals. In a recent study[271], 15 male and 15 female heterosexual adults aged 18-32 years in the Slovak Republic who had had at least 2 sexual partners in the past year were interviewed in depth about their sexuality and sexual behaviour from early childhood to the present.
Sak presented empirical data from studies done since 1982 to 1997 [272]. From a summary by Sak:
"The age of the first sexual experience gets constantly lower. From the oldest age group (over 56 years) to the youngest one (15- 18 years) diminished the age for four years, from 19,7 years to 15,8 years. The sexual experience under twelve years appears only rarely. Constant increasing frequency of sexual contacts commences from thirteen years. The most frequent age of the first sexual experience of youth between 15-18 is sixteen years, the age group 19-23 shows approximately the same frequencies in the age 16, 17 and 18 years. The most changes in sexual behavior of society are constated [sic] in the age group 15-18 years. 92% of persons had their first sexual experience already in their 18. 17% of boys and girls in their 14 had the first sexual experience and from fifteen-agers more than the third"[273].
Weiss, P., Kucera, Z. & Sverakova, M. (1995) Sexualni chovani ceskych adolescentu a jeho rizikovost z hlediska infekce HIV AIDS: Vysledky narodniho vyzkumu [Sexual behaviour of Czech adolescents and its riskiness from the viewpoint of the HIV/AIDS infection: Results of the national investigation], Cesk Psychol 39,5:425-32
Austria [up] [Contents] [Index]
A Young Girl's Diary (1919), supposedly the diary of a 14-year-old Viennese girl name Grete Lanier, Austrian psychoanalyst Hermine Hug-Hellmuth (1871-1924; allegedly the discoverer of the diary) was accused of fabricating it to support Freudian theories of childhood sexuality (Swindells, 1995)[274]. Reich[275] reported that in 1928 Vienna childhood masturbation was still strongly opposed. A short history of developmental sexology in Austria is presented by Borneman (1985:p123-34)[276].
As excerpted from Wegs (1992)[277] [refs. footnoted]:
"Most Austrian Socialist leaders thought working-class youth were suffering from premature and excessive sexual activity as a result of their early exposure to sexual matters. Julius Tandler, in charge of Vienna's Public Welfare Office and a socialist member of the city council in the 1920s, assumed that inferior housing had led to excessive sexual activity and social debilitation among the working class (Tandler 1936)[[278]]. Some socialists were particularly concerned about masturbation among the youth. Otto Kanitz, editor of Die sozialistische Erziehung, responding to a study that claimed 90 percent of young boys masturbated, wrote "Masturbation? The danger of the lack of restraint is great. What can be done? Abstinence and early marriage" (Kanitz 1922, p. 89)[[279]]. He maintained that those who wished to realize the socialist ideal "must be sexually pure" (Kanitz 1922, p. 91). Kanitz viewed sexual control as a part of a necessary self control demanded by the socialist ideal. Therese Schlesinger advised working-class youth to abstain from sexual intercourse until "they were mature enough to choose the right partner and to take up the obligations of an adult" since "the unbridled satisfaction of sex drive thwarts the development and deepening of eroticism," and "separates sexual intercourse from reproduction" (Schlesinger and Stein 1932, p. 236)[[280]]. Schlesinger and others feared that an uninhibited sexual activity would lead to large working-class families and crowded housing and thereby not remove those conditions that had led, in their opinion, to the impoverishment and debilitation of the lower working-class stratum".
Borneman's field work has been mentioned. A study to Austrian "firsts" was done in 1990/91, reported by Nöstlinger and Wimmer-Puchinger (1994)[281]. Another report on 11- to 14-year-olds was offered by Kromer et al. (1995)[282], Kromer and Tebbich (1998)[283] and Kromer (1999)[284]. In the former study (N=1,108, mean age=17.15), first being-in-love occurred at age 12.9, first date at 13.1, as is the first kiss, the first going-steady at 14.3, the first heterosexual petting at 14.9, the first homosexual petting at 13.4, and the first heterosexual intercourse at 15,5 (for those experienced at the time of questioning). Some three percent of girls and four percent of boys would have had sexual intercourse before age 13. In the latter 1995 KIDS-study, some 35% of 11-year-olds had experienced their basiarche [first kiss], 40% had "held hands", 15% has "smootched" ("Schmusen"), 9% had had a French kiss, 12% had masturbated, 2% had petted, and 1% had had sexual intercourse (percentages estimated from graphic presentation).
[Additional refs: Perner, R. A. (2001) Austria, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.in chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York: Continuum. Online ed.; Brongersma, E. (1989) Effekten van AIDS-voorlichting op school, Tijdschr Seksuol [Dutch] 13,4:285-9]
Italy[285] (®Italian Americans) [up] [Contents] [Index]
Children in 17th-century Venice were allegedly vulnerable to various forms of violence, and especially sexual abuse (Martini, 1986)[286]. The punishments for such crimes were in theory very severe, but in practice they were rarely applied and punishments were relatively light, especially for crimes against girls. However, in the second half of the century a new respect for childhood can be seen in the courts. The concept of childhood innocence, which always existed in theory, became more evident in practice. Sexual responsibility was restricted to childhood (Ruggiero, 1985:p148-52, 154)[287]and changed "suddenly" after age ten in males, some 2-4 years later in girls.
Haeberle (1997)[288] pointed out the central role of Italy as providing the first sexological journal, and the first pioneers in the field, building forth on ancient Roman and Islamic proceedings. The early writings of Mantegazza ("the first true sexologist in the modern sense [...] a truly pivotal figure in Western intellectual history") are of interest here.
Mantegazza[289] regarded the Dawn of Love as announced by three facts: pollutions [which are said to be natural and calm rather than to boost the senses…but not more than 2 to 3 times a week], erections and a mighty longing to approach a woman to honour her with a first impregnating [?] kiss. He complained about the depraved and hypocritical nature of his society to corrupt such ideal, reducing its "idyll[290]" to a mere rarity. He regarded pubertal sexual dreams [the Angel of the Night] as a sublime sex educator, and recommends young readers to subside with their content. He also mentions the artificial awakening of unripe, innocent organs by means of example and the Maid's seductions, by this arousing feelings that previously slumbered and polluted the immaculate purity of the first years of life, producing "unripe Onanists and Lovers". In a chapter on masturbation, he again warns for maids. On children's masturbation he complains: "The innocence is dead, before it was born, and the satirical cramps of lust have carved the first grooves on the face of the angel" [transl. from Dutch ed., DJ].
Similarly, Marro (1899:p214) [291] had argued that "[i]n man at the age of puberty the sexual emotion awakes powerfully […]". Marro[292] further pointed out that early masturbation was rampant among criminals (cf. Lombroso)[293].
Jagstaidt et al. (1996)[294] provide some contemporary data on childhood sex play and masturbation in Italian bulimics. Caletti (1980:p145)[295] gives some data on childhood and adolescent sexual milestones in the early 1970s in regions of Venice.
In the second "ASPER" study by Cafaro (1992:p110)[296] adolescents indicated to have masturbated before age 10/10-11/12-13 in 7.2%, 30.2% and 35% (not accumulative figures), respectively; for females, these figures read 3.1%, 22.3% and 40.1%. The first "sexual experience" occurred mostly at ages 15-16, with 1.5% in twelve-year-old males, and 2.1% in 12-year-old females (p49). More than forty per cent had either their menarche or polluarche at ages 11-12 (p48). According to a generational study[297], mean age at first intercourse in Northern Italy was 20.7 for the cohort born in 1910-19 and was fairly stable in men born after 1919, ranging from 18.4 to 18.8. For females, the mean age at first intercourse decreased from 23.6 years to 23.1, 22.7, 21.3 and 19.7.
Parca (1965 [1967:p20-36])[298] gives a rather elaborate view of Italian boyhood significant mostly for before 1950. According to this study (N=1,018), 20% was sure not to have played sexually in childhood, another 20% said not to remember anything like it, while more than half indicated they did. The age at which this occurred was typically 6 or 7, the exception being rural south Italy, were the age of 8 or 9 is the most common timing [p25-8]. This may not be in discordance with observations by Whyte (1943a:p25; 1943b)[299], who writes on slum "corner boys":
"In Cornerville children ten years of age know most all the swear words and they have a good idea of what the good "lay" means. Swearing and describing sex relations by older people and by the boys that hang on the corner are overheard by little children and their actions are noticed and remembered. Many of the children when they are playing in the streets, doorways and cellars actually go through the motions which pertain to the word "lay". I have seen them going through these motions, even children under ten years of age".
In Southern Italy, it is likely the young boy has his penis "singled out for teasing admiration. This open phallic admiration is characteristic of the behaviour of mothers and sons, and in teasing infrafamily behaviour the genital organs may be poked or referred to with provocative gestural indications. Children may also share beds with their parents or with each other even at advanced ages (crowding often makes this necessary) though precautions are taken to prevent their observing intercourse. One man was asked what he would do if he saw this; the answer was "I would kill them". Except for small children, modesty taboos are very strict, and while physical proximity within the family is very close with respect to anything except genital activity, this latter is surrounded with some secrecy" (Parsons, 1964 [1969:p255-6])[300]. Also, around the age of six or seven, "the growing attractiveness of the little girl is the focus of considerable teasing from father and older brothers, uncles, etc.".
In a report on young adults (Signorelli et al., 2000)[301], the median age at first sexual experience appeared 18 years for both genders. In another study (De Seta et al., 2000)[302] of symptomatic patients attending an outpatient clinic for sexually transmitted diseases between April 1995 and April 1999, the age of sexual intercourse was below 15 in 44.4% of patients (vs 7.7% of control women aged 20 to 40).
In a study by Amann-Gainotti (1986; etc.)[303] in Southern Italy, half of the postmenarcheal girls expressed a negative evaluation of their first experiences with menstruation, generally due to lack of advance information. As to sources of information, importance of the peer group was confirmed, especially for boys; the influence of the mother and the cultural environment accounted for the positive acceptance of menarche. Fathers appeared to be uninvolved in the transmission of information about menstruation to either boys or girls.
At puberty, a girl becomes a Vergine, Virgin[304]:
"The innate vulnerability of women- defined in terms of their ability to be physically penetrated- is commonly cited to explain and justify their strict surveillance, which begins at puberty. On the one hand, puberty indicates the potential to create life, a potential that should come to fruition following marriage, But Garrese [Garre, Sicilian town] also believe that puberty marks the beginning of a woman's sexuality- her own sexual urges as well as her sexual appeal to men. Therefore from that point on a woman must be carefully guarded if her virtue is to remain intact".
Giovanni observes how, through negative and positive terms, women "[…] are socialised to accept and even desire the role of la Vergine".
[Additional refs: Wanrooij, B. P. F. (2001) Italy, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed. in chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York: Continuum. Online ed.; Mantelli (1967), in Caletti et al. (Eds.) Educazione Sessuale. Mestre: Ospedale Civile, p109-16; Vinci, S. (1997) Dei Bambini non si sa Niente. Turin: Einaudi Editore s.p.a. [1998 Engl. transl., A Game We Play. London: Chatto & Windus / 2000 Engl. transl., What We Don't Know about Children. New York: Knopf]; Scapari (1891) Le anomalie sessuali nei bambini, Arch Italiano Ped 9:219-22; Venturi (1892) Le Degenerazioni Psicosessuali, p363]
Croatia [up] [Contents] [Index]
Among Zagreb adolescents, a majority of adolescents talk about sexuality with their friends, 92.1% of general high school and 81.2% of medical high school students[305]. 6.9% of medical high school students had at least one sexual intercourse while none of the general high school students had been sexually active at the time of the survey. Knowledge of reproductive matters is "poor"[306]. According to an earlier study[307], 70% of male and 23% of female high school students in Croatia-Yugoslavia stated that they had masturbated. Of those who had masturbated, 15% of males and 20% of females expressed fears that masturbation might be "unhealthy", and 6.7% of males and 14.4% of females reported having guilt feelings after masturbation. 45% of males and 42% of females said that they had engaged in "petting" behaviour. 56% of males and 18% of females said they had had sexual intercourse. Of these, 55% of males had experienced it by the age of 16, and 48% of females by the age of 17. Five percent of the subjects had not heard of any method of contraception, and 70% of the females had not used any contraceptive. 81% of the subjects thought that homosexuality was "inappropriate behaviour". Croatia lacks a comprehensive school-based sex education curriculum[308].
[Additional refs: Štulhofer, A. et al. (2001) Croatia, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed-in-chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York: Continuum. Online ed.; CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p31-48]
Bosnia-Herzegovina [up] [Contents] [Index]
[no data available]
Hungary [up] [Contents] [Index]
For a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p291-3)[309]. Vincze[310] speaks of "behavioral rules concerning decency [being] strict and very similar to Puritan or Victorian mores" in peasant Hungary. Hence,
"[p]arents make no attempt to teach their children about sex and conversation about sex is considered taboo in the family. From many girls, their first menstrual period comes as a shock. It is supposed that upon marriage they learn matters of sex from their husbands. Boys have ample opportunity to learn, since sex is a popular topic in groups of young men. Occasionally, a company of boys surrounds a married man, believed to be expert in sex and easy to talk to, and listen to him attentively. In mixed-sex company, boys do not talk openly about sex. If they drop a few remarks, the girls supposedly do not notice them. However, if a boy takes too much liberty (e.g., telling a dirty joke), the girls are expected to feel scandalized and to reprimand him with harsh words, or even attack him physically. […] Sometimes older boys tease younger ones and try to trick them into confession [of masturbation] by saying "You know, guys who masturbate grow hair on their palms". If the addressee betrays himself with a surreptitious glance at his palm, be becomes the target of laughter. On occasion, boys are warned by adults about the consequences of masturbation: "you will end up in a madhouse" or "You are wasting your spinal marrow", they say. Parents tend to ignore their children's masturbation even if they discover it. […] Premarital sex, especially for women, is forbidden. Chastity in unmarried girls and faithfulness in married women are highly valued" (p34-5).
"Children may occasionally use an obscene word, but for them casual swearing is forbidden. This prohibition lasts until they reach their sixteenth birthday, the time when a child, in accordance with the cultural rule, achieves the status of legény (unmarried young man) or eladó lány (literally: girl for sale, i.e., marriageable girl) [prohibition is more severe for girls after age 16]. Parents usually enforce the prohibition, but any adult member feels that it is his or her duty to reprimand the child if he or she transgresses. Some families permit very young male children to imitate adult swearing habits. The little boy's clumsy swearing is received with hilarity and the neighbors often comment: "He swears just like his grandfather," (or somebody else in the family), recognizing the particular style of the child's model. Since the permissiveness does not have the approval of the majority, parents justify their attitude by saying: "He is too young, he does not know what he says". This permissiveness is usually of short duration" (p36-7).
Jávor[311] marks a definite double standard in socialization policies. A girl's is performed in "negative terms": they are requested to develop "passive virtues" of modesty, and not to "cross your legs" (p411-2).
"While parents go to great lengths to make their children understand what is expected of them in sexual behavior, in terms of conduct appropriate for their sex, physiological aspects of their sexual identity are governed by great circumspection. Although children watch television without any restrictions and frequently hear adults refer to animal genitalia when they swear, they are almost totally ignorant when it comes to their own body and its functions. Parents do not even attempt to enlighten their sons concerning the consequences of courtship, as they regard this solely as the girls' problem" (ibid.)
[Additional refs: CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p49-77; Németh, E. & Galambos, G. (1984) Sexualbeziehungen von 14- bis 18jährigen Schulern aus dem Komitat Csongrad (Sudungarn), Ärztl Jugendk 75,1:7-19; Németh, E. (1985) Acceleration - sexuality. Certain characteristics of the sexual life and physical maturity of 14-18 years old secondary school children, Acta Biologica 31,1-4:197-205]
Slovenia [up] [Contents] [Index]
In a study[312] 4706 secondary-school students aged 15-19 years, the median age at the first sexual intercourse was 18.5 years. The main motives for the first sexual intercourse were love (45%), accident [!!] (22%) and curiosity (15%).
Romania [up] [Contents] [Index]
For a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p295-6)[313]. In one early study on university students[314], 14.44% of males and 28.8% of females have received first information from home, 48.56% males, and 37.76% females got their first information from friends, relatives, or other sources; 33.28% males and 26.03% females at school. Most of the information was obtained at the ages 14 through 16.
[Additional refs: CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p126-50]
Yugoslavia (Serbs) [up] [Contents] [Index]
Erlich (1966:p144-73)[315] provides an analysis of growing up in Yugoslav villages. By imitation, love songs are sung "long before they have any personal interest in the other sex". On the whole the adolescent is "conditioned" for avoidance.
Stankovicet al. (1993)[316] found that by the 16th year of life, 8.6% of secondary school girls and 36.8% of boys experienced coitus, while 48% of the girls and 72% of the boys experienced intimate caressing with the opposite sex. In 1990 Vojvodina[317], mean of the age of women at sexarche (intercourse) was 19.088 +/- 2.495 years, the median being 18.964. The interval between mean menarche and sexarche ages was 5.6 years, smaller in the urban (5.0) than in the rural environment (6.4).
In Novi Sad[318], most of the knowledge on sex topics "children" aged 13 and 14 (N=134) got watching TV and reading magazines (44.15% girls and 70.17% boys) and from their friends (42.1%). Communication about sex and contraception exists mostly among friends (51.95% girls and 82.46% boys). One third of girls talk with parents and one quarter got knowledge from them. Only four boys (2.98%) had sexual intercourse without complications: artificial abortion or STD. Almost every child (96.95%) knows about AIDS and 89.25% children know about at least one method of contraception (mostly condom). 50% of children want more education about sex and contraception. Most information male teenage students (N=520 aged 15-19)
got from different forms of mass-media (63.65%) and through communication with friends (50.58%)[319]. The communication with parents (5%) and experts (1%) is poor. According to their opinion, 69% have enough knowledge about sexuality and 62% about contraception, but 75.77% want further education from experts. 90% participated in some kind of sexual activity by the age of 18, and 84.3% had sexual intercourse for the first time at the age of 15.55 years, on average.
[Additional refs.: Puhar, A. (1994) Childhood nightmares and dreams of revenge, J Psychohist 22,2:131-70]
Serbs (®American Serbs) (central and western part of the Balkan Peninsula, South-East Europe) [up] [Contents] [Index]
"Old people take great offence when children speak or write licentious words. One day a peasant visited the school and found the teacher beating his son. When the teacher told him that he was punishing his son because he had written bad words on the wall, the peasant answered: "Can that be written in letters too? Kill him, sir, please!" (Pavlovic, 1973)[320].
On the other hand, Pavlovic found that "[s]ome peasants do not know what sights female children should not witness. I once saw a peasant holding a mare and forcing his daughter-in-law and his daughter to drive the stallion to service it".
According Halpern's (1967)[321] study of the community of Orasac in the heart of traditional Old Serbia, "[t]he physical changes that accompany adolescence are regarded with secrecy and shame, in keeping with the severely repressive attitude toward sex. Information about menstruation is learned from other girls at school and not at home. After the onset, however, mothers, grandmothers, and aunts are full of advice and folk remedies which they readily pass on".
Albania (Gheg Albanians: 3-,4-,3+,5,-,4-;-,1) [up] [Contents] [Index]
In Albania, betrothal in early childhood was probably customary from the late 17th century till at least the early twentieth (Durham, 1908:p458-9)[322].
[Additional refs: CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe, p13-30]
Bulgaria [up] [Contents] [Index]
A Bulgarian sample of children's erotic folklore was collected by Badalanova (1993, 1995, 1996)[323]. For a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p296-7)[324]. "After the baby has arrived the children are told that the stork has brought a little brother or sister to them through the chimney and they are very glad about it", was the way a proud father phrased the matter in the course of our conversation about the arrival of his son" (Sanders, 1949:p31)[325]. Premarital liberties are very few (p83, 147).
Siposova et al. (1999)[326] studied the psychosexual development of heterosexuals vs. homosexuals. In a further study[327] of 96 Varna girls aged 15-18, it was established that 50% of them had had a sexual intercourse, in 77.1% defloration occurred at the age of 16 or 17. 82.3% report "love" as their main motive, 12.5% report to have done it "out of curiosity" and only in 7.2% it happened "by chance".
[Additional refs.: Porozhanova, V., Bozhinova, S., Goranov, M. & Georgiev, G. (1990) [Premature sexual activity among girls and an attempt at sex education], Akush Ginekol [Sofiia] 29,2:53-7]
Greece[328] [up] [Contents] [Index] [IES]
Agrafiotis and Mandi (1997)[329] stated:
"Sexual exploration by children in nursery school between ages 3 to 5 has been observed. The first discoveries are connected with gender and take place mainly among peers. Different kinds of games (playing doctor and nurse, mother and father, king and queen) imitate adult roles, sometimes producing specific pleasure connected with stimulation of the genitals. Later on, at the age of 10 or 11 years, children's interest is focused on details and confirmation of earlier knowledge on gender differences. At the prepubertal age, they are usually engaged in self-pleasuring activities that occur either in pairs or in groups of peers of the same and other gender, as well as alone".
Data on masturbation do not seem to be present. Surprisingly, "[e]ven today, sexual education is not included in the school curriculum, although sporadic knowledge is given as part of lessons in such subjects as anthropology", although some initiatives have been made toward a more comprehensive coverage.
"It is not an exaggeration to say that in Greece, sexual education is not the target of any systematic and well-planned governmental program. Even today, sexual education is not included in the school curriculum, although sporadic knowledge is given as part of lessons in such subjects as anthropology. However, this knowledge concerns more elements of physiology and anatomy than references to the external genital organs, the sexual relationship, or the search for and existence of pleasure in connection with the body and sexuality".
In an additional study[330], preschool staff groups in Greece and Scotland differed in the extent to which they thought families and preschool establishments should provide sex education, the age at which it should start and the requirements for staff participation.
"Premarital sexual activities, especially in large cities, are not any longer socially condemned, and sexual intercourse begins between the ages of 14 to 17. Research showed that the most frequent types of contact are through hugging, deep (open mouth) kissing, petting above and below the waist, sleeping together (without sexual intercourse), and oral and vaginal sex".
Papadopouloset al. (2000)[331] offers some data on sexual development.
Cyprus [up] [Contents] [Index]
[Additional refs: Georgiou, G. J. (2001) Cyprus, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.in chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. 4. New York: Continuum. Online ed.]
Index to Section [up] [Contents] [Index]
Albania, 47
childhood betrothal, 48
America
vs. Sweden, 7
Austria, 40
Belgium, 27
Age of Consent, 3
Bosnia
Age of Consent, 3
Bulgaria
Age of Consent, 3
Bulgaria, 48
Croatia, 44
Age of Consent, 3
Cyprus, 49
Czech Republic, 39
Age of Consent, 3
Denmark, 11
Age of Consent, 3
England
Age of Consent, 3
Estonia
Age of Consent, 3
Europe
Age of Consent, 3
child sexuality and sexology, 1
Finland, 8
Age of Consent, 3
France, 28
Age of Consent, 3
Germany, 11
Age of Consent, 3
Gitano, 34
Great Britain, 17
Greece, 17; 48
Age of Consent, 3
Hungary, 45
Age of Consent, 3
Iceland, 15
Age of Consent, 3
Ireland, 15
Italy, 41
Age of Consent, 3
Kosovo
Age of Consent, 3
Lapps, 10
Lithuania, 35
Luxembourg
Age of Consent, 3
Netherlands, 23
Age of Consent, 3
Northern Ireland
Age of Consent, 3
Norway, 4
Age of Consent, 3
Olivos, 35
Poland, 35
Age of Consent, 3
Portugal, 35
Age of Consent, 3
Romania, 46
Age of Consent, 3
Saami, 10
Scandinavia, 4
Scotland, 16; 49
Age of Consent, 3
Scots, 17
Serbia
Age of Consent, 3
Serbs, 47
Slovakia, 39
Age of Consent, 3
Slovenia, 46
Age of Consent, 3
Spain, 31
Sweden, 5
Age of Consent, 3
Switzerland, 31
Switzerland
Age of Consent, 3
Ukraine, 38
Age of Consent, 3
Uzbekistan
Age of Consent, 3
Wales
Age of Consent, 3
Yugoslavia, 46
[1]Lacombe, F. (18\984) Sondages d'opinion, L'Espoir 12:33-4; Draijer, N. (1984) Incest: patronen en visies, in Frenken, J. & Lichtenburcht, C. Van (Eds.) Incest. Utrecht [Holland]: Vereniging voor Seksuologie; Brongersma, E. (1987) Jongensliefde, Deel 1. Amsterdam: SUA
[2]Eder, F., Hall, L. & Hekma, G. (1999) Introduction, in idem (Eds.) Sexual Cultures in Europe: Natural Histories. Manchester & New York: Manchester University Press
[3] Areco, V. (1911) Das Liebesleben der Zigeuner. Leipzig: Leipziger Verlag GmbH
[4] Cf. Bernard, F. (1978) Kinderseksualiteit, pedofilie en strafrecht, een vergelijking tussen landen, Med Contact [Dutch] 33:369-70; Bernard, F. (1976) Wetgeving in het buitenland, in Pedofilie en Samenleving. Utrecht [Holland]: NCGV, p204-7
[5] ECPAT International, Online Database [http://www.ecpat.net/eng/Ecpat_inter/projects/monitoring/online_database/index.asp]
[7] CRLP (2000) Women of the World: Laws and Policies Affecting Their Reproductive Lives: East Central Europe [Albania, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania and Russia]
[8] See Graupner, H. (2000) Sexual consent: The criminal law in Europe and overseas, Arch Sex Behav 29,5:415-61
[9] Article 174, Penal Code, reads: "Celui qui pratique ou a pratiqué la copulation avec un mineur age de 14 a 16 ans, abusant de son inexperience, sera puni d'une peine d'emprisonnement jusqu'a 2 ans ou d'une peine d'amende jusqu'a 240 jours" [ital.add.].
[10]"Whoever
seduces a girl less than sixteen (16) years of age to have sexual intercourse
with
him shall be punished by up to one year imprisonment or by fine" (Art. 182,
"Seduction").
[11]Hillhouse, R. J. (1990) Out of the Closet behind the Wall: Sexual Politics and Social Change in the GDR, Slavic Rev 49,4:585-96, at 588
[12] "Sodomy committed by an
adult through the seduction of a person under seventeen (17) years of
age" is also outlawed (Art.347)
[13] Since 1864.
[14] Kozakiewicz, M. (1981) Sex Education and Adolescence in Europe. International Planned Parenthood Federation
[15]Tomasson, R. F. (1976) Premarital Sexual Permissiveness and Illegitimacy in the Nordic Countries, Comparative Studies in Society & Hist 18,2:252-70. Cf. Tomasson, R. F. (1971) Sexual Permissiveness and Illegitimacy in the Five Nordic Countries. Paper for the American Sociological Association
[16] Strindberg, A. (1886) Tjänstekvinnans Son. Engl. Transl. under the title The Son of a Servant. 1969 Dutch transl., De Zoon van de Dienstbode. Amsterdam: Arbeiderspers, see p93ff. Also cited by Kern, S. (1973) Freud and the discovery of child sexuality, Hist Childh Quart 1:117-41, at p119
[17]Ribal, J. E. (1973) Learning Sex Roles: American and Scandinavian Contrasts. San Francisco, Calif.: Canfield
[18] Straver, C. (1986) De trapsgewijze interactie-carrière, in Rademakers, J. & Straver, C., Van Fascinatie naar Relatie: Het Leren Omgaan met Relaties en Sexualiteit in de Jeugdperiode; Een Ontwikkelingsdynamische Studie. Zeist [Holland]: NISSO, p1-128
[19] Martinson, F. M. (1994) The Sexual Life of Children. Westport, Conn: Bergin & Garvey
[20] Aigner, G. & Centerwall, E. (1984) Barnas Kjaerlighetsliv. Oslo: Pax Forlag
[21]Gundersen, B. & Skår, J. (1977) Der seksuelle utvikling fra f dsel til 3 års alderen belyst gjennom intervju med foreldre og dagheimspersonell. Research Report, Dpt. Of Somatic Personality Psychology, University of Bergen; Skår, J. & Gundersen, B. (1978) En Retrospektiv Studie av Kvinnelig Seksualitet. Unpublished data, cited by Gundersen, B., Melås, S. & Skår, J. (1981) Sexual behavior in preschool children: teachers' observations, in Constantine, L. L. & Martinson, F. M. (Eds.) Children and Sex: New Findings, New Perspectives. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., p45-61
[22] Heitmann, V. (1988) Obsceniteit, Romantiek en Dood in de Mondelinge Traditie van Noorse Schoolkinderen. University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands. 2 vols. [Dutch]
[23]Langfeldt, Th. (1977/1979/1981) Processes in sexual development, in Constantine, L. & Martinson, F. (Eds., 1981) Children and Sex: New Findings, New Perspectives. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., p37-44; Langfeldt, Th. (1980) Child sexuality: development and problems, in Samson, J. (Ed.) Childhood & Sexuality: Proceedings of the International Symposium. Montréal: Éditions Études Vivantes, p105-9; Langfeldt, Th. (1981a) Sexual development in children, in Cook, M. & Howells, K. (Eds.) Adult Sexual Interest in Children. New York: Academic Press, p99-120; Langfeldt, Th. (1981b) Childhood masturbation: individual and social organization, in Constantine, L. & Martinson, F. (Eds.) Children and Sex: New Findings, New Perspectives. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., p63-72; Langfeldt, Th. (1983) Aspekter ved barns seksuelle utvikling of problemer, Nordisk Sexol 1:45-52; Langfeldt, Th. (1986a) Hypermasturbation in Children. Poster presented at 12th meeting Int Acad Sex Research, Amsterdam; Langfeldt T. (1986b) Børns Sexualitet. København: Mallings / Langfeldt, Th. (1987) Barns Sexualitet. [Swedish translation]. Stockholm: Natur och Kultur; Langfeldt, Th. (1990) Early childhood and juvenile sexuality, development and problems, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology, Vol.7. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p179-200; Langfeldt, Th. (1993) Early childhood and juvenile sexuality, development and problems, Nordisk Sexol 11,2:78-100; Langfeldt, Th. (1994) Aspects concerning the development and therapy of sexual deviant patterns in children, Nordisk Sexol 12,2:105-10
[24]Almås, E. & Pirelli Benestad, E. E. (2001) Norway, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.-in-chief) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. Vol. IV. New York: Continuum, p443-73
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[26]Bergenheim, Å. (1998) Brottet, offret och förövaren: om synen på incest och sexuella övergrepp mot barn 1850-1910 [The crime, the victim, and the perpetrator: attitudes toward incest and sexual assault against children, 1850-1910], Lychnos [Sweden], 121-59
[27] Bergenheim, Å. (1994) Barnet, Libido och Samhälle: Om den Svenska Diskursen kring Barns Sexualitet 19301960. Dissertation, Umeå University. Grängesberg: Höglunds Förlag. [English summary, p357-61]
[28] Trost, J. E. & Bergstrom-Walan, M. (1997) Sweden, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. New York: Continuum, Vol. II. Quoted from the online edition
[29]Larsson, I. (Ed.) (1994). Är det normalt eller...? Om förskolebarns sexuella beteende, vuxnas attityder och nya forskningsresultat. Allmänna Barnhuset. Stockholm
[30] Lindblad, F., Gustafsson, P., Larsson, I. & Lundin, B. (1995) Preschooler's sexual behaviour at daycare centers: an epidemiological study, Child Abuse & Negl 19,5:569-77
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[32] Larsson, I., Svedin C. G. & Friedrich, W. (2000) Differences and similarities in sexual behaviour among preschoolers in Sweden and USA, Nordic J Psychia 54,4:251-8
[33]Larsson, I. & Svedin, C. G. (2001) Sexual behaviour in Swedish preschool children, as observed by their parents, Acta Paediatr 90,4:436-44
[34] Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1981) Children's Sexual Thinking: A Comparative Study of Children Aged 5-15 Years in Australia, the United States of America, England, and Sweden. London: Routledge: & Kegan Paul; Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1981) Sources of sex information for Australian, English, North American and Swedish children, J Psychol 109:97-108; Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1982) How children perceive the origin of babies and the roles of mothers and fathers in procreation: a cross-national study, Child Developm 53:491-504; Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1983) Children's perceptions of sex differences in babies and adolescents: a cross-national study, Arch Sex Behav 12,4:277-94; Goldman, R. & Goldman, J. (1984) An overview of children's sexual thinking: a comparative study of Australian, English, North-American and Swedish 5-15-year olds, in Segraves & Haeberle, E. (Eds.) Emerging Dimensions of Sexology. Selected Papers from the 6th World Congress of Sexology, Washington, D.C., May 21-27, 1983. Berlin: Praeger Special Studies & Praeger Scientific, p57-67; Goldman, J. (1990) Children's sexual thinking: a research basis for sex education in schools, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology. Vol. 7. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p211-31
[35] Helmius, G. & Lewin, B. (1983) [Youth and sexuality: a sociological study of the sexual attitudes and experience of young people]. Uppsala University; Helmius, G. & Lewin, B. (1986) Ungdom, Kärlek och Sex : Om Ungdomars Sexuella Liv på 80-talet [Youth, Love and Sex: About the Sexual Life of Adolescents in the 80s]. Stockholm: Norstedts. Cf. Helmius, G. (1990) Mogen för sex?! : det sexuellt restriktiviserande samhället och ungdomars heterosexuella glädje. Uppsala: Univ. Press
[36] Israel, J. et al. (1970) Sexuelle Verhaltensformen der Swedischen Groþstadtjugend, in Bergström-Walan, M. et al. (Eds.) Modellfall Skandinavien? Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, p137-218; Busch (1974 [1972]) Sexual behavior in Sweden, in Holmstedt, M. (Ed.) Second Seminar onSex Education and Social Development in Sweden, Latin America & the Caribbean. Stockholm: University of Stockholm, Institute of Education
p46-58; Lewin, B. (1982) The Adolescent Boy and Girl: First and Other Early Experiences with Intercourse from a Representative Sample of Swedish School Adolescents, Arch Sex Behav 11,5:417-28. See further a number of studies cited by Israel et al.: Hofsten (1944), Hohman & Schaffber (1947); Jonssen (1951); Hesseldahl & Hauptmann (1963); Linderoth & Rundberg (1964); Jacobsen (1965); Zetterberg (1969)
[37] Klanger, B., Tyden, T. & Ruusuvaara, L. (1993) Sexual behavior among adolescents in Uppsala, Sweden, J Adolesc Health 14,6:468-74
[38] McConaghy, M. J. (1980) The gender understanding of Swedish children, Child Psychia & Hum Developm 11,1:19-32
[39]Barthalow-Koch (1980) A comparison of the sex education of primary-aged children in the US and Sweden as expressed through their art, in Samson, J. M. (Ed.) Childhood & Sexuality / Enfance & Sexualité. Proceedings of the
International Symposium. Montréal: Éditions Études Vivantes, p345-55
[40] Ullerstam, L. ([1966]) De Erotiska Minoriteterna. English transl., The Erotic Minorities, p46-7. Dutch transl., De Seksuele Minderheden. 2nd ed. The Hague: Oisterwijk. Cited by Martinson, F. M. (1973) Infant and Child Sexuality: A Sociological Perspective. St. Peter, MN: The Book Mark, p18-9
[41]Larsson, I. & Svedin, C. G. (2002a) Sexual experiences in childhood: young adults' recollections, Arch Sex Behav 31,3:263-73
[42]Larsson, I. & Svedin, C. G. (2002b) Teachers' and parents' reports on 3- to 6-year-old children's sexual behavior- a comparison, Child Abuse & Neglect 26,3:247-66
[43] Larsson, I. (2000) Sexual Abuse of Children: Child Sexuality and Sexual Behaviour. Department of Health and Environment, Division of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, Linköping University
[44]Olsson, M-L. & Risán, P. (1978). Sexuell Utveckling. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell; Aigner, G. & Centerwall, E. (1983) Barnens Kärleksliv. Prisma/RFSU
[45] Akselsdotter K. (1993) Små Barns Signaler om Sexuella Övergrepp. Handbok för Förskolan. Stockholm: Rädda Barnen
[46] Helmius, G. (Oct., 1992) Sex, Love and Socialization. Lecture given as part of course "Philosophy of Sex and Love", Queen's University at Kingston, Canada
[47] Helmius, G. (1991) Adolescent Sexual Joy, Physical Dependency and the Adult World's Troubled Concern. Paper presented at the IFHSB (International Federation for Hydrocephalus and Spina Bifida) 6th Congress, August 14-18, Stockholm, Sweden
[48] Långström, N., Grann, M. & Lichtenstein, P. (2002) Genetic and Environmental Influences on Problematic
Masturbatory Behavior in Children: A Study of Same-Sex Twins, Arch Sex Beh 31,4:343–50
[49]Ojakangas, M. (1993) Självbefläckelsen och skolan: onanin i den medicinska och pedagogiska diskursen i sekelskiftet [Self-abuse and the school: masturbation in medical and pedagogical discussions at the turn of the century], Hist Tidskr Finl [Finland] 78,2:275-99
[50]Korkiakangas, P. (1992) The games children may not play: improper, prophetic or dangerous, Ethnol Scandinav 22:95-104
[51] Westling, A. & Tanka, V. (1953) The first information on sexual matters, Int J Sexol 1,4:195-203. Data showed a rather modest role for parents, after companions and printed material. Among 893 male undergraduates, 74.7% denied having received any sex information from their parents.
[52] Kontula, D. & Haavio-Mannila, E. (1997) Finland, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality. New York: Continuum, Vol. 1. Quoted from the online edition
[53] Kontula, O. & Meriläinen, J. (1988) Nuorten Kypsyminen Seurusteluun ja Seksuaalisuuteen [Adolescents' Maturation for Social Intercourse and Sexuality]. Lääkintöhallituksen Julkaisuja. Sarja Tutkimukset 9/1988. Helsinki: Valtion Painatuskeskus. More information by Kontula, O. (1993) Sexual Behavior Changes in Finland During the Last 20 Years. Paper presented in the 36th Annual Meeting of the SSSS on Critical Issues in Sexology. Chicago, November 4-7, 1993 [Helsinki, University of Helsinki]
[54]The attitude adopted by the authors, however, may be significant for its place in socialisation: "These games may also include imitating and trying the sex habits the children had seen adults using. This cannot, however, be regarded as an actual initiation of sexual life, because it is not yet conscious activity that could be interpreted as sexual. Sexual meanings are not generally understood before approaching adolescence and the effects of pubertal hormones on the brain. Puberty brings a quite new kind of interest in sexual matters".
[55]Kosunen, E. (1993) Teini-ikäisten Raskaudet ja Ehkäisy, STAKES. Helsinki; Raportteja, 99
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[69] Auken, K. (1953) Undersögelser over unge Kvinders Sexuelle Adfärd. Köbenhavn [etc.]: Rosenkilde och Bagger. See English transl.
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Oxford [etc.]: Pergamon / Braunschweig: Vieweg, p33-43; Weyland, J. (1967) Die Bedeutung Kindlicher Sexualbetätigung für das Sexualverhalten in Pubertät und Erwachsenenalter. Dissertation, Hamburg; [unpublished study in Brongersma Archive acc. Brongersma, 1987:p140]; Ziegler (acc. Brongersma, 1987,p145); Schickedanz, H. (1979) Homosexuelle Protitution: Eine Empirische Untersuchung über Sozial Diskriminiertes Verhalen bei Strichjungen und Call-Boys. Frankfurt am Main & New York: Campus; Clement, U., Schmidt, G. & Kruse, M. (1984) Changes in sex differences in sex behavior: a replication of the study on West German students, Arch Sex Behav 13:99-121; Giese, H. & Schmidt, G. (1968) Studentensexualität; Verhalten und Einstellung; Eine Umfrage an 12 Westdeutschen Universitäten. Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt; Hirschfeld, M. ([1921]) Sexualpathologie. Vol. I. 2nd ed. Bonn: Marcus & Weber; Battenberg, L. (1957) Untersuchungen über die männliche Onanie des Pubertätsalters, Prax Kinderpsychol & Kinderpsychia 6:47-54; Böhnheim, C. (1928) Zur Frage der Onanie im Kindesalter, Dtsche Med Wochenschr 54, 47:1971-4; Böhnheim, C. (1932) Kinderpsychotherapie in der Praxis.Berlin: Springer; Borneman, E. (1979) Fragwürdige Fragebögen; Zweifel an der Methodik in der empirischen Sexualwissenschaft, Sexualmedizin 8,4:146-8, 150-1; Borrmann, R. (1966) Jugend und Liebe. Leipzig: Urania; Borrmann, R. & Schille, H. J. (1980) Vorbereitung der Jugend auf Liebe, Ehe & Familie. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften; Culp [cited by Bühler, Ch. (1931) Zur Problem der Sexuellen Entwicklung, Zeitschr f Kinderheilk 51:612-42]; Danziger [cited by Bühler, Ch. (1931) Zur Problem der Sexuellen Entwicklung, Zeitschr f Kinderheilk 51:612-42]; Eichner, K. & Habermehl, W. (1978) Der Ralf-Report: Das Sexualverhalten der Deutschen. Hamburg: Hoffman & Campe; Friedeburg, L. von (1953) Die Umfrage in der Intimsphäre. Stuttgart, Beiträge zur Sexualforschung 4; Friedjung, J. (1912) Beobachtungen über kindliche Onanie, Ztschr f Kinderheilk 4:341-52; Fröhlich, H. & Szewcyk, H. (1970) Sexualerfahrungen von Berliner Jugendlichen, Probl erg Psychol 32:17-36; Gagern, Von (1952) Die Zeit der Geschlechtlichen Reife. Seelenleben & Seelenführung 4; Gurewitch & Grosser (1929) Das Geschlechtsleben der Gegenwart, Ztsch f Sexualwiss & Sexual-Päd 15:513-45; Helman [cited by Gurewitz & Grosser, 1929]; Kerkhoff, W. (1980) Kommunikationspartner bei Gespächen Sexuellen Inhalts, Sexualpäd 8,2:6-9; Klein (1993) Masturbation im Kindesalter, in Bach, K. R., Stumpe, H. & Weller, K. (Eds.) Kindheit und Sexualität. Braunschweig: G. J. Holtmeyer, p46-9; Kluge, N. (1998) Sexualverhalten Jugendlicher Heute. Ergebnisse einer Repräsentativen Jugend- und Elternstudie über Verhalten und Einstellungen zur Sexualität. Weinheim, München: Juventa; Kruse (1983) Veränderungen des Sexualverhalten und der Korrelate von Sexualverhalten. Am Beispiel einer Replikationsstudie zum Sexualverhalten westdeutscher Studenten unter besonderer Berücksichtigung geschlechtsspezifischer Veränderungen; Loewenfeld, L. (1911) Über die Sexualität im Kindesalter [2 parts], Sexual-Probleme 7:444-54; 516-34; Neubauer, G. (1993) "Sex im Kinderhaus": auch kleine Jungen tun's!, in Winter, R. (Ed.) Stehversuche: Jugendsozialisation und Männliche Lebenswältigung durch Sexualität; Petrenko (1923) [cited by Gurewitz & Grosser, 1929]; Reiche, R. & Dannecker, M. (1973-4) Sexualität im normativen Vakuum: eine soziologische Untersuchung über männliche Homosexualität, Sexualmedizin 2:495-8; 3: 392-6; Reiche, R. & Dannecker, M. (1977) Male homosexuality in West-Germany- a sociological investigation, J Sex Res 13,1:35-53; Reng, B. (1968) Das sexuelle Verhalten junger weiblicher Prostituierter, in Reng, B. & Redhardt, R. (Eds.) Prostitution bei Weiblichen und Männlichen Jugendlichen. Stuttgart: Enke, p1-57; Rennert, H. (1966) Untersuchungen zur sexuellen Entwicklung der Jugend (eine statistische Ergebung an Medizinstudenten in Halle), Ztschr Ärztl Fortbild 60,3:140-53; Rennert, H. (1967) Die geschlechtlige Entwicklung der heutigen Jugend am Beispiel unserer Medizinstudenten, in Schwarz, H. (Ed.) Jugendprobleme in Pädagogischer, Medizinischer und Juridischer Sicht. Jena: Fischer; Schäfer, S. & Schmidt, G. (1974) Weibliche Homosexualität. Hamburg: Institut für Sexualforschung; Schäfer, S. (1976) Sexual and social problems of lesbians, J Sex Res 12,1:50-69; Schlaegel, J. et al. (1975) Sexuelle Sozialisation in Vorpubertät, Pubertät & früher Adoleszens, Sonderdruck aus Sexualmedizin 4:206-18;306-25;381-8; Schmidt & Sigusch (1971) Patterns of sexual behavior in West-German workers & students, J Sex Res 7,2:89-106; Sigusch, V. & Schmidt, G. (1973) Studentensexualität. Stuttgart: Enke; Schmidt, A. (1989) Frühkindliche Sexualität; Vol.1: Genitales Körperentdecken und Körperkontaktverhalten im Ersten Lebensjahr. University of Bamberg; Schönfelder, Th. (1968) Die Rolle des Mädchens bei Sexualdelikten. Stuttgart: Enke. Beiträge zur Sexualforschung 42; Starke, K. & Friedrich, W. (1984) Liebe und Sexualität, bis 30 [PARTNER I]. Berlin: Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften; Weller, K. (1993) Zur sexuellen Entwicklung im Kindes- & Jugendalter, Ergebnisse der Studie PARTNER III, in Bach, K. R., Stumpe, H. & Weller, K. (Eds.) Kindheit und Sexualität. Braunschweig: G. J. Holtmeyer, p60-72; Wyss, R. (1967) Unzucht mit Kindern: Untersuchungen zur Frage der sogenannten Pädophilie. Berlin: Springer. Monographien aus dem Gesamtgebiete der Neurologie & Psychiatrie 121; Zbankows [cited by Gurewitz & Grosser, 1929]
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