“The most striking features of
adolescent sexuality in Zawiya [
Makhlouf Obermeyer (2000:p247):
Eppink (1974 [1976:p8]; 1977:p111; 1992), offering a precise analysis of
male Moroccan adolescent sexuality (and female: 1977:p133-43), states that
adolescents use boys aged 8 and upward whom they judge “suitable” for the
(passive) job. There is no shame (no girls), and the possibility of subordination;
there would be no affection involved. An autobiography revealed that boys “go with”
other boys who are smaller or the same age. Boy masturbation was denied, but
at least four types of animals were in vogue among the adolescents. As Duvert (p77, 78) puts it: “C’est comme un jeu éducatif:
on serre les fesses ensemble, le premier qui relâche est pédé”. To further illustrate the
difficult position for adolescents, Pascon and Bentahar (1971) found that in
Children are considered not to have a “sexuality” (Bartels, 1993:p121). Fasting signifies male sexual maturity. Girls are increasingly watched after menarche.
“All girls are
confronted with the virginity standard: sex before marriage is forbidden; the
worth of a girl and the honour of her family is coupled with her virginity. Talking
about sex and sexuality in the family is taboo; but the message of preserving
one's virginity is clear: stay away from the boys, no sports, no tampons.
There is greater social control and a more conservative attitude in
“sexual education” is part of the multiple taboos that characterize our
society. The subject frightens and worries Moroccans, because there has
always been confusion between sexual education and sexual freedom. Discussing
sexuality with parents remains a strong taboo in
Janssen, D. F., Growing Up Sexually. Volume I. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin: Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology
Last revised: Sept 2004
 “In Zawiya, various forms of homoerotic play, including nude swimming and group masturbation, were reported as fairly common for boys in the early teen years. Older males sometimes engage in homosexual acts, sometimes including interfemoral and anal intercourse, but these young people do not think of themselves as homosexuals but rather as going through a phase. Homosexuality in adulthood seems to be rare and is still considered shameful by most Moroccans. Separate terms are used for the partner who plays the active and the passive role in intercourse, and the term for the passive participant (zamel) is an insult and a frequently seen graffito on walls near Moroccan schoolyards. In contrast to what we heard from young men, most young women in Zawiya seemed never to have considered the possibility of female homosexuality, and both sexes stated that lesbian relationships were very rare”.
 “This topic was very difficult to discuss with young people in Zawiya, however, and we concluded that masturbation is viewed more negatively in this traditional Muslim community than in most American groups. A few boys and young men admitted to masturbating, and estimated that most males did so, but no young women either admitted or described female masturbation. Generally, we were struck by the much greater range and frequency of sexual experiences reported by males, although both sexes were fascinated by romantic images”.
 Davis, D. A., &
Davis, S. S. (1993) Sexual values in a
 Naamane-Guessous, S.
(1988) Au-Delà de Toute Pudeur. Casablanca : Sodon. 1990 Dutch
translation: Achter de Schermen van de
 Makhlouf Obermeyer,
C. (2000) Sexuality in
 Dialmy, A. (1997) Jeunesse, SIDA et Islam au Maroc: Les Comportements Sexuels. Report to the Ford Foundation. See also Dialmy, A. (1998) Moroccan youth, sex and Islam, Middle East Report 206; 28,1:8-11
 Eppink, A. (1976) Seksualiteit en Verliefdheid bij Marokkaanse Jongens en Meisjes.
Amsterdam: Averroes Stichting [Dutch]; Eppink, A. (1977) Familierelaties en Persoonlijkheidsontwikkeling in Marokko. Dutch
Doctoral Diss., Averroès Stichting; Eppink, A. (1992) Moroccan boys and sex, in
Schmitt, A. & Sofer, J. (Eds.) Sexuality
and Eroticism among Males in Moslem Society.
 Crapanzano, V.
(1980) Tuhami, Portrait of a Moroccan.
 Duvert, T. (1976) Journal d’un Innocent. Paris: Les Éditions de Minuit. Quoted by Eppink (1977:p125), op.cit.
 Pascon, P. & Bentahar, T. (1971) Ce que disent 296 jeunes ruraux, in Bentahar, M. et al. (Eds.) Études Sociologiques sur le Maroc. Rabat/Chellah, p145-286. See p217-21
 Webster, Sh. K. (1982) Women, Sex, and Marriage in Moroccan Proverbs, Int J Middle East Stud 14,2:173-84
 Davis, S. S. &
Davis, P. A. (1989) Adolescence in a
 Davis, S. S. (1983) Patience and Power.
 Rassam, A. (1980) Women and Domestic Power in
Pels, T. (1994) Opvoeding in Marokkaanse gezinnen, in Pels, T. (Ed.) Opvoeding in Chinese, Marokkaanse en Surinaams-Creoolse Gezinnen. Rotterdam [Holland]: ISEO, p81-131. See p96-7
 Serhane, A. (1983) Les Répresentations Sexuelles chez le Jeune Marocain issu du Milieu Traditionnel. Thesis, Toulouse
 Bartels, E. (1993) “Een Dochter is Beter dan Duizend Zonen”.Dutch Dissertation,
 Hendrickx, K., Lodewijckx, E., Van Royen, P. & Denekens, J. (2002) Sexual behaviour of second generation Moroccan immigrants balancing between traditional attitudes and safe sex, Patient Educ & Counsel 47,2:89-94
 Kadiri, N. (2001)
 Naamane Guessous, S. (1999) Enquête sur la puberté, la ménopause et l’andropause. In press.
 Malek, C. (1995) Encyclopédie de l’amour en Islam. France: Payot