J


Jacob, Max (1876-1944)
French poet. Jacob came to Paris from his native Brittany at the age of twenty-two, determined to become a poet and painter. In the capital he gravitated to the bohemian avant-garde circle around Guillaume Apollinaire. When he was twenty-five Jacob met Pablo Picasso, then unknown; the two quickly formed a pair bond and became roommates. The aggres­sively heterosexual Picasso tried to "cor­rect" his friend's homosexuality, but with­out success. In 1915 Jacob, who had been bom a Jew, converted to Catholicism with Picasso as his sponsor. The poems he wrote at this time are a rich amalgam of puns and parody, and mixtures of high and low subjects, all shot through with a hermetic complexity that was analogous to Picasso's Cubism.
In 1921 Jacob retired to live in the ancient monastery of Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire. His mysticism, heightened by the Catholic revival orchestrated by Jacques Maritain and others at the time, began to play an increasingly important part in his poetry. Another feature was reminiscences of Brittany, a region in France known not only for its traditional Celtic ways, but also for its association with the modernist primitivism of Paul Gauguin and his school. Despite his religious vocation, Jacob would make extended visits to Paris where he saw his old friends and enjoyed the sexual scene. In due course a bout of guilt would drive him back to the monas­tery.
In 1944 Max Jacob was arrested at Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire and deported to the notorious concentration camp at Drancy. Jean Cocteau and other friends attempted to intervene on his behalf, but Picasso refused. Although they are difficult, the poems of Max Jacob retain an important place in avant-garde French literature. A better understanding of the linkage of his life and work will be the task of a major biography, which has not yet been written.
Ward Houser

Jahnn, Hans Henny (1894-1959)
German novelist and dramatist. Jahnn was born in Stellingen near Ham­burg. Raised in a bourgeois milieu, Jahnn made his first literary efforts at the age of fourteen. In 1911, in high school, he met his friend and later life companion Got­tlieb Harms, with whom he quite early made several attempts to break out of his repressive bourgeois environment.
Jahnn's diaries offer an effusive record of the love affair linking him with Harms, who was one year older. After the outbreak of World War I the friends as self-proclaimed pacifists emigrated to Norway. There in great seclusion Jahnn wrote among other things the drama Pastor Ephraim Magnus, which was published by the Fischer firm after his return to Germany in 1919; winning the prestigious Kleist Prize, this work made Jahnn famous (and notorious).
Sharply rejecting Christian belief s and morality, Jahnn and Harms founded (together with Franz Buse) the "Ugrino" commune, whose members shared living quarters and common beliefs. This home­spun Utopia, for which the multitalented Jahnn designed buildings for everyday use and for worship, was to be realized on a large plot of land south of Hamburg - acquired specifically for the purpose - and was to afford a free life for a community of artists. The ambitious plan consumed all of Jahnn's energy and ultimately failed because it required immense sums beyond the ability of even wealthy benefactors to raise. Nonetheless, Jahnn embodied his ideas in the fragmentary novel Ugrino und Ingrabanian. In actual fact, of the whole project there came only the Ugrino-Verlag, which published several of Jahnn's own works and undertook the reprinting of forgotten composers of the early ba­roque period (Buxtehude, Scheidt, Lübeck). What remained was a small, bohemian cuque of living artists, from whose circle Jahnn and Harms in 1926 married the sisters Ellinor and Monna Philips. Jahnn's daughter Signe was born in 1929.
Alongside his scandalous literary production Jahnn earned international recognition as an expert in historic organs, in particular by his work on the restora­tion of the Jacobi organ in Hamburg.
In February 1931 Gottlieb Harms died. Jahnn composed an incomparable monument to his memory in the novel trilogy Fluss ohne Ufei (River Without a Shore], published in 1949-61.
At the beginning of the National Socialist regime Jahnn once again went into Scandinavian exile. He purchased an estate on the Danish island of Bornholm, managed it, and devoted himself - always alongside his literary activity - to exten­sive research on hormones.
In 1950 Jahnn finally returned to Hamburg and there founded the Free Academy of Arts, whose first president he became. As General Secretary of the Pen Club he passionately strove to prevent the emerging split between East and West. To the very end of his life he fought first against the rearming of Germany and later above all against atomic weapons. In 1956 he received the Lessing Prize of the city of Hamburg.
Hans Henny Jahnn died on No­vember 29, 1959; in accordance with the provisions of his will he was buried in a grave alongside his friend Gottlieb Harms.
Jahnn, whose collected works fill eleven volumes, ranks alongside Hermann Broch and Robert Musil as one of the most important German writers of the twenti­eth century. In his extensive narrative and dramatic work male homosexuality was a central theme. In at times excessive, sen­sual-erotic language Jahnn describes virtu­ally without exception relationships be­tween males - with all their Utopias and fantasies, their moments of happiness and failures, with all the constructive and destructive traits of human beings. A strik­ing feature of all his pairs of friends in the great novels is the inequality of the part­ners: the sexually inhibited, markedly intellectual type is always counterposed to a sensual, handsome "nature boy" for whom homosexual love is self-evident and in the direct meaning of the word natural. Jahnn's whole oeuvre proclaims the need for harmonizing human feeling and action with nature. Starkly, Jahnn shows that the creatures of nature are cruel; they devour one another and are devoured in turn; only man is capable of pity - a capacity that Jahnn elevates to a moral imperative.
Jahnn cannot be fitted into exist­ing categories on the basis either of his literary style or of the philosophical cur­rents of his lif etime. The same is true of his attitude toward homosexuality and his literary treatment of it: Jahnn is far re­moved from Hirschf eld's theory of a "third sex" and other justification paradigms of the Weimar era. Jahnn was one of the first to propagate, with sovereign self-under­standing, the belief that homosexuality is but one variant of human sexuality.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Thomas Freeman, Hans Henny Jahnn: Bine Biographie, Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 1986; Elsbeth Wolffheim, Hans Henny Jahnn: Monographie, Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1989.
Dietrich Molitor

Jahrbuch für sexuelle zwischenstufen
The Jahrbuch (whose title liter­ally means "Yearbook for Sexual Intergrades") was the world's first homosexual periodical, with articles by experts in the relevant fields covering all aspects of the subject as it was then conceived. Edited by Magnus Hirschfeld in Berlin, it appeared in 23 volumes between 1899 and 1923, when its publication was halted by the economic collapse of Weimar Germany that undermined the financial base of the sponsoring institution, the Wissenschaftlich-humanitäre Komitee (Scientific-Humanitarian Committee).
Along with major articles, each volume included an annual review of the literature, fiction and non-fiction, pertain­ing to homosexuality, as well as com­ments on current events and the progress of the legal-political struggle for repeal of the notorious Paragraph 175. Some of the articles were illustrated with plates or photographs, a few even in color. The bibliographical sections were conducted by Eugen Wilhelm, a judge in Strasbourg, under the pseudonym of Numa Praetorius: they cover the German, French, and Italian (but not English) literature of the first two decades of the century. Scattered foreign contributions to the periodical were in French and English.
Magnus Hirschfeld himself wrote several pieces, the longest of which was entitled "Ursachen und Wesen des Uranis­mus" (Causes and Nature of Homosexual­ity, 5, 1903). Eugen Wilhelm also com­posed articles on the legal side of the prob­lem, in particular "Die strafrechtlichen Bestimmungen gegen den homosexuellen Verkehr" (The Penal Statutes against Homosexual Intercourse, 1,1899). Gustav Jaeger published the materials that he had obtained in 1879 from Karoly Maria Kertbeny under the heading "Ein bisher ungedrucktes Kapitel über Homosexual­ität aus der Entdeckung der Seele" (A Hitherto Unpublished Chapter from The Discovery of the Soul, 2, 1900).
Richard von Krafft-Ebing revised his earlier views on homosexuality in "Neue Studien auf dem Gebiete der Homosexualität" (New Studies in the Area of Homosexuality, 3, 1901). The same volume contained a study by Friedrich Karsch-Haack on "Uranismus oder Päderastie und Tribadie bei den Naturvölk­ern" (Uranism or Pederasty and Tribadism among Primitive Peoples), which formed the basic core of his great 1911 monograph on ethnography. The Warsaw physician Franz Ludwig von Neugebauer contrib­uted a whole series of not wholly relevant articles on pseudo-hermaphroditism. The Dutch writer L.S.A.M. von Römer con­tributed an excellent biographical study of "Heinrich der Dritte, König von Frankreich und Polen" (Henri HI, King of France and Poland, 4,1902), a book-length survey "Über die androgynische Idee des Lebens" (On the Androgynous Idea of Life] 5,1903), which remains an unparalleled, if uncriti­cal treatment of the subject from distant antiquity to modern times, and a long historical essay, "Der Uranismus in den Nieder landen bis zum 19. Jahrhundert, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der gros­sen Uranierverfolgung im Jahre 1730" (Homosexuality in the Netherlands until the Nineteenth Century, with Special Reference to the Great Homosexual Perse­cution of 1730, 8, 1906), which began an inquiry that has been resumed more re­cently in the Netherlands. Kertbeny's le­gal polemic of 1869 that introduced the term homosexuality was reprinted in full (7,1905). Paul Brandt, who used the pseudo­nym Hans Licht, composed a two-part article on "Der paidon eros in der griechis­chen Dichtung" [Thepaidon eros in Greek Poetry, 8,1906; 9, 1908). I. Leo Pavia did a perceptive series on "Die männliche Homosexualität in England mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Londons" (Male Homo­sexuality in England with Special Refer­ence to London,- 11, 1909; 13, 1911).
Shorter pieces were biographies of famous homosexuals, critiques of argu­ments for retaining the paragraph against homosexuality in drafts of a new penal code, and presentations of the theory of the innate character of sexual inversion. A large part of the material that had been published in the Jahrbuch was utilized in Hirschfeld's 1914 magnum opus, Die Homosexuahtät des Mannes und des Weibes (Male and Female Homosexual­ity). After 1914 the contributions became somewhat shorter and more trivial, while others were devoted to wartime happen­ings of relevance to the sub j ect. Hirschfeld went so far as to list any element of "male character" in women as part of the general theme of "intersexuality."
On the whole, the articles in the Jahrbuch rallied to Hirschfeld's belief that homosexuals represented an evolutionary intermediate stage or intergrade between the male and the female, and that their condition was inborn and unmodifiable by any form of therapy or any accident of environment or experience. This stance was the bedrock for the Scientific-Humani­tarian Committee's plea for toleration for an "unjustly persecuted variety of human being," as Kurt Hiller later phrased it. However, it led to an open break with Benedict Friedlaender and others who looked to the classical model of pederasty as the practice of a bisexual male popula­tion, not of exclusive inverts and effemi­nates. The supporters of this view later seceded to form the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (Community of the Exceptional) with its journal Der Eigene.
Ignored by official science and scholarship in Wilhelmine Germany and later, the Jahrbuch remains a unique col­lection of materials for the study of all aspects of homosexual behavior and cul­tural attitudes toward it. While it scarcely paid attention to such problems as "gen­der," "role playing," "lifestyles," and the like, it treated the subject as defined by contemporary psychiatry and jurispru­dence in a thorough and serious manner not equaled by much later apologetic writ­ing on behalf of homosexual liberation. Its contributors surveyed all the literature that appeared in both the learned and the popular press of the day, discussed the homosexual sides of cultures remote in time and space, and scoured the writings of the past for the light that they might shed. If these early studies were some­times uncritical, amateurish or biased, they at least were a starting point for investiga­tion of a field that had been almost totally excluded from academic scholarship, de­pendent as that was upon the control of the state and of respectable opinion. Surviving in complete sets in a few medical and university libraries and in private collec­tions, as a resource for the serious investi­gator the Jahrbuch has not been super­seded even today.
Warren Johansson

Jails
See Prisons and Jails.

James I (1566-1625)
King of Scotland and England. The son of Lord Darnley and Mary Queen of Scots, he became James VI of Scotland upon his mother's forced abdication in 1567. Studying under various teachers, notably George Buchanan, he acquired a taste for learning and theological debate. During his minority the king was the pawn in a complicated struggle between the Catholic and Protestant factions within the clergy and nobility. His personal rule began in 1583,- three years later he allied himself with the childless Queen Eliza­beth of England to improve his prospects for succeeding to the throne, breaking with the party of his mother, whose execution in 1587 he accepted calmly. In 1589, this time against Elizabeth's wishes, he mar­ried Anne of Denmark. In 1603 he suc­ceeded to the English throne by virtue of his descent from Margaret Tudor, the daughter of Henry VII.
Though welcomed in his new domain, James brought little understand­ing to its parliament or its problems. At the Hampton Court Conference he dis­played an uncompromising anti-Puritan attitude in face of the request of the Puri­tan clergy for status within the established church. Out of this conference came the project for revision of the Bishops' Bible of 1566 that produced the so-called King James Version of 1611, which on its merits won a firm place in the Protestant churches and in English literature. Although it is a Renaissance translation that could not go beyond the store of learning available in its time, fundamentalist Protestants have invested it with an almost sacred and revealed character, even refusing to aban­don it for more recent English renderings such as the Revised Version (1881-95) or the Revised Standard Version.
The private life of James I im­pinged upon his public life in a manner that betrayed his erotic proclivities. He relied upon favorites whose qualifications consisted more in physical charm than in talent for government. His adolescent passion for Esme d'Aubigny, and his friend­ship for Patrick Gray, Alexander Lindsay, and others had already provoked comment. But because the resources of the Scottish exchequer were skimpier than those of the English, these friendships had no real impact on the regime in Edinburgh. Three favorites have left their names in the chron­icles of the time, James Hay, John Ramsay, and the Englishman Philip Herbert. Of these the first enjoyed James' indulgence the longest; he was heaped with honors and benefitted from a marriage with the daughter of the Earl of Northumberland; the third was married to the daughter of the Earl of Sussex, and on the occasion of the festivities the dramatist Ben Jonson composed a masque entitled Cupid Pursue<f .The Englishman had a shorter period of royal grace than the others because of his faults of character.
More important than any of these was a young Scotsman named Robert Carr, who managed to break a limb in front of James at a tourney in March 1607. At the sight of this blond athlete James' heart quivered, and in no time the handsome young man was on the rise. He was named Gentleman of the Chamber, then Viscount Rochester and later Earl of Somerset (in this capacity he was the first Scot to sit in the House of Lords). As the leading person­ality of the court, he was a force with whom ambassadors and even Robert Cecil had to reckon. That their liaison was homosexual was not doubted by James' contemporaries, but the young man was something more than a lover to him, he was also a spiritual heir. On the negative side, the courtier was extravagant and insolent, and his behavior contributed no little to the decline of James' popularity. In 1615 Carr was disgraced, and in the follow­ing year he and his wife were convicted and sent to prison, where they remained until 1622.
James' choice then fell upon George Villicrs, Duke of Buckingham af­ter 1617. Of a distinguished family, the handsome and cultivated youth knew that what the sovereign wanted was an adopted son - a role that he had no difficulty in playing. The aging king may not have had a physical relationship with him, and was not jealous of his female interests; but the two were recognized by their homosexual contemporaries as a classic pair: a king and an all-powerful favorite. The life of James I illustrates how the general opprobrium attached to "sodomitical" relationships did not interfere with the passion of a ruler who occupied the throne and conferred his favors upon young men of his choosing, who by their privileged estate and position were exempt from the death penalty that threatened the rest of his subjects.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Michel Duchein, Jacques let Stuart: Le roi de la paix, Paris: Presses de la Renaissance, 1985; David Harris Willson, King James VI and I, London: Jonathan Cape, 1956.
Warren Johansson

James, Henry (1843-1916)
American novelist, playwright, and critic. His father, Henry James senior, was a writer on theology influenced by the mystical works of Emmanuel Swedenborg,-his brother William became a distinguished professor of psychology and philosophy at Harvard University.
Finding the study of law not to his liking, Henry James began to contribute reviews and short stories to American periodicals. For a number of years his fic­tion showed a decided debt to the conven­tions of popular works of the time, a tute­lage from which he gradually emancipated himself so as to become sui generis: "the Master." He chose to reside mainly in Europe, at first in France and Italy, but increasingly in England. A novel of the middle period, The Bostonians |1886), portrays a close emotional relationship between the wealthy feminist Olive Chan­cellor and her acolyte Verena Tarrant, which is spoiled by the intervention of a selfish young lawyer. James' most charac­teristic works of this period, however, focus on the "international theme," the encoun­ter of callow but innocent Americans with European sophistication. In what is proba­bly the most poignant of these works, Daisy Miller (1870), a young American girl dies of a fever after an encounter at the Colosseum in Rome.
Related to male homosexuality are "The Pupil" (1891), which concerns a mentoring relationship, and the ghost story, "The Turn of the Screw" (1898). In the latter novella, a young governess is given charge of two young children, a boy and a girl, in a remote country house. She finds that the deceased figures of her own predecessor and of the sinister valet Peter Quint have returned to possess them. The boy Miles dies at the hands of Quint, who - it is intimated - had corrupted him during life. James left the story deliber­ately ambiguous so that it is always pos­sible that the occurrences are hysterical fantasies on the part of the governess.
James's last three major works, The Wings of the Dove [ 1902), The Ambas­sadors (1903), and The Golden Bowl[\904), return to the "international theme," but on a level of complexity and abstraction that makes them entirely different from his earlier treatments of it. More than any others, these late works have attracted both devotion and hostility - the latter stemming from their highly wrought liter­ary style and baffling elusiveness. Their fascination lies in part in the sense that James has glimpsed truths that are ulti­mately inexpressible, and has gone as far as he could to make them at least mysti­cally present. It may be, however, that the novelist was unconsciously aware that he had other themes that he might have dealt with, but in the repressive climate of the age in which he lived did not dare to attempt.
The question of James' sexuality remains puzzling. He never married and, though he cherished many friendships with women, no heterosexual genital relations are recorded. His letters reveal an infatu­ation with a macho sculptor, Hendrik Andersen, whom he met, however, only in 1899. It has also been asserted that the writer was in love with his brother, Wil­liam James. It is of interest that their sister, Alice James, an invalid who died young, was inclined toward lesbian feel­ings.
Whether James simply had a very low sexual drive or a formidable capacity to repress the homosexual feelings that surely visited him from time to time will probably never be known. Certain features of his personality are characteristic of upper-class homosexuals of the period: fastidiousness and horror of "vulgarity," sensitivity to art (albeit limited by dilet­tantism), extraordinary attention to social nuances, social climbing (akin to Marcel Proust's), and aestheticized cosmopoli­tanism.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Leon Edel, The Ufe of Henry fames, 5 vols., Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1953-72.
Wayne R. Dynes

Japan
Japan is an island nation of about 125 million people on the northwestern rim of the Pacific Ocean, heavily influenced by Chinese culture but politically independent since the beginning of his­torical records in the fifth century.
Present-day Japanese attitudes toward homosexuality are a complex blend of modern and traditional ideas about love and sex. Homosexual behavior is accepted in some circles and stigmatized in others, but in general it is looked upon more as an eccentricity than a perversion. Sex of whatever variety tends to be thought of as playful and pleasurable, but, even so, sex­ual behavior is held to strict standards of social decorum that require it be enjoyed with discretion and propriety. Japanese men and women share a great amount of social and non-sexual physical contact with their own sex and as a result most Japanese experience and are more comfortable with close emotional friendships with mem­bers of the same sex. To a remarkable degree, social definitions of appropriate sexuality have not excluded homosexual­ity or declared it a social heresy, and homosexuality does not inspire the level of horror and disgust it has sometimes received in the Judeo-Christian West, largely because no native Japanese reli­gious tradition has ever singled it out for condemnation.
Marriage Duties. Homosexual preference becomes a problem for Japa­nese men and women when it threatens marriage. In the Confucian philosophical scheme, which still exerts great power in Japanese and East Asian social life, the refusal to marry represents not just a repu­diation of the past (one's ancestors) but a denial of future unborn generations and one's place in the familial continuum. Exclusively homosexual individuals are expected to sublimate their personal feel­ings, regarded as selfish, for the sake of the "family," the historically ongoing line of generations from the obscure past into the future of which every person is considered a part. Refusal to marry and raise a family makes it difficult for an individual to as­sume his or her rightful place as a mature member of adult society, since it is mar­riage that confers social respectability.
Homosexual men and women are nevertheless able to form socially accept­able marriage-like relationships through adoption. In general, adult adoption is far more common in Japan than infant adop­tion, and for gay men and lesbians this means they have a legal means to make a commitment to their partners. When the popular young actor Oki Masaya commit­ted suicide in 1983 at what seemed the peak of his career, it was his adoptive "father" who was interviewed, weeping, on Japanese television.
Due to the emphasis placed on marriage in Japanese society, homosexual relations are usually conducted in a con­text of bisexuality. This is ideal for men and women with a bisexual orientation, but for those having an exclusively homo­sexual orientation who marry for the sake of their family, such "enforced" bisexual­ity is a psychological and emotional strain. The frequency and nature of extramarital homosexual relations varies from person to person, ranging from continence, to brief encounters, to life-long extramarital commitments. Such commitments may have the spouse's blessing, particularly if the public "form" of the marriage is main­tained. This seems to have been the case with the Japanese novelist Mishima Yukio (1925-1970) and his wife Yoko. She has continued to maintain the public propri­ety of their marriage since her husband's death by censoring all media discussion of his homosexuality. (The 1985 film Mishima was banned in Japan because of its explicit depiction of his affairs.) In this and similar cases, the media generally practice self-censorship to prevent embar­rassment to the bereaved survivors, even though the person's homosexual activity may already be public knowledge, as with Mishima.
Aesthetics. Androgyny is the tra­ditional ideal of sexual aesthetics in Japan. A boy or man is deemed most beautiful when he is desired by both men and women; a woman or girl is likewise most beautiful when both men and women desire her. The handsome "masculine" woman and the beautiful "feminine" boy are favorite stereotypes in Japanese theatre, finding expression in the traditional all-male kabuki theatre and in the newer all-female Takarazuka Opera Company, where hand­some women act men's roles opposite beautiful heroines. Fans of both Takarazuka and kabuki may develop a serious "crush" tinged with homoeroticism for their favorite actor or actress.
Modem Gay Life. Hierarchy and clear separation of roles are important elements in sexual relations in Japan, and homosexual relations are no different. Usually, one partner is clearly the "man," the other the "woman" in the relation­ship, although more egalitarian partner­ships are increasingly common.
Gay publications are more wide­spread than lesbian and are rarely censored for content. If the publication is porno­graphic, censorship will eliminate pictures of genitalia and pubic hair, j ust as in straight pornography. A recent Japanese gay guide identifies bars in terms of the clientele they attract, whether students (high school and college), young and middle-aged busi­nessmen, or laborers. Gay bath houses exist in most major cities and male homo­sexual prostitution is legal. In recent years, both official health policy and public opin­ion have become less tolerant toward male extramarital sex, including homosexual, owing to its association with the spread of AIDS. Lesbians have not been identified with AIDS, however, and remain relatively unaffected by it.
The Meiji Repression. The ori­gins of Japan's modern sexual constructs can be traced to the Meiji Period (1868-1912), when Japan's leaders were striving to achieve social, political and technological parity with the "enlight­ened" West. They quickly perceived the stigma attached to homosexuality and went about discouraging it in order to bring Japan's sexual behavior into line with that of nineteenth-century Europe. Homo­sexuality was temporarily outlawed with the adoption of the Prussian legal code in the 1870s, but the ban was soon dropped. Anti-homosexual morals were taught in public and missionary schools and in Japan's "Higher Schools" (universities), which students entered in their mid-teens. Male homosexual activity persisted there, however, as attested in Mori Ogai's (1862-1922) Vita Sexualis in which he details his narrow escape from the sexual advances of upperclassmen.
Daily newspapers of the late nine­teenth century reported incidents in which roving bands of students abducted hand­some boys and seduced them,- the papers bemoaned such goings on as a social prob­lem unbecoming to a new, modernized Japan, but there was no moralistic hysteria surrounding the censure. In girls' schools and women's universities, "S" clubs were formed in which women calling them­selves "sisters" (using the English word) met secretly to discuss their lesbian feel­ings. The Meiji government's attempt to marginalize and pathologize homosexual­ity by the adoption of nineteenth-century western social constructs was never en­tirely successful, probably because there was no urgent indigenous imperative for eradicating a form of sexual behavior that probably struck most Japanese as harm­less, but it seems to have created the con­ditions for a separate homosexual iden­tity, the need for which had not previously existed in Japan.
Ancient Literature. Stories about male homosexuality abound in the litera­ture and lore of pre-modern Japan. The Chronicles of fapan (720) mentions two young male courtiers who loved each other and were buried in the same tomb when they died. Several exchanges of erotically-charged poems in the Manyoshu, com­piled late in the eighth century, were apparently sent from one male courtier to another. Japan's eleventh-century master­piece of classical literature, Lady Murasaki's Tale ofGenji, includes a scene in which Prince Genji spent a night with the young brother of a woman who refused his advances, and the narrator states that Genji found the boy's physical charms quite pleasing.
Yoshida Kenko (1283?-1352?), a fourteenth-century courtier-monk and aesthete, wrote in Essays in Idleness about his sexual attraction for boys. In the thir­teenth and fourteenth centuries, sermon­like stories called "acolyte tales" [chigo monogatari) were written about Buddhist monks who fell in love with their temple acolytes and as a result became enlight­ened as to the illusory nature of emotional attachment. Samurai men and boys who died for the sake of male love were ideal­ized in the sixteenth century in accounts of contemporary historical events.
Kabuki. Seventeenth-century lit­erature depicted boy actors in kabuki the­atres who were patronized for prostitution by merchant and samurai men. The pri­mary writer about male homosexual love in the seventeenth century was Ihara Saikaku (1642-1693), who wrote peripherally about it in several works including The Man Who Loved Love and Five Women Who Loved Love, and devoted an entire book to the topic in The Great Mirror of Male Love. The latter work is virulently misogynistic and seems to have been de­signed to appeal to an urban male reader­ship that thought of itself as exclusively homosexual. Many woodblock prints sur­vive from this era depicting men and boys in sexual embrace. Besides stories about male homosexual love, there were also guides to the kabuki theatre that had a frankly homoerotic appeal, and many eti­quette books were published that advised men and boys how to dress, groom, and attract male lovers.
Not much can be said with cer­tainty about homosexuality among the men and women of the lower classes in pre-modem times, but history and legend give ample testimony to its popularity among their social superiors. One legend states that male homosexuality was intro­duced to Japan from China in the ninth century by Kukai (774-835), the revered founder of Esoteric Buddhism in Japan. Certainly, homosexual love seems to have been an important element of life in many of Japan's Buddhist temples and monaster­ies. The Zen temples of the Five Moun­tains (Gozan) are said to have asserted their control over the Ashikaga shoguns during the fourteenth century in part by making handsome boys available to them whenever the shoguns visited.
Noh. The third Ashikaga shogun, Yoshimitsu (1358-1408), observed a per­formance of Noh in 1374 when he was 16 that featured a beautiful 12-year-old boy, Zeami (1363-1443), who became the founder of classical Noh. Yoshimitsu's homosexual attraction for Zeami changed the history of Noh theatre by giving it the shogunal patronage that would allow Noh to reach levels of artistry and spiritual power it could not otherwise have ob­tained. Zeami's Noh represented the first major influence of plebeian culture on an aristocratic tradition that had been iso­lated from low culture for centuries.
In the sixteenth century, Oda Nobunaga (1534-1582) began the process of unifying a war-torn Japan, but was as­sassinated before he could complete his task. His page and reputed male lover, Mori Rammaru (1565?-1582), died by his side in the same attack. A recent year-long television series produced by the Japan Broadcasting Company (NHK) on the his­tory of this period depicted the final moments of Nobunaga and Rammaru accurately but without explanation.
The Tokugawa Period. Japan was finally unified under Tokugawa Ieyasu (1543-1616) in 1603, and he and his de­scendants ushered in a 250-year period of peace. The Tokugawa shoguns most fa­mous for their love of boys were Ieyasu's grandson, the third shogun Iemitsu (1604-1651) and Iemitsu's son, the fifth shogun Tsunayoshi (1646-1709). Tsunayoshi caused considerable scandal by giving fiefs and promotions to his male lovers and was rumored to have had a harem of boys recruited from throughout Japan whence he summoned his favorites to his chamber at night. His taste for young men was apparently shared among the upper level leadership of the day, but his behavior drew criticism from contempo­raries for its excess.
Lesbianism. The history of fe­male homosexuality is much more ob­scure, largely because women's sexuality was not taken seriously except in relation to men. This is true both in literature by women in theHeianperiod (794-1185) and in later literature dominated by male per­spectives. One exception is a twelfth-cen­tury tale called The Changelings, about a brother and sister who switched roles and lived as if they were the opposite sex. The story is told primarily from the perspec­tive of the sister living as a man, and reveals the spirit of a woman who finds her society's definition of the female role too confining for her taste. In the seventeenth century, Ihara Saikaku wrote in Life of an Amorous Woman of an affair the heroine had with the mistress of an all-female household. Though such literary depic­tions are rare, pictorial representations of two or more women engaged in sex are much more common from the seventeenth century, when erotic woodblock prints became popular. It is not known whether these pictures catered to a male or female audience.
In modern Japanese literature, Nobel laureate Kawabata Yasunari (1899-1972) often depicts lesbian relation­ships, particularly in a triangular competi­tion with a man, such as in Beauty and Sadness. The third volume of Mishima Yukio's Sea of Fertihty tetralogy, called Temple of Dawn, uses both male and female homosexuality as a symbol of deca­dence. He wrote about male homosexual­ity as a source of adolescent confusion in Confessions of a Mask, and as a sadistic force in Forbidden Colors. A short story called "Onnagata" shows homosexual desire as a petulant force in the personality of a kabuki actor of female roles. Japan's most highly acclaimed modem gay poet has been Takahashi Mutsuo, whose strange blend of Christian symbolism and gay sensibilities is captured for English read­ers in a collection called Poems of a Penisist. The title poem is reminiscent of Walt Whitman's Leaves of Grass, of which it may be a conscious imitation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Ian Buruma, Behind the Mask: On Sexual Demons, Sacred Mothers, Transvestites, Gangsters, and Other Japanese Cultural Heroes, New York: Pantheon Books, 1984; Margaret H. Childs, "Chigo Monogatari: Love Stories or Buddhist Sermons?" Monumenta Nipponica, 35:2 (1980), 127-51; Thomas B. Hare, Zeami's Style: The Noh Plays of Zeami Motokiyo; Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986; Donald H. Shivcly, "Tokugawa Tsunayoshi, The Genroku Shogun," in Albert M. Craig and Donald H. Shively, eds., Personality in Japanese History, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970.
Paul Gordon Schalow

Jarry, Alfred (1873-1907)
French dramatist, novelist, and humorist. After an obscure apprenticeship in literary avant-garde circles in Paris, Jarry achieved sudden and stunning celebrity with the 1896 production of his knock­about drama Ubu Roi. Ubu, the violent and aggressive antihero, becomes king of Poland through guile and fraud. This farce, a reworking of a collaborative effort under­taken with two schoolmates when Jarry was fifteen, anticipates the Theatre of the Absurd. His 1902 novel Le Surmdle, which concerns a machine that falls in love with its creator, has a proto-surrealist charac­ter. Although Jarry garnered a cult follow­ing, his other works failed to earn him a living. Once his meagre inheritance was exhausted, increasing poverty and alco­holism brought on his early death.
In his personal life Jarry had very few intimate relations. No heterosexual affair has ever been documented. His one close female friend, the novelist Rachilde (Marguerite Aymery Vallette), was known for her own interest in sexual ambiguity. The only serious treatment of sex in Jarry's work appears in the short play Haldernablou {Oeuvres complètes, Paris: Pléiade, 1972, pp. 214-29), based on his relations with the bisexual poet Léon-Paul Fargue. Whether he and Jarry were lovers in the physical sense is uncertain, though the play suggests that they were. The hero, Haldern (Jarry), seeks a partner who is "neither man nor woman nor monster at all, a devoted slave and one who could speak without breaking the harmony of his sublime thoughts."
Unable to resolve his personal conflicts, Jarry transformed them into the paradoxes of his art. In the 1920s the Sur­realists took him up, together with his predecessor Lautréamont, today he is re­garded as a major (though perplexing) French writer.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Keith Beaumont, Alfred Jarry: A Critical and Biographical Study, Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1985.

Jesus (d. ca. 29)
A Galilean Jewish teacher who lived during the reigns of the Roman emperors Augustus and Tiberius, Jesus was, if not the founder of Christianity - the point can be debated - certainly the inspiration for it. Hence any discussion of this faith, which has persecuted homo­sexuals, must begin with his pronounce­ments and examples, insofar as they can be ascertained. Franciscans, for instance, look to his ideal of poverty, while the Amish emphasize his style of simple living. Gay men and women have principally found his pronouncements on homosexuality curiously missing and taken this absence of condemnation as tantamount to tacit approval. Because no word from him fa­vors it, critics of homosexuality have judged the silence to signify his endorsement of other Scriptural condemnations, thereby attesting emphatic disapproval.
Problems of Source Evaluation. Both sides take as primary sources the gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, the first four books of the New Testament. The numerous apocryphal gospels, among other supplementary sources, becloud the issue, as docs the meaning of the word "gospel" [euangelion] itself. With a long history, by the first century it meant sim­ply "good news." Thus, the Good News According to Mark, the earliest surviving gospel, does not claim to be a life of Jesus but a proclamation or testimonial about him. Testimonials of faith are not biogra­phies, it is misleading to use them as such. Above all, they are not history. The four endorsed by Christian orthodoxy as ca­nonical were written between 40 and 80 years after the Crucifixion, and whatever sources, if any, they are based upon cannot be clearly identified. Besides, they not infrequently contradict one another as in the instance of how many witnessed the Resurrection and when and where they did so. Yet it can be argued that the gospels do convey the spirit of a person - relatively liberal, iconoclastic, somewhat political, certainly charismatic - who made a pow­erful impression on his followers.
How much of the record was changed to suit later circumstances? There is every reason to believe that if other facets of the tradition, different from those we now have, did exist at the time when James, the pious brother of Jesus, came to be head of the church, these facts would have been changed to suit the clean-cut image that James wanted to project. This "brother" (if indeed he was one in blood, for Roman Catholics deny that the perpet­ual Virgin Mary produced any other off­spring), who had not even been a part of the movement during Jesus' lifetime, was beheaded about the year 44, which was approximately a quarter of a century be­fore the first gospel, Mark, was composed. The non-canonical gospels, generally known as gnostic because they claim to contain gnosis or special knowledge, come from an even later time than the "synop­tic" account of Mark-Matthew-Luke (all with similar perspectives) and the more philosophic, somewhat later John. But again, how far back do the traditions of gnosticism go, or do they represent only special interest groups of the mid-second century and later?
Gleanings. The canonical gospels indicate that Jesus was single in his early thirties, contrary to the Jewish tradition that made marriage and fatherhood the norm even for the religious elite. More­over, they show that he had attracted an entourage of men and women - mostly men - who followed him closely, and that they wandered throughout Galilee, Judea, and the surrounding countryside (areas impoverished and oppressed by Roman and upper-class Jewish and Greek exploit­ers), preaching repentance and the forgive­ness of sins. John the Baptist, an ascetic whom Jesus encountered, preached a similar message, but Jesus was more suc­cessful, perhaps because he was also a miracle worker and healer. After his death a final element was added, the notion of an eternal life that believers could share, the poor having a much better chance of salva­tion than the rich.
The gnostic Secret Gospel of Mark (see Morton Smith, The Secret Gospel, pp. 113f.) suggests that Jesus may have had physical union with certain initiates who came to him at night for a secret baptism. They were naked except for a linen cloth around their waists. Mark 14:51-52 rec­ords that a young man was with Jesus but ran away on the night that he was arrested by the brook Kidron, a place and time that meet the requirements of such a baptism as described by Smith. This special treat­ment for members of Jesus' inner circle only accords with the gnostic idea of con­centric circles - the inner circle, of course at the center, knowing all secrets; the members of the second circle having only a more general knowledge and baptism administered to them; and a third circle consisting of potential candidates and all outsiders. Jesus told members of his inner circle that certain secrets were reserved only for them, that is, he preached an esoteric gospel for initiates, the teleioi. But other aspects of this "Secret Gospel," if there was one, may have been only what later factions wanted to believe.
Jesus appeared when the Qumran sect that produced the Dead Sea Scrolls was at its peak, yet the gospels never mention the sect nor do its writings con­tain so much as one reference to Jesus or his Nazarene followers. Nor does the New Testament name the enigmatic Essenes, known only from Philo, Pliny the Elder, and Flavius Josephus - a sect that is de­scribed as leading a monastic life that generally excluded women. Other sectari­ans lived in their own homes throughout Judaea and Galilee, but if married both partners abstained from sexual relations after their initiation into the order. Like the monasteries, these were enjoined to give hospitality to other Essenes who were traveling, and it has been suggested that this custom explains in part how Jesus and his group found accommodations while on the road. Often associated with this sect is John the Baptist, an ascetic whom Jesus visited and honored, who was quite close to this group - but Jesus was no conventional ascetic, and nothing in the canonical gospels and the Book of Acts suggests that the first Christians lived as hermits or in monastic communities, Christian monasticism commencing only in Egypt in the third century.
Jesus was also a younger contem­porary of the revered Jewish leader Hillel (flourished ca. 30 b.c.-a.d. 10), who fos­tered a systematic and liberal interpreta­tion of Hebrew Scripture, but again nei­ther Jesus nor any New Testament author cites Hillel in any connection. The simi­larities with Jewish teaching that have been so extensively analyzed in this cen­tury in order to reconstitute a Judeo-Christian tradition probably stem from the use of common sources: sayings that far from being original had already found their way into folk tradition.
What did Jesus think of homo­sexuals and bisexuals, given the lack of any specific pronouncements? He raised no issue about a Roman officer who loved a boy-slave so much that he came pleading with Jesus on the sick boy's behalf and was granted his request (Matthew 8:5-13 has pais, "boy," but Luke 7:1-10 uses doulos, "slave"). The symbolic meaning of this passage is instructive: the centurion repre­sents the military power of Rome and at the same time the Roman pederastic tradi­tion in which the servant was also the bed partner of his master. The story reflects Jesus' (or the early church's) acceptance of the Roman state as open to its its preach­ing and conversion - an accommodation which culminated in Constantine the Great's adoption of Christianity in 313. Moreover, and contrary to Jewish tradi­tion, £esus held eunuchs in high regard. In directing his closest disciples about the place where his last supper should be kept, he told them to go into the city and follow a man who would be carrying a pitcher of water, which was women's work and most likely performed by an effeminate male. The instances of a beloved disciple, re­corded only in John's gospel, can be ex­plained both in ordinary (Near Eastern custom) and in allegorical terms,- thus we should not make too much of this favorit­ism as evidence for a sexual preference, though the last supper incident shows a typical dinner with exclusively male company. In Jewish tradition the guests at the Passover meal are supposed to recline in the manner of the symposia where the ancients dined while stretched out on couches.
Finally, in the context of his time, Jesus' actions and teachings reveal a highly positive attitude toward women, a stance that is generally at odds with the Jewish (and Northwest Semitic) traditon of a to­tally androcentric religious culture, but more compatible with Roman customs in this sphere.
See also Racha.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Rudolf Augstein, Jesus Son of Man, New York: Urizen Books, 1972; John Boswell, Christianity, Social Tolerance and Homosexuality, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980; A. Powell Davies, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls, New York: New American Library, 1956; W. D. Davies, Invitation to the New Testament, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969; Tom Horner, Jonathan Loved David, Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1978; Paula Frederiksen, From Jesus to Christ: The Origins of the New Testament Images of Jesus, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989;William Phipps, Was Jesus Married? New York: Harper & Row, 1970; Morton Smith, The Secret Gospel, New York: Harper & Row, 1972.
Tom Horner

John, Apostle
See Beloved Disciple.

Jonathan
See David and Jonathan.

Josephus, Flavius (37-ca. 105)
Jewish priest of aristocratic de­scent, Pharisee, and historian. Though a zealous defender of the Jewish religion, he sympathized with the Romans and dis­counted the militant nationalism that plunged Judaea into war with Rome in the year 66. Appointed commander of the forces in Galilee by the Sanhedrin, he capitulated to the Romans when besieged in Jotapata, winning the favor of Vespasian by prophecying that he would become emperor. Upon the fulfillment of the proph­ecy, he was released from captivity but remained with Titus until the destruction of Jerusalem in 70.
As a protege of Vespasian and Titus, he settled in Rome and composed not only the classic history of the Jewish War, but also the Jewish Antiquities in 20 books, published in 93/94. In this work (I, xi, 1, 3) he endorsed a homosexual interpretation of the sin of Sodom, alleging that the inhabitants had tried to violate the angelic visitors because of their youthful beauty. As a believing Jew he wrote in the apologetic work Contra Apionem (2, 199) that "the Law recognizes no sexual con­nection save the natural union of husband and wife, and that solely for the sake of begetting children. The sexual union of males with males it abhors, and punishes with death whoever is guilty of such an assault." In other words, even in a polemic addressed to gentile readers in imperial Rome, Josephus already voiced the moral principle that sexuality is legitimate only for purposes of procreation; in this respect there was nothing left for St. Paul or St. Augustine or the scholastic philosophers of the thirteenth century to invent. His writings, preserved in Greek and trans­lated into Latin, became part of the Judaic heritage of the intertestamental period that influenced Christianity; they continued to be copied and read during the Christian Middle Ages as an appendix to the Biblical history proper and a "proof" of its veracity.
Warren Johansson

JOUHANDEAU, MARCEL (1888-1979)
French novelist, short-story writer, essayist, and diarist. Scarcely known outside France, Jouhandeau com­pares with André Gide, François Mauriac, and Julien Green in his passionate concern with the relations between God and man - especially where sexuality is concerned.
Brought up in a strict Catholic family in the provincial town of Guéret, Jouhandeau steeped himself in mystical literature. After completing his studies in Paris, in 1912 he took a job at a preparatory school for boys in Passy, where he was to teach until 1949. In 1914 he had his first passionate homosexual relationship. His first novel, La Jeunesse de Théophile (1921 ), began a multivolume chronicle focused on the imaginary town of Chaminadour.
The novel Chronique dune pas­sion (1949) is a striking example of Jouhandeau's use of personal subject mat­ter. The narrator Marcel becomes the lover of the artist Jacques, whom he had long admired. So intense is his passion that Marcel compares his love with that for God. But his wife Elise (based on Jouhandeau's real spouse, Elizabeth), who had at first tolerated the affair, becomes intensely jealous and resolves to kill Jac­ques - a plan she abandons only when Marcel agrees to renounce him. Although for most of its length the novel seemed to point to the breakup of the marriage, it ends by reaffirming it. Chronique d'une passion is a paradoxical mixture of homo­sexuality, religion, and conjugality.
Many of these themes recur in Jouhandeau's vast diaries or Joumahers, which achieved 26 volumes from 1961 to 1978. The essay Ces messieurs: Corydon résumé et augmenté (1951) reexamines in the post-World War II period the consid­erations that André Gide had laid before the French public in his original defense of homosexuality, Corydon, of 1924.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Frank Paul Bowman, "The Religious Metaphors of a Married Homosexual: Marcel Jouhandeau's Chronique d'une passion," in G. Stambolian and E. Marks, eds., Homosexuahties and French Literature, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979, pp. 295-311; Jean Gaulmier, L'univers de Marcel Jouhandeau, Paris: Nizet, 1959.
Ward Houser

Juan II of Castile (1405-1454); Enrique IV of Castile (1425-1474)
The most famous homophile re­lationship in Spanish history is that be­tween Juan II and his older lover Âlvaro de Luna (ca. 1390-1453), who shared a bed­room for years. The king is remembered as a great patron of literature, who sponsored the birth of Castilian lyric poetry, which until that time was missing from the cul­ture. He is also remembered for his choice of Alvaro de Luna to take over the tiresome business of running the country. Luna has long been recognized as one of the best administrators Spain ever had, and be­cause of his dramatic fall from favor and public execution he became a well-known figure in both popular poetry and drama.
The story of the love between Juan and Alvaro, for which there are many sources, is worthy of a novel. The relation­ship began when the king was three, with the appointment of Alvaro as his page [doncel). The bond which quickly emerged between them was so strong that those hostile said the king was victim of an hechizo or enchantment; this in fact be­came a euphemism in Spain for "inappro­priate" sexual desire. When the young king was seven, his mother exiled Alvaro and kept the king virtually a prisoner, a period that ended only with her death six years later. Juan and Alvaro were immedi­ately reunited, and Alvaro, a brilliant conversationalist, was the favorite of many court ladies. He is also the author of one of the earliest and most balanced Spanish defenses of women against misogynist charges.
Save for a later period when the king was again prisoner and Alvaro exiled, which was intended to end their relation­ship, Juan and Alvaro remained together for thirty-five eventful years. They struggled together against a hostile aris­tocracy, sometimes fleeing together from superior force. The end came with Juan's remarriage after his first wife's death; his new wife, mother of the prudish Isabella the Catholic, was able to force the dis­missal and then the execution of Alvaro. The king died a year later.
The homosexual tastes of Juan's son Enrique IV have been dealt with more openly. His reign was much more chaotic, and he seems to have suffered from a dis­ease which affected his personality. Enri­que did not have a governor with the talent of Alvaro de Luna and was unable to meet the challenges from the aristocracy. His marriage with his first wife Blanca was unconsummated and annulled; Enrique's impotence was explained as enchantment. After remarriage, a major successorial and political issue arose concerning the legiti­macy of his daughter Juana, widely be­lieved to be the daughter of the court favorite Beltrán de la Cueva. Enrique was dethroned in effigy as "puto," and during the latter part of his reign was almost without authority. A kind, cultured, but sick and weak man, like his father he enjoyed hunting expeditions, which ap­parently served as cover for homosexual activity. Juan II and Enrique IV stayed on comparatively good terms with both their Jewish subjects and the Islamic kingdom of Granada. Enrique in particular had a Moorish guard - the last Spanish ruler to do so until Franco - and gave other evi­dence of sympathy toward Spain's non-Christian cultures.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Daniel Eisenberg, "Enrique IV and Gregorio Marañón," Renaissance Quarterly, 29 (1976), 21-29; Didier T. Jaén, John 11 of Castile and The Grand Master Alvaro de Luna , Madrid, 1978; Nicholas Round, The Greatest Man Uncrowned: A Study of the Fall of Don Alvaro de Luna, London: Támesis, 1986.

Judaism, Post-Biblical
As Julius Wellhausen stated in his Prolegomena to the History of Israel (1883), Judaism is the religious commu­nity that came into being on the ruins of the kingdom of Judah after the exiles were repatriated as part of the minorities policy of the Persian Empire in the year 536 before the Christian era. Biblical Judaism in the form in which we know it from the canonical scriptures of the Hebrew Bible (commonly known as the Old Testament) was created in the middle of the following century by a group of scholars and notables under the leadership of Ezra the Scribe. The apodictic commandments in the book of Leviticus (18:22 and 20:13) leave no doubt that homosexual relations between males were judged worthy of the death penalty, though female homosexuality went unmentioned. This condemnation paralleled the one in the Zoroastrian state religion of the Persians themselves.
The Hellenistic Period. With the spread of the Jewish diaspora from the territory of Persia into the Hellenistic world following the conquests of Alexander the Great, the Jewish attitude toward homo­sexual behavior came into conflict with the tolerant and even approving customs of the Greeks and the other peoples of the Eastern Mediterranean. The apocryphal and pseudepigraphal writings reveal that Judaism did not mute its disapproval, but reinterpreted the Sodom legend so that it became a tale not merely of divine retribu­tion for inhospitality, but of the punish­ment of a city where homosexual activity was practiced (Book of Jubilees, 16:5-6).
The writings of the opinionated and eccentric Philo Judaeus (notably De specialibus legibus, 3,37-42), and even of the ideologically colorless Flavius Josephus (Contra Apionem, 2, 199), indicate that during the first century of the Christian era Hellenistic Judaism categorically con­demned sexual relations between males, so that on this subject nothing remained for Christian theologians to invent; the primitive Church simply ratified the eigh­teenth and twentieth chapters of Leviticus as received and interpreted in the contem­porary Synagogue and made them part of its own constitution. What was left for Christianity to elaborate was a compre­hensive definition of "unnatural" (= non-procreative) sexual activity that classed all of it as the "sin of the Sodomite" [peccatum sodomiticum), that is to say, it fused a Greek philosophical concept with a Jewish legend. This Judaism proper never did, just as it never fully abandoned the older notion of Sodom as a place where the conventions of hospitality were grossly violated and the norms of justice literally reversed. It is this side of the legend that is expanded and illustrated with narrative vignettes in the traditions recorded in the Talmud and the Midrashim during the first millennium of the Christian era.
Subsequent History. There is a further development of the prohibition on homosexuality in the Mishnah and the Gemara. The commandments prohibiting male homosexual activity were associated (b. Sanhedrin 53a) with two groups of stat­utes, one aimed at breaches of patriarchal authority and power, the other forbidding idolatry and magic. The penalty was death by stoning, as in other sexual offenses. Both the active and the passive partners were held culpable, in contrast to the rela­tive indifference to the active male homo­sexual inmany other cultures (b. Sanhedrin 54a-55a). All these provisions may have been of limited import once the Jewish authorities were deprived of the power to impose the death penalty after the King­dom of Judaea lost its independence, which occurred with finality in the year 70. Thereafter the Jews were doomed to be a client people living under foreign domina­tion, with a diaspora that extended to the very ends of the known world, and subject to the varying and divergent legal codes of the states on whose territory they resided, albeit as a protected community with for­mally recognized privileges.
With rise of Christianity and then Islam and their acquisition of the state power, the Judaic taboo on homosexuality was adopted by the host peoples, so that the authority of Talmudic law became superfluous. But even where the Jewish communities had not the power to exe­cute one of their members, they could always ostracize him and in effect exile him from their midst. It is thus all the more remarkable that in the Islamic cul­tural milieu the pederastic tradition should have revived, and that poems extolling the beauty of adolescent boys should have been composed in Medieval Hebrew, natu­rally in imitation of Arabic models. The "gazelle" {sébhJ) of these lyrics is the be­loved youth with his charms and caprices, just as in contemporary Islamic poetry. These poems thus constitute the sole body of homoerotic literature in the Hebrew language to the present day, as the theme did not figure in writings in neo-Hebrew of the Haskalah (Enlightenment) and then of the revival of Hebrew as a spoken language that accompanied the Zionist movement and the resurrection of the state of Israel.
The treatment of homosexuality in the Rabbinic writings of the Middle Ages is limited to: (1) commentaries on the Hebrew Bible, such as those of Solomon ben Isaac of Troyes, which were transmit­ted to the Christian world in the Latin glosses of Nicholas de Lyra on the Vulgate; (2) commentaries on the Talmud, of which Rashi's is the classic; (3) responsa in an­swer to questions of criminal law (the so-called halakhah); and (4) codifications and restatements of Talmudic law, such as the Mishneh Torah of Musa ibn Maimun (Maimonides) in the thirteenth century and the ShuJhan Arukh of Joseph Karo in the sixteenth.
No such interweaving of Biblical and classical (Platonic-Aristotelian) thought as was effected by Thomas Aqui­nas could occur in Jewish theology, which retained the tradition of a simply formu­lated and wholly praxis-oriented Oriental code of law. Above all, never in all of its history did Judaism institutionalize an ascetic tradition with a celibate clergy and monastic communities, leaving no room for a religious order with crypto-homosexual overtones and even an unspoken norm of deviant sexuality that stealthily lurked beneath the surface of Greek Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism. The medieval rabbi and scholar was a husband and the father of a numerous family, unlike his Christian counterpart. And the want of any parallel to the study of Greek and Latin literatures perpetuating a culture in which overt homosexuality flourished precluded the imitation or revival of the pagan customs of antiquity.
Thus the legacy of Judaism down to modern times has been a negative one, even more so than that of official Christi­anity, which was always undercut by the persistence of Greco-Roman paganism - the other source of European civilization which the Christian Church could never disavow.
Jewish Contributions to Sex Re­form. But despite the absence of a positive homosexual tradition in Judaism, many "emancipated" and assimilated Jews were to play an enormous role in the sexual reform movement and as pioneers in the study of human sexuality in general and of homosexuality in particular. The leader of the world's first homosexual rights organi­zation was Magnus Hirschfeld (1868-1935), the son of a Jewish physician from Kolberg (now Koiobrzeg) on the Baltic coast of Prussia. One of his early collaborators was Kurt Hiller (1885-1972), who even claimed descent from Rabbi Hillel. It was Hiller who in the spring of 1918, in the wake of the discussion of the minority problem in Central Europe provoked by Wilson's Fourteen Points, conceived the notion of the homosexual as a member of a minority deserving of protection instead of the per­secution and ostracism that it had suffered under the Old Regime. Two other figures, Marc-Andre Raffalovich, the brother of a banker from Warsaw, and Arnold Aletrino, a Sephardic Jew of Amsterdam, were also among the early defenders of homosexual rights and in particular of the homosexual as a healthy, normal human being, albeit with an idiosyncratic sexual orientation.
The scientific study of sexual behavior early attracted many Jewish fig­ures such as Iwan Bloch (1868-1922), a polymath whose writings cover vast areas of anthropology and history, and Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), whose psychoanalytic interpretations stressed the homoerotic component in the thinking and behavior not just of homosexuals, but of all human beings - to whom he ascribed a fundamen­tal bisexuality. On the other hand, not a few of his disciples have been doggedly insistent in the belief that homosexuality is a mental illness, often with clear over­tones of moral condemnation that amounted to a pseudo-medical rationali­zation of the earlier religious taboo. The psychoanalytic profession has remained largely Jewish in its membership, even after Hitler's rise to power scattered the original followers of Freud from their homes in Central Europe into exile in England and the United States. Despite their shortcomings, these analysts deserve credit for examining questions of sexual­ity, and indeed the popular mind typically equates psychoanalysis with the science of sexuality itself. Just because Judaism never branded sexuality as intrinsically obscene and unmentionable, the Jew in modern times has been able to achieve a certain measure of detachment and objec­tivity when dealing with matters which the Christian mind had dismissed as unthinkably obscene.
Until 1948 Jewish religious rejec­tion of homosexuality lacked access to state power. Although the Turkish penal code in force since 1858 had penalized homosexual acts only when committed with a minor under the age of nine, the new nation of Israel inherited, along with the rest of the common law tradition, the criminal law of Mandate Palestine, which followed that of England itself in punish­ing male homosexuality with a maximum of ten years of imprisonment. However, in practice the Israeli authorities were clearly influenced by the sexual reform move­ment in Central Europe and did not prose­cute consensual adult homosexual acts. After two attempts to repeal the law from the Mandate period foundered on the opposition of the Orthodox parties, in 1988 the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, passed a bill abrogating Section 351 of the Penal Code. Homosexuals are not excluded from military service which is obligatory in the garrison state that Israel has been forced to become, but homosexuals are transferred to non-security posts.
Israel's homophile organization, the Society for the Protection of Personal Rights, was founded in 1975. In 1988 an independent gay magazine, Maga'im (Contacts) began to publish, with text in Hebrew and an English summary for for­eign subscribers.
Cay Synagogues. With the emer­gence of the gay liberation movement in the 1970s, the gay churches found their counterpart in gay synagogues such as Beth Sim chat Tor ah in New York and Sha'ar Zahav in San Francisco - another instance of how modern Judaism has been profoundly influenced by its Christian environment. Under the wing of the Re­form movement in modern Judaism, these foundations have obtained a measure of acceptance, and several international congresses of Jewish homosexuals have been held in major cities of the world. Moreover, public opinion polls in the United States show assimilated Jewish respondents as far more willing to aban­don the traditional negativity toward homosexual behavior and gay rights than Christians of similar class backgrounds. The gay synagogues, like their Christian brethren, struggle to gain acceptance and understanding from the House of Israel in the face of the condemnation in the Torah and the long tradition of rejection and exclusion from the religious life of the Jewish community. For their members they serve to reaffirm links with an ethnic iden­tity that they do not wish to renounce.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Raphael Patai, Sex and the Family in the Bible and the Middle East, Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1959.
Warren Johansson

Judaism, Sephardic
The splendor of the Jewish cul­ture of medieval Spain ("Sepharad," in Hebrew) would be hard to exaggerate. In a symbiotic relationship with Muslim and then Christian rulers, Jews enjoyed from the eighth through the tenth centuries (in Andalusia) and from the eleventh through the fourteenth centuries (in Christian Spain) as much stability and legal protec­tion as they had ever known. They pros­pered economically and demographically, and made up a larger proportion of the population than in any other European country. During some periods Jews con­sidered Spain a historically Jewish coun­try, and their new homeland.
Spain as a Center of Medieval fewish Culture. Jewish intellectual life and the Hebrew language were reborn in Spain. There was the greatest flowering of Hebrew poetry since Biblical times, and Hebrew was used for the first time for secular poetry. Pioneering work was done in Hebrew grammar, lexicography, and comparative Semitic linguistics; Spanish Jewry produced philosophers and scien­tists; Jews participated in government as nowhere else in Europe. Except for the Ashkenazi Jews of central Europe, Spain was quickly recognized by all but the most isolated Jews as their intellectual and reli­gious leader. Although the history is complicated, and during the twelfth through the fifteenth centuries most of the Jewish population lived in Christian rather than Islamic territory, the fate of the Jews in the Iberian peninsula was linked with that of Islam. The decline saw Kabbalistic mysticism reach its greatest development, and an influential intellectual contribu­tion to aliyah (the return of Jews to Israel) in the Zionist poetry and travels of Judah ha-Levi. The legacy of this cultural hot­house survived within Judaism into the seventeenth century, and the Judeo-Spanish identity and the Hasidic offshoot of Kabbala to the present. Much of Spain's great Catholic culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries has also been re­vealed to be the work of converts or de­scendants of converts. Before idealizing the era, however, one must remember that Spanish Jews were no less intolerant than their contemporaries of other religions, and perhaps more so; they dominated the slave trade from Khazaria to Moorish Spain in the eighth to tenth centuries, among other things producing eunuchs for export to the rest of the Islamic world. Also, Spanish Judaism was very misogynistic, at times more than the often quite mi­sogynist Islamic culture. Sometimes (as with the Almoravids) there are sugges­tions of a protofeminism in Spanish anti-Semitism, as there are at other times in the Christian campaign to expel Islam from the peninsula.
Homosexuality. A link between Spanish Jews and homosexuality is sug­gested by circumstantial evidence; it is also a common theme of Spanish anti-Semitism. The first known condemnations of homosexuality in the peninsula, in the seventh century, coincide with harsh penalties against Jews. The well-docu­mented Jewish role in the introduction of Islamic rule to Spain, and the thriving of Jews in that culture, where homosexuality was tolerated and sometimes openly en­couraged, is itself circumstantial evidence of Jewish sexual behavior. Under Chris­tian rulers who were tolerant of homo­sexuality, such as Juan II and Enrique IV, Jews thrived; under those intolerant, such as Ferdinand and Isabella, Jews suffered. Those hostile to Judaism spoke of it as a contagious condition or as an incurable disease, a charge familiar from homopho­bic literature of many periods. Jews were accused of having introduced homosexu­ality to Spain (through the Moors); after they were expelled from Spain in 1492 and briefly took refuge in Portugal, Jews were blamed for having introduced homosexu­ality into that country. The countries in which they finally settled after the expul­sion were more tolerant of homosexuality: the Ottoman empire and to a lesser extent Italy. Satirical poetry of the thirteenth through fifteenth and seventeenth centu­ries frequently associates Jewishness with sexual perversion. In the twentieth cen­tury, "Jew" was used in Spain as an epithet meaning "homosexual," and homosexu­als were often referred to as a "sect."
Poetry. What has taken the mat­ter out of the realm of coincidence and anti-Judaic fantasy has been the recovery of secular Hispano-Jewish poetry, much of which is refined, sensual, and unabash­edly hedonistic. This body of work was virtually unknown a century ago, and some has been saved only by chance in the famous Cairo genizah (storeroom of old manuscripts). It is far from being com­pletely translated or assimilated, although some Hebrew texts have been known, and seemingly discussed in some circles in Spain, for over fifty years. In it pederasty is widely found, and while male-female love is by no means absent, it is less prominent than in Hispano-Arabic poetry. There are scores of pederastic poems, written by the greatest Jewish authors of the period: Ibn Gabirol, Samuel ha-Nagid, Moses Ibn Ezra, Judah ha-Levi, and others. In addition, strong love between adult males, such as Moses Ibn Ezra and the younger Judah ha-Levi, is found in the poems. Male-male love was used as a religious metaphor; Israel's love for God was expressed as love of a male. In different poems Israel takes sometimes a male, at other times a female role.
These poems are frequently mentioned by later Sephardic poets, and one must conclude that they circulated widely at the time, and were not viewed as something which needed to be kept secret from other Jews. (Being in Hebrew, they were of course unknown to non-Jews.) The conclusion seems unavoidable that they reflect widespread homosexual behavior among Sephardic Jews, at least until they moved to Christian territory in the late eleventh century, after which the pederas­tic poetry tapers off. As homosexuality was treated much more secretively by Jews living in Christian Spain, by the converts and descendents of converts who were to dominate Spanish intellectual Ufe in the fifteenth through seventeenth centuries, and by Sephardic Jews who chose exile from Spain over conversion in 1492, its extent is impossible to determine. It is probably reflected in the androgyne of the Kabbala, and in the power and mystery surrounding the Hebrew language and even more the pseudo-Aramaic of the Zohar, which guarded access to secret, untrans­lated texts. Among the converts there are occasional suggestions of sympathy with what may have been considered a heritage, even if it was no longer expressed in sexual activity and only known through vague oral transmission, the pederastic poetry having been lost or forgotten.
Scholarship. The poets and intel­lectual leaders of Sepharad were also Bib­lical scholars, indeed those who founded modern Biblical scholarship. Besides compiling the first dictionaries of Biblical Hebrew, they examined the chronology of the Bible, detecting for the first time the two Isaiahs and identifying the Pentateuch as post-Mosaic. As they saw the Bible as their national as well as poetic and reli­gious source, their views on Biblical homosexuality (to which Biblical chronol­ogy is very relevant) are worthy of recon­struction, though not yet studied in any Western language. That Samuel ha-Nagid claimed descent from and identified with King David, however, suggests that he perceived David, Israel's great poet-king and symbol, as predominantly homosex­ual. The Song of Songs, traditionally inter­preted as portraying love of God from a symbolic female viewpoint, and whose role in the Kabbala is well-known, was of course taken as the work of David's son Solomon. Although modem archeology does not support it, Sephardic Jews dated their presence in Spain from the time of David and Solomon, when Jews accompa­nied the Phoenician seafarers; the Phoeni­cian king Hiram was a friend of David and Solomon.
These Biblical experts must have noted the homosexual temple prostitu­tion which reached its peak during the reigns of David and Solomon (Deut. 23:17-18; 1 Kings 14:24, 15:12, 22:24; 2 Kings 23:7; all references to the kadesh). Ha-Nagid never tired of talking of his Levitic origin, to which he ascribed his talents as a poet, and Judah ha-Levi ("the Levite") also chose to emphasize that fact; it is possible that they saw a link between homosexuality and the Levitical priest­hood, which figured prominantly during the times of the two great kings. When one finds verse claiming that "If Moses could have seen ... my friend,... he would not have written in his Torah 'Do not he with mankind as thou liest with women,'" one can be sure that Biblical homosexuality was seen somewhat otherwise than it commonly is today.
Granada. No part of Hispano-Jewish history is more fascinating than is that of Granada. Early Arabic writers re­peatedly called it a Jewish city, "Garnata al-Yahud" (Granada of the Jews). TheZirid kingdom of Granada emerged as an inde­pendent entity after the breakdown of centralized Islamic authority in Cordoba, and insecurity in that city led distinguished Jews to move to Granada. Granada was in the eleventh century the center of Sephar­dic civilization at its peak, and from 1027 until 1066 Granada was a powerful Jewish state. Jews did not hold the client [dhimmi] status typical of Islamic rule. Samuel Ibn Nagrilla, recognized by Sephardic Jews everywhere as the quasi-political ha-Nagid ("The Prince"), was king in all but name. As vizier he made policy and - much more unusual - led the army. In his poetry, the main source for his military career, there is found a disturbing joy in gory combat in the name of the lord of Israel. It is said that Samuel's strengthening and fortification of Granada was what permitted it, later, to survive as the last Islamic state in the Iberian peninsula.
All of the greatest figures of elev­enth-century Hispano-Jewish culture are associated with Granada. Moses Ibn Ezra was from Granada; on his invitation Judah ha-Levi spent several years there as his guest. Ibn Gabirol's patrons and hosts were the Jewish viziers of Granada, Samuel ha-Nagid and his son Joseph. One cannot avoid the conclusion, for which there is also evidence in the memoirs of the last Zirid king, that homosexuality and ped­erasty were the norm in aristocratic Jew­ish and Muslim circles in Granada.
In a startling thesis, Frederick P. Bargebuhr has argued that the Alhambra in Granada was begun during this period.
On the basis of a poem of Ibn Gabirol first published in 1941, plus architectural evi­dence, he has proposed that the Fountain of the Lions was part of a Jewish temple-palace, whose foundations can still be seen. According to Bargebuhr, it was undertaken by Samuel ha-Nagid's son and successor Joseph, 1000 years after the destruction of the Second Temple in Jerusalem. Joseph did not have his father's political skills, however, and was assassinated in 1066 during the only anti-Jewish pogrom in Islamic Spain. While the Jewish commu­nity of Granada reestablished itself for some years, this marked the beginning of the end, and a turning point in Sephardic history. Judah ha-Levi's Zionism has the fate of Zirid Granada as its immediate background.
The final period of independent Granadine history, the Nasrid kingdom of the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries, is very imperfectly known. Estimates of the size of its Jewish community vary greatly, and little is known about its intellectual Ufe, nor is it known to what extent the Alhambra we know, with an esthetic calied homosexual, reflects the putative original Jewish temple-palace, although it might. Some Jews and involuntary converts to Christianity fled to Granada from the newly hostile Christian Spain; they were warmly received by the Jewish commu­nity there. After conquering the city Ferdi­nand and Isabella had the Jewish quarter razed as a site for the cathedral, and Jewish inscriptions obliterated. They left nothing (other than the Fountain of the Lions) to remind one that Granada was once a major Jewish city, even briefly a new Jerusalem. Their unexpected decision to expel all Jews from Spain was at the behest of the fanatic Torquemada taken in Granada only three months after its conquest.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Frederick P. Bargebuhr, The Alhambra, Berlin: De Gray ter, 1968; David Gonzalo Maeso, Garnata al-Yahud, Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1963; Rudolph Kayser, The Life and Time ofjehudah Halevi, New York:
Philosophical Library, 1949; Helen Leneman, "Reclaiming Jewish History: Homoerotic Poetry of the Middle Ages," Changing Men, 18 (Summer/Fall 1987), 22-28; Stanley Rose, "Anti-Semitism in the Cancioneros of the Fifteenth Century: The Accusation of Sexual Indiscretions," Hispanófila, 78 (May 1983), 5-6; Norman Roth, '"Deal Gently with the Young Man': Love of Boys in Medieval Hebrew Poetry of Spain," Speculum, 57 (1982), 20-51; idem, '"My Beloved is Like a Gazelle': Imagery of the Beloved Boy in Religious Hebrew Poetry," Hebrew Annual Review, 8 (1984), 143-65; idem, "Satire and Debate in Two Famous Medieval Poems from al-Andalus: Love of Boys vs. Girls, The Pen and Other Themes," Maghreb Review, 4 (1979), 105-13; Jefim Schirman, "The Ephebe in Medieval Hebrew Poetry," Sefarad, 15(1955), 55-68.
Daniel Eisenberg

Judeo-Christian Tradition
After World War II Christian theologians werehorrified and conscience-stricken by the revelation of the Holocaust and by the bitter realization that the mass murder of millions of men, women, and children in the gas chambers was in some respects the logical and inevitable conse­quence of everything that the Christian Church had taught in regard to the Jewish people almost since the beginning of its existence. The Church had stigmatized the Jewish people as deicides and Christ-killers, as exiles rejected by God and fated to wander homeless across the face of the earth, as guilty of host profanation and ritual murder, had decreed that they be marked with the Jew badge and confined behind the walls of the ghetto. Small wonder then that Christians had remained silent in face of the mounting wave of anti-Semitism in the 1930s and finally of the deportation of their Jewish neighbors to destinations from which they never re­turned.
Hence in the postwar period lib­eral theologians undertook to find a com­mon ground between Judaism and Christi­anity which they labeled the "Judeo-Chris­tian tradition. " This movement required a great deal of soul-searching, since it im­plied a renunciation of the exclusive claim to possess the truth of revelation which all the Abrahamic religions uphold. The condemnation of Judaism by Christian thinkers and scholars in the past, it must be acknowledged, was not a conscious and deliberate injustice, but rather the conse­quence of deep-seated prejudices inherited from generation, and in many, of the un­conscious wish to convert the Jews and to justify the policy of the Church in their regard. When Christian scholars exposed to rabbinic literature realized that their negative judgment of Judaism was false and untenable, they sensed that they had either to abandon it or to continue perpe­trating an injustice. In the latter case they would be violating the principles of their own conscience; and in the former, they would have to conclude that there was no motive for seeking the conversion of the Jews or for rationalizing the treatment meted out to them by the Church and Christian legislators in the Middle Ages.
Much debate within the context of the "Judeo-Christian tradition" has turned upon the question of whether there are one, two, or many covenants between God and his people. But whatever the answer, it is clear from the historical rec­ord that all forms of Judaism and Christi­anity, however much or little they had in common, regarded the code of sexual morality formulated in Leviticus 18 as part of their covenant, their fundamen­tal law. Even in the centuries before the rise of Christianity, Judaism had accepted the principle that its adherents should suffer death rather than engage in sexual immorality.
Hence for homosexuals the Ju­deo-Christian tradition has meant noth­ing but ostracism and punishment, exile and death. It has spelled rejection by close friends and relatives, denial of employ­ment and economic opportunity, violence at the hands not just of the authorities but also of the criminal underworld, legal penalties ranging from fines and confisca­tion of property to castration and death. To find anything positive in this tradition would be an arduous task; but the analogy in the relationship between Judaism and Christianity merits comment.
The Church and Synagogue have never been able to accept homosexual love as on a par with heterosexual, yet that is the precondition for any reconciliation with the gay community. To admit that the attachment of two persons of the same sex can be as selfless, as devoted, as posi­tive in its effect on society, as the love of members of the opposite sex would have major repercussions for the theology of sexual relations. Jewish and Christian moral theologians would have to concede that the attempt to "convert" homosexu­als forcibly to heterosexuality was as cruel and unjust as forced conversions in the religious sphere; and that the moral con­demnation and legal prohibition of homo­sexual behavior, particularly since the thirteenth century, was as wrong as the anti-Judaic measures adopted by the Church from the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) onward. The effort to exclude homosexuals - a stable minority of the population - from Christian society never reduced their numbers, but produced only a vast and needless amount of human misery. It undoubtedly contributed to the persecution and killing of homosexuals in Nazi Germany which - unlike the Jewish Holocaust - went unnoticed and unpro­tested by Christian theologians while it was happening, and has gone uncondemned and unrequited since 1945.
A genuine new beginning in the relationship between homosexuals and the church and synagogue requires such an act of reflection and contrition on the part of the religious groups whose past record has been one of condemnation and rejection. Acquaintance with the writings of homo­sexual men and women across the centu­ries, with the record of their feelings and aspirations, of their struggle to survive within an implacably hostile society, is a precondition for insight and understand­ing. Only on this basis will the Judeo-Christian tradition be able to come to terms with the biological and psychologi­cal reality of homosexual love.
Warren Johansson

Jung, Carl Gustav (1875-1961)
Swiss depth psychologist. One of a number of major thinker-therapists who became active at the beginning of the twentieth century, he and his work have received the accolade of a special adjective, "fungian."
Life. Born in Basel into a family both sides of which had members gifted with ESP powers, Jung was the son of a pastor in the Swiss Reformed Church. Reading the textbook of psychiatry writ­ten by Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing convinced him that this should be his future specialty, and he took his medical degree from the University of Basel in 1902. He worked at the Burgholzli Hospi­tal under Eugen Bleuler from 1900 to 1907. He established his reputation with a book on The Psychology of Dementia Praecox in 1906.
In the following year he first encountered Sigmund Freud during a trip to Vienna, and for six years the two ac­tively corresponded and collaborated. In 1909 Jung renounced his hospital appoint­ment in favor of his growing private prac­tice, and also traveled with Freud to lec­ture at Clark University in Massachusetts. The two thinkers increasingly diverged, particularly after Jung published his own ideas in a book entitled The Psychology of the Unconscious (1912), later renamed Symbols of Transformation. At the first meeting of the International Psychoana­lytic Association in Munich in 1913, the rift between Jung and Freud turned to open hostility, and the two never met again. In April 1914 Jung resigned as President of the Association.
Between 1913 and 1917 Jung went through a period of deep and intensive self-analysis; he now asserted that he had never been a Freudian, and set about creating his own school, which he dubbed analytical psychology in contrast to psychoanalysis. He devoted himself fully to his private practice, to research, and to writing; his Collected Works amount to eighteen vol­umes. He treated not only psychology and psychotherapy, but also religion, mythol­ogy, social issues, art and literature, and such occult and mystical themes as al­chemy, astrology, telepathy and clairvoy­ance, yoga, and spiritualism. He lived and worked at his home in Kiisnacht, by the lakeside of Zurich, interrupting his routine with travels to India, Africa, the United States and other parts of the world. His theory of the collective unconscious led him to anthropological study of African peoples and the Navajo Indians of the Southwest United States. He outlived nearly all of his early associates in the psychoanalytic movement, dying at the age of eighty-five in 1961.
Distinctive Elements of Jung's Though t.At least part of the incompatibil­ity between Freud and Jung stemmed from their differences in psychological endow­ment and clinical background. Freud was committed to rationalistic and materialis­tic explanations, had little experience of paranormal psychic phenomena, and had never worked in a hospital or confronted psychotic patients. Jung was repelled by the emphasis which Freud had placed on the sexual (the "libido"), but at the same time sought to probe the deepest layers of the unconscious. In Jungian psychology, the whole personality is designated the psyche, which has three components: the conscious ego, the personal unconscious and its complexes, and the collective un­conscious and its archetypes. Major dy­namic concepts are psychic energy or Bbido, value, entropy, and equivalence. The persona is a mask adopted by an indi­vidual in response to the demands of social convention. The purpose of the mask is to make an impression upon others and often to conceal one's true feelings and thoughts. The anima refers to the feminine side of a man's nature, and the animus refers to the masculine side of a woman's nature. The shadow-archetype consists of the animal instincts that man inherited in the process of evolving from lower forms of life. The shadow typifies the animal side of the psyche, while the self represents the individual's striving for unity, wholeness, and completeness.
Jung's actual influence upon psy­chiatry has been slight, but he has contrib­uted to the practice of psychotherapy by the flexibility and variety of his technique, which included painting, modeling, and writing as well as dialogue. Since Jung's death, some followers have found support in his teachings for concepts of feminism and androgyny, but these interpretations presuppose an element of revisionism.
fung and Homosexuality. Jung never developed a major theory of homo­sexuality, but five general positions emerge from his writings.
The first is that homosexuality ought not to be a concern of the legal authorities, and that, barring the social stigma, homosexuality does not diminish the "value of the individual as a member of society," while laws against homosexual­ity as a criminal offense are useless, inhu­mane, and in fact promote crimes such as blackmail. Thus Jung, like Freud, ratified Magnus Hirschfeld's arguments for legal toleration of homosexual expression; and it is probably not by chance that when in 1938 Switzerland adopted a federal penal code replacing that of the cantons, there was no provision making homosexual acts criminal. The second position is that homosexuality is best understood when set in a historical and cultural context. Ancient Greece, in which pederasty served a social and political function, was a con­stant point of reference for Jung in dealing both with individual cases and with larger issues of theory.
A third point is that Jung did identify homosexuality with "primitive" societies, and by analogy reasoned that homosexuality is a result of psychological immaturity and therefore abnormal and disturbed. This interpretation is main­tained in both the theoretical and the casuistic portions of his work.
Fourth, Jung distinguished an individual's homosexuality from other aspects of his personality. In the case his­tories Jung went beyond the patient's homosexual behavior, scrutinizing other aspects of his psychological development. In theoretical discussions he posited that a mother complex resulting in homosexual­ity could also foster other personality traits, positive and negative.
The last and most characteristi­cally Jungian attitude is that an individual's homosexuality has its own meaning spe­cific to the individual in question, and that psychological growth consists in becom­ing conscious of that meaning. The search for that meaning led Jung to elaborate a two-stage process of examination; he first discerned how the homosexuality finds expression in the patient's Ufe, then exam­ined the repercussions of this expression on the patient's entire personality. This culminated in the insight that homosexuality can have both positive and negative meanings for any individual. Underpin­ning this whole approach to homosexual­ity is the characteristic "individuality" of Jung's psychology, in which the unit of study is the individual soul. Thus homo­sexuality varies from one subject to an­other and contains seeds of growth and of deformation for each individual. Hence his teaching implies that every homosex­ual must examine his sexual interests with the goal of deeper self-understanding.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Robert H. Hopcke, "Jung's Attitudes Toward Homosexual­ity: A Review," Spring: An Annual of Archetypal Psychology and fungian Thought, 1987, pp. 154-61.
Warren Johansson

Juvenal (67-ca. 140)
The last extant Roman satirist. The facts of his personal life are elusive, as his work contains almost no autobiographi­cal material. The unreliability of the Life compiled only in late antiquity makes reconstruction of the events of his life impossible. His Satires in 16 books (the last of them mutilated) castigate the moral corruption and hypocrisy of contemporary Roman society, particularly its upper strata, which are contrasted with the sober virtues of an idealized Roman past. The bitter indignation of his work may have been the result of his personal fortunes. The publication of his verse satires began in the reign of Trajan and reached its high point under Hadrian. After Juvenal's death his works were little read, quoted, or stud­ied, since the vices and literary fashions which he excoriated became increasingly fashionable at the Imperial court; but inter­est in him revived at the close of the fourth century, when the authoritative, com­mented edition of his Satires was pub-lished. The Christians, however, relished his denunciation of contemporary pagan cults, and the middle ages appreciated his writings far more as a textbook of ethics, as hundreds of manuscripts and commentar­ies attest.
Juvenal observed and judged the cosmopolitan city of Rome with all its domestic and foreign vices and roundly condemned them, from the man equaliy ready to give children to a woman and sexual pleasure to another man to the virago brandishing her spear in the arena. In the second satire he spends his ire on several types of homosexual male, par­ticularly the effeminate and the transvestite: hypocritical philosophers, affected moralists, members of secret societies and orgy clubs, and mincing noblemen. In the ninth satire he voiced his disdain for adult hustlers. Witnessing and denouncing all the byways of sexual expression in frank and unequivocal language, he (unlike Martial) never resorted to obscenity. Yet he went so far as to urge his readers, if they really want to "burn the candle at both ends," to seek sensual pleasure from a boy rather than from a woman - advice that betrays a strong element of homosexuality in his character. Juvenal was a convinced misogynist; he detested and despised not the women of his own corrupt age, but women in general. However, there are favorable references to boys as love ob­jects, which would imply that his own preferences were those of the pederast.
Juvenal was basically a member of the Stoic and aristocratic opposition to the empire who painted its life and man­ners in the blackest possible hues. Moral­izing Christian commentators, and even modem scholars such as Gilbert Highet, have seized upon certain of his satiric thrusts as anticipating and confirming their own attitudes, but his work merits a more detached approach to its ethical complexi­ties. Juvenal undeniably represents a ma­jor source of information about homosex­ual life in Rome in the first half of the second century, and is also a classic of the satiric genre in antiquity.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. E. C. Courtney, A Commentary on the Satires of Juvenal, London: Athlone Press, 1980; Otto Kiefer, Sexual Life in Ancient Rome, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1934.
Warren Johansson

Juveniles
See Youth.