The
Sexual Curriculum (Oct.,
2002) [to Main
Index] [Back
to Referring
Passage] Janssen,
D. F. (Oct., 2002). Growing Up Sexually.
Volume II: The
Sexual Curriculum.
Interim report. Amsterdam, The Netherlands Sidestep:
"Latency" and the Use of Ethnograhy
Contents
Sidestep: "Latency" and the Use of Ethnograhy Contemporary Disqualifications Privacy and Curriculum: Money's Argument Shame and Curriculum: Control and Self-Control "Sex Guilt": Intergenerational Transmission and Cultural
Determination
Introduction
Freud
never undertook direct research in his "latency" concept. According to modern
views, the "feeling" of Freud's latency is most productively accommodated
within curiosity, privacy and secrecy concepts. The cross-cultural elucidation
of these "modern latencies" is less fruitful than the ethnographic refutation
of its dogmatic precedent. This
sidestep suggests that a vacuum has been created in contemporary sexology in
explaining prepubertal sexual behaviour dynamics. Latency and Society [up] [contents] The
idea of a total or partial sexual latency period[1]
included a biologically determined[2]
erection of dams, inhibitions of in
the expression of psychic (libidinous and aggressive) forces of the child, to
safeguard the child from an otherwise castrating civilisation, and redirect his
drives to accepted forms of endeavour, creating the possibility for mankind to
reach further into the heights of intellectual and artistic achievements,
introducing neurosis as a trade-off. The interruption forcing impulses to
become latent was exactly that, which announced the phylogenetic and
ontogenetic superiority and evolution of man, who sacrificed the primordial
perversions for the erection of a society based on sophistication, which could
only develop in the absence of erotic distraction. Education was not necessary
for this process, although it would contribute to its onset. Reaction-formation
and sublimation were postulated as the basic elements of latency. Further on Origin and Function [up] [contents] A
range of authors have speculated on the biological and phylogenetic dimensions of latency[3],
but these seem largely to be ignored by clinicians. Hermann (1942)[4]
stated that it can best be explained as the result of the interplay of
psychosocial and biological factors. Székely pointed to primates being apt to
live to maturity when able to abstain from engaging the dominant male in combat
for the desirable females. Badcock (1984)[5]
suggests that the oral-anal-phallic phases of psychosexual development in
children vary across societies, and that the pattern of instinctual
renunciation and control is derived from evolution in which comparable stages
originally occurred in the order phallic-oral-anal. Children would recapitulate
in their personal development the evolution of culture, with the stages
following the order in which the gratifications were frustrated and inhibited.
Hippler (1977)[6] suggested
that "civilised" societies utilise the latency period more effectively than do
"primitive" societies for the development of human potential. Kardiner[7]
suggests that the postponement of sexual behaviour from childhood to maturity
was effected because of the negative effects of in-group sexual contacts. This
made the family a form of distribution of sexual opportunity. Redoing Freud [up] [contents] The
ethnographic discussion of psychosexual development theory has addressed many
issues, as redoing Freud has become a way of living for many academics. R. J.
Fromm[8],
for instance, explained infantile penis envy as an anatomical rationalisation
of girls' jealousy of boys in a patriarchal culture. The latency case has been
addressed frequently from a comparative perspective. Broderick (1966:p8-9, 16)[9] used ethnographic data in support of "the fact
that prepubertal children are capable of learning to respond sexually several years
before puberty", and in contradicting the universality of the Oedipus complex.
He would later (1972:p17)[10]
argue: "An informal survey of friends turned up similar [as author's
autobiographical] childhood stories or fond anecdotes about their own young
children's romantic attachments, which were not limited to the early childhood
period. Both my own memory and those of my friends were full of romantic
feelings and fantasies right through the
"latency" period" [ital.in orig.]. Róheim (1952)[11]
had used anthropological data proving the opposite[12].
In challenging Freud, Guyon (1929:p81-3)[13]
learned from the "primitive" case that "il
existe chez l'enfant, dès les premières années, et bien avant toute possibilité
de copulation et de reproduction, une joussance sexuelle sui generis diffuse et atténuée: elle se traduit par un attrait
invincible qu'exercent les organes sexuels et une satisfaction puissante à
leurs divers attouchements solitairement ou conjointement". Borneman
suggested that in nonrestrictive cultures there is no infantile nor pubertal
amnesia (1979:p146; 1990:p208). A bold statement, there would also be no
Oedipal phase, no latency, and no puberty associated psychology (Borneman,
1992:p66)[14]. Redoing Latency [up] [contents] Well known cases against latency were presented for
Melanesia (Malinowski,
1927:p49-58, 78)[15],
specifically among New Guinean
tribes (cf. Lidz and Lidz, 1986)[16],
Australian aborigines (Róheim, 1932:p91[17];
1956:p3[18];
Children of the Desert, I:p244), Mohave (Devereux, 1950b,c;
[1967:p90-2]), and Americans (Fine, 1986:p64)[19].
The Goldmans extensively discussed the concept and finally argued against it
(1981:p381-3), stating responses of "latency-aged" children were not more
inhibited than before, and existing inhibitions did not ease off after. Although
it seems possible to challenge latency on other grounds than the erotic and the
anthropological[20], authors
have recycled anthropological data to deny latency as a universal pause in
development, specifically from the 1970s onward. Apart from those who
seemed to refute the idea of latency in any culture (e.g., Stekel), authors
such as the later Reich[21],
Seligman (1932:p213-4)[22],
Sears (1951:p32, 45)[23],
Tarachow (1952)[24], Székely
(1957:p99), Honigmann (1967:p312-4)[25],
Broderick (1970:p136), Rutter (1971:p262/1980:p325)[26],
Renshaw (1972)[27], Martinson
(1973:p2, 119-21, 130), Sarnoff (1976:p38, 69, 376-7), Fine (1975:p47-8, 49)[28],
Kolodny et al. (1979:p53)[29],
Gordon and Johnson (1980:p214-6)[30],
Marmor, Fenichel ([1946] 1982:p62)[31],
Spiro ([1958 [1975:p227]), Gadpaille (1975:p193-4)[32]
and Yates (1978:p14; 1991:p210) pointed to ethnology (primarily Malinowski)
disproving the anthropological universality of latency needed for a biogenetic theory.
Ford and Beach (1951) did not comment on the concept of latency. Kinsey et al.
(1953:p116) refuted the biological concept of latency on the basis of
peripubertal masturbatory continuity. Cases in Favour? [up] [contents] Other
have argued in favour of a period of latency; for instance among the Athabascans (Hippler, 1974:p58-60)[33],
and, surprisingly, the Pacific "East Bay"
society (Davenport, 1965:p196; 1966)[34].
Firth admits his impotence in solving the question of Tikopian latency: "My information regarding the sex life of
children is inadequate. I have no value on the question of a possible latency
period in childhood". More obscurely, Cipriani argues for the Andamanese Onge: "Once more [[35]]
I affirm that the evidence of Onge sexual behaviour positively denies Freudian
theories with regard to the sexual life of children. Furthermore, young
anthropoids and primitive people behave identically in this respect".
Suggestive cases were further described for the San Ildefonso by Whitman (1947:p51-2[36];
1963:p423)[37], Comanche, and even Jamaica (Cohen,
1955:p279-80, 284)[38]. The
main problem in these cases remains the methodological one. There is no
accepted measure of latency. Contemporary Disqualifications [up] [contents] McClintock
and Herdt (1996)[39] qualified
Freud's latency concept "seriously flawed" on the hypothetical basis of a role for
adrenarche, an interesting suggestion awaiting elaboration (cf. §5.1.1). Interestingly, Herdt's
"Sambia" case was cited as providing "particularly compelling counterevidence
to a simple learning theory model" of sexual orientation. The authors (Herdt,
2000[40];
Herdt and McClintock, 2000)[41]
compare data on New Guinea the United States to support the thesis that
subjective sexual arousal and attraction are universally, in "western and
nonwestern societies", reckoned from age ten onward. A wider anthropological
view does not seem to support this claim. Privacy and Curriculum: Money's Argument [up] [contents] Göppert
(1957)[42]
preferred the term "aesthetic" period, issuing the appreciation of beauty
providing the necessary conditions for developing "an integrated personal
experiencing of sexuality". Later, Money[43]
preferred the term privacy, and
suggests a connection with the phylogenetic gains in copulatory privacy.
"Modesty" has predominantly been recognised as an area of "child training", and
discussed in the contextual proximity of "sex training", fusing areas of
nudity, excretory acts, nonexcretory genital acts and the act of sexological
discussion. Hite ([1994:p105]) suggested that 93% of parents were unaware of
the masturbatory behaviour of their "latency-aged" children. It seems that the public nature of sexual behaviour
has been the foremost important factor promoting ethnographic "observation"
rather than speculation. In the Tepoztlán case, children's need for privacy
left Redfield empty-handed, while Lewis apparently got his deal of information.
Publicness is a major theme in 20th century medicalising of masturbation, and
in Euro-American socialisation of sexual behaviour. It seems that some
contemporary authors prefer the "sensitive" sexology of childhood to be done by
computers[44]. The culturally specific development, curricularisation
and regulation of privacy and secrecy has not been adequately discussed in the
case of sexual socialisation. Ethnologists are known to use widely such
epiphets as "private parts" (although very public in many cultures), and "the
secrets of life" (although by no means a secret in any life phase). In infancy,
one might want to believe that observations are arrived at without much notice
of the observed. A number of these observations have been offered, especially
in the preschool setting[45]. Frankness is
noted for some societies[46],
especially Australia. Yoruba boys
are not punished for public masturbation (LeVine). Among 1980 Toka (Zambia), the supposedly secret
dances of the girl's initiation, which imitate desirable sexual movements were actually
common knowledge of all small children, boys and girls, who liked to play at
practicing them "in public and in full view of annoyed adults" (Geisler). Small
Thonga boys occasionally engage in
mutual masturbation in public. Wagena
boys aged 5 to 7 were observed "openly" performing coitus with girls. "Sexless"
Ijo boys play with their penises in public with impunity while girls
would be severely chastised if they touch their own genitals. "Young Seniang children publicly simulate
adult copulation without being reproved (Ford and Beach). Childhood public
intercourse was seen among the premodern Marquesans. In a Sierra Tarascan village "[m]asturbation
by small boys is simply ignored by everyone even though it be in public"
(Beals); this was also seen in the Tarascan and Pilaga. The Tukano case seems more complex. Da
Silva noted that the initiation rite marks the start of the public sexual life,
because up to this time "[…] they can only practice it secretly", which may
also be true for girls. The Vaupé "conceive
the sexual relations between the two sexes as a normal pleasure for the
individuals who have reached the legal majority by the puberty rite, and
therefore such relations are practiced publicly, in front of their own parents
of their own spouse […]". The
sex life of Meru boys and girls is
regarded as normal so long as they do not do it openly. Among the Dayak (Borneo), children "have a
modicum for modesty, or are taught it. They would be corrected if they played
sexually in public, but they never seem to do so. No one worries about what
they might do in private". Among the Alorese,
early childhood masturbation (penile manipulation) is public. Secrecy and Curriculum [up] [contents] Nagy
(1926)[47]
examined the concept of sexuality in thirty-five "secret societies" of boys
from nine to eighteen years old and girls from twelve to eighteen, including
twenty-six in large cities and nine in small ones. The "secrecy" quality implied
here is hardly ever researched. Sexological teachings and other tribal folklore
are almost universally "secret" over both the gender, kinship and age barrier[48].
Homosexual initiation occurred when the Keraki
boy could "be trusted to keep the secret from his mother". Secrecy, as opposed
to privacy, has also been a central element in contemporary arguments against
age disparate sexual interactions; it is attributed traumatogenic qualities. There
seem to be two ethnologically reckoned phases of (private) sex acts (at times
divided by puberty), but no doubt these are illustrative of a continuous
socialisation of sex/genitals as secret, though it may be discontinuous in some
societies. "Même avant la
puberté, [Baluba] garçons et filles se
fixent des rendez-vous secrets, dans les herbes ou sur le bord de la rivière"
(Colle). A favorite game played by small Luo
children is house-keeping, an "openly" performed mock marriage, "but often a
sexual element enters into the game which must be kept secret. For this they go
into the bushes […]". Baiga children
seek the privacy of the jungle for their erotic meetings, although parents
"simply laugh tolerantly" when observing sexual games. The Bantu "jeu des
huttes" have been noted to include a secret language to escape the surveillance
of authorities. Similarly: in the early 1940s, Baushi 12 to 15-year-olds invented a secret language to exchange
vulgarities and to practice coprolalia[49].
Among the Maragoli (Kenya), sex was
to be kept secret, and done in the bush or girl's dormitory. For the Nupe, it was argued: "As
regards the institution of the parallel age-grades its practical value seems to
be that it prepares the ground for the first experiences of sex relations. Or
rather, it aims at circumventing, and dulling, this unsettling first
experience. Enabling the sexes to meet in the critical age, between 13 and 16,
as it were on neutral ground, openly and respectably, it tends to remove some
of the secrecy and unhealthy curiosity that is part of the mental transition
from the self-contained experience of early youth to the new awareness of the
new polarity of sex" (Nadel). Erikson for the Yurok: "By the time the girl had passed
the menarchy [sic] and in some ways
becomes more secretive […], the heterosexual relationship has already found a
firm place within the established system of property values, based as it is on
the modes of considered intake and clever retentiveness". Young Mangaian children imitate the work and
activities of their elders as a basis of play. In the course of this, according
to some informants, they are thought to play at copulation. "But this activity
is never seen in public", which would be in tune with Mangaian sense of "public
privacy" (Marshall). Dogon parents
request active privacy. Guang boys
(Ghana) are "gently rebuked" for handling their penises in public. This rebuke
is never addressed directly to the boy but is made to a third person: "Why does
he finger his penis in that way?". Secrecy
may be an essential factor modifying the psychobiological basis of human
erotogenesis[50], and its
study is to be held critical for the understanding of growing up sexually[51].
Some authors have argued that the developmental construct of sex as secret may
be significantly different for both sexes[52].
While the process of eroticisation in boys is controlled by "the principle of
intrapsychic secret", Bleichmar argued, the same process is controlled in girls
by the principle of perceived "complicity" that generates shame and guilt. In
one in-depth study of American men[53],
the major conclusion was that "[…] men had learned early in life that sexual
matters were very secret and not to be discussed. Secrecy lead to a sense of
isolation in sexuality and related areas of experience, subsequently reinforced
by peer teasing and gossip". So much so, the concepts of eroticism and secrecy
have a very uniform basis in everyday life of childhood. Friedl (1994)[54]
stated that "hidden sex" is believed to stem from the evolution of new mental
qualities, in casu the evolution of social intelligence and the concept of
self. In hidden sex, humans are manipulating social attention to increase
reproductive success. However, hidden sex leads to the need for children to
learn about sex through indirect methods. This influence on children's
sexuality (eroticism) is just that: erotic sexuality is replaced by erotic
sexology, an academic pursuit that is informed by the vertical sphere of
enforcement rather than the predominantly horizontal theme. Curiosity and Curriculum [up] [contents] As
discussed elsewhere[55],
"sexual" curiosity is a major theme in Euro-American psychosexual development,
modifying and being modified by experience. A culturally pervasive argument
suggests that by modifying curiosity one can control the entire curriculum from the inside out[56].
Or, as Nadel (1942 [1970:p204])[57]
has interpreted matters for the Nuba,
"[e]nabling the sexes to meet in the critical age, between 13 and 16, as it were
on neutral ground, openly and respectably, it tends to remove some of the
secrecy and unhealthy curiosity that is part of the mental transition from the
self-contained experience of early youth to the new awareness of the new
polarity of sex". Most contemporary authors agree that the single most pressing
factors to "sexual" behaviour in childhood is "curiosity" (i.e., self-sustained
ignorance), which goes for some of adolescent expressions as well. Curiosity as a motive
for coitarche, a recurrent theme in American
sexology[58], was
indicated by 35.7% of Serbian
sexually active adolescent females, aged 19 years[59],
15% in Slovenian secondary-school
students aged 15-19[60],
12.5% in a Bulgarian sample[61],
and was the most common factor among male teenagers in Pune, India[62],
among the most common factors in Norway[63],
and a major factor in Marseilles, France[64]. Curiosity about sex would account for
teenage sexual delinquency in 40.8% of cases in Japan[65],
where it is also one of the leading motives for male coitarche[66].
Predictably, curiosity seems more pressing at a young age[67].
Male "survivors" of sexual "abuse" identified their sexual "curiosity" and
"ignorance" as the primary contributors to their "victimization"[68]. Specifically,
genital-bound behaviour could be rephrased and reissued as curiosity-based[69].
The curiosity theory of genital behaviour predicts initial experiences in an
information restricted environment; the "incidents" would stop "when curiosity
is satisfied". The social genesis of curiosity is well illustrated by Isichei
(1970; 1973:p682-5)[70]
on the Asaba Ibo. In
theory the child before puberty was not to know anything about sex; parents
"preferred to think that children under eight years could not know any
undesirable significance of their sexual differences […]".Questions were
answered by fables, not answered, or avoided. Children were segregated in tasks
by pressure of parents, so that it was "almost impossible for children of
different sexes to meet". This would lead to "stupendous ignorance about the facts
of sex", although some data were gathered through knowledgeable age-mates. Boys
of certain age are given riddles to solve, but for children "to pry into sex
would have been an unpardonable crime"; however, some would offer their share
of fish for satisfaction of their curiosity. One
study[71]
showed that that premature ejaculation and lack of desire were connected to
less curiosity in childhood. Shame and Curriculum: Control and Self-Control [up] [contents] With
shame, "the fear of decreasing his self-confidence through self-expression
conquers the urge to express oneself"[72].
Classical psychodynamic theory explained female shame on the basis of their
supposed genital deficiency[73].
Authors also suggested a relationship between early vaginal sensations and
shame development[74].
An early author[75] pointed to
two theories to explain concealment, that of adornment[76],
and that of suppression of the physical.
Shame does not centre
upon the genitals alone[77].
Anthropologists have conceptualised "shame" as covering all-pervasive standards
of inferiority and immobility said to be enforced on women's entire curricular
existence. Kressel (1992)[78],
for instance, offered a comparison of gender segregation among groups of
Bedouin living in Ramia, Israel, versus the Negev Highlands. Both groups leave
to the mother the task of inculcating in girls the notions of claustration and
propriety and, frequently, of supervising genital mutilation. The perpetuation
of women's inferiority is located, says Kressek, in "the code of symbols
underlying community politics". This point was previously discussed by Paige
(1978)[79]
in a more cautious fashion. Both the nuclear
interpretation of shame as pertaining to genitalia or other body parts and
functions, and the broader issue of shamed femininity are central anchors in
curricularisation theory. Limiting this
discussion of shame to that pertaining to genital and genitiosexual avoidance,
a central debate took place between Norbert Elias[80]
and Hans Peter Duerr[81],
in which Duerr tried to refute Elias's theory by means of empirical evidence
showing that peoples of the world have always had a sense of propriety and
sexual shame (chronicled in Wouters; Bogner; Pallaver)[82]. Early
genitalia-associated avoidance seems to be informed by the sexual factor but
this point has, to the author's knowledge, never been substantiated. Authors
generally suggest shame is "taught"[83].
Lewis[84]
argued that cultures, in return, are shaped by the ways in which children are
"taught to deal with shame". Anthropologists suggest shame regulates avoidance
of (genital) association according to kinship, gender, autosexuality,
allosexuality, etc., and also predicts attitudes to bodily functions
(excretion, menses). An example may clarify the extreme implications of
"shame". "[Tahahumara g]irls after the age of seven or eight are prevented
from almost any sort of social contacts with boys. Interviews with young
schoolgirls showed that they were taught to refuse to talk to boys and that it
is shameful simply to look freely into the eyes of a man, much less to carry on
an active conversation. The fear of sexual abuse as a consequence of contact
produces an extreme form of modesty which is overtly manifested by the downcast
eye, the turned face, and the half-whispered response to questions. Unlike the
situation in the South Seas (Samoa, for example) or parts of Africa, where
children form definite groups providing steady contacts, spreading knowledge,
and insuring confidence in social situations, the Tarahumara child is the
product of the isolation of the scattered settlement pattern. It is only during
the tesguinada [drinking gathering] and the fiesta that social intercourse is
permitted. But young children are not supposed to go to tesguinadas, and even
these tesguinadas do not provide an adequate opportunity for deepening
acquaintanceships. To a great extent, Tarahumaras marry without an adequate
opportunity to learn how to adjust to a stranger of the opposite sex" (Fried,
p68). Shame
is frequently a measure of maturity: "The Dogon express the idea of sexual
maturity in two ways: [...] "he who knows speech" and [...] "he who knows
shame". Mastery of speech and decent behavior are prerequisites to marriage
according to Dogon rules. Among the Pangwe, Tessmann (1904
[I]:p131)[85] noted that
boys have sexual acquintesses with older men, the boys apparently being excused
because they "have neither understanding nor shame", the men with the assertion
a bele nnem e bango ("he has the
heart (that is, the aspirations) of boys"). Among the Rungus Dusun, initial life stages are indicated by clothing: "While
not yet self-conscious about running around naked, boys and girls are still
referred to with one term, amupo ilo ikum—"do
not yet know enough to be ashamed". As soon as they start to wear clothes
(about three or four years old for girls, a bit older for boys) a girl is
referred to as manintepi—"wearing a
skirt"—and a boy as maninsuval—"wearing
trousers". By about the age of ten, before her breasts begin to enlarge, a girl
starts wearing a sarong over her skirt. This period is referred to as maninsukalab—"wearing a sarong". When
breast development is apparent, a girl is called sumuni—which can be translated as "maiden" (Appell-Warren 1987
[1991]). Among the Swazi, full sexual penetration before
marriage is considered "shameful", all the more so if the girl is made
pregnant. The Kisii tolerate extensive sex play among smaller
children, although "shame taboos" require that after about age 7, such
activities are not to be seen by parents (Brockman). Bala adults consider boyhood group masturbation "shameful" and
break it up whenever possible. "Sex Guilt": The Question of Intergenerational Transmission and Cultural Determination [up] [contents] The concept
"sex guilt" has been a classic item in Western sexology (e.g., Mosher). It is
used in adolescent and adult samples. In one study[86], "sex guilt" was defined as "the
experience of unease whenever internal sexual standards are violated in thought
or in deed" . The presumed cause, according to studies, would be disappointment[87], sexual abuse, and more insidious
cultural traumata. Cultural differences were sporadically found[88]. The cause of
"sex guilt" is commonly situated in socialisation curricula. One study[89] suggested that the same sex parent is perceived
as more influential in determining the sex guilt of the child, whereas the
perceived sex guilt of the mother may have more influence on the sexual
arousability of the son and the sexual activity of the daughter. Other studies[90] suggest that parental practices, or at
least the retrospective image of it, is correlated to aspects of "sex guilt";
Francoeur and Francoeur (1976)[91] explain how Americans "teach" sexual
guilt to children. However, the relationship between sex guilt and
permissive/restrictive family background is more complicated than might be
expected[92]. Closing Remarks [up] [contents] The
"latency" concept is better studied in the light of privacy, curiosity, secrecy
and shame. The cross-cultural study of the development of these issues is
fragmentary, and few theoretical anchors have been offered. This compromises
any concept of curricular breaks, delays or decelerations in (hetero)erotic
development. The biological factor in these developments is a matter rarely
discussed critically, and new theories (e.g., adrenarche) need to be verified.
This also included the redefinition of eroticism that covers developmental
realities, a task that requires quality insights to "psychophysical"
experiences. Specifically, both the ethnographic and historical account of
puberty as a "libidarchal storm" does not save this mission, until controlled
studies are realised. Notes
[up] [contents]
[1]
The term was borrowed from his contemporary and intimus Wilhelm Fliess, but
Fliess never used it in his writings. However, Sulloway argued that it was more
than a linguistic debt; also, Von Krafft-Ebing and Havelock Ellis used rudimentary
terminology for related issues. See Sulloway, F. (1979) Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend. London:
Burnett Books, p175-9. Cf. Cluckers, G. (1984) De notie latentietijd bij S.
Freud. Onderzoek naar de oorsprong [The latency period: A study of the
foundations of the concept in the work of S. Freud], Psychol Belg [Belgium] 24,1:27-53 [2]
Freud remarks that an zoological equivalent was not found. This was further
discussed by Harlow, H. F. (1975) Lust, latency
and love: Simian secrets of successful sex, J Sex Res 11,2:79-90. Reprinted in
Byrne, D. & Byrne, L. A. (Eds.) Exploring
Human Sexuality. New York: Crowell [3]
Hutchinson, G. E. (1930) Two biological aspects of psychoanalytic theory, Int J Psycho-Anal 11:83-6, at p83; Levy-Suhl,
M. (1934) The early infantile sexuality of man as compared with the sexual
maturity of other mammals, Int J
Psycho-Anal 15:59-65. Orig. in Imago
19,1(1933); Badcock, C. R. (1990) Is the Oedipus complex a Darwinian
adaptation? J Am Acad Psychoanal
18,2:368-77; Endleman, R. (1984) Psychoanalysis and human evolution, Psychoanal Rev 71,1:27-46; Lampl-De
Groot, J. (1953) The influence of biological and psycholical factors upon the
development of the latency period, in Loewenstein, R. et al. (Ed.) Drives, Affects and Behavior. New York:
International Universities Press, p380-7; Yazmajian, R. V. (1967) Biological
aspects of infantile sexuality and the latency period, Psychoanal Quart 36:203-29; Székely, L. (1957) On the origin of man
and the latency period, Int J Psychoanal
38:98-104; Lehrer, S. (1984) Modern correlates of Freudian psychology: infant
sexuality and the unconscious, Am J Med
77, Dec.:977-80. See further Jonas, A. D. & Jonas, D. F. (1975) A
biological basis for the Oedipus complex: an evolutionary and ethological
approach, Am J Psychia 132,6:602-6;
Mourant, A. E. (1973) The Evolution of Brain Size, Speech, and Psychosexual
Development, Current Anthropol 14,1/2:30-2 [4]
Op.cit. [5]
Badcock, C. R. (1984) Madness and
Modernity. Oxford: Basil Blackwell [6]
Hippler, A. (1977) Cultural evolution: Some hypotheses concerning the
significance of cognitive and affective interpenetration during latency, J Psychohist 4,4:419-38. Comment by
Martin H. Quitt, and reply at page 439-60 [7]
Panel / Waelder, R. (1956) Re-evalutation of the libido theory, J Am Psychoanal Assoc 3:299-308.
Discussed by L. Rangell, in Ann Survey
Psychoanal 6(1955):p34-6 [8]
Fromm, R. F. (1995) Female psychosexuality, J
Am Acad Psychoanal 23,1:19-32 [9]
Broderick, C. B. (1966) Sexual Development
Among Pre-Adolescents, J Social Issues 22,2:6-21 [10]
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