Europe, Historical Generalia[1]



Introduction: Histories of Childhood

“Sexual Consent”

Some Previous Notes and Localisations

Intermezzo: Albert Moll

Ancient Romans and Greek

Age of Marriage

Greek Love with a Specific Reference to Age

Middle Ages and Renaissance

The Puberty Experience

Medieval and Renaissance Childhood Sexuality: Some Fragments

Puberty, Marriage and Coitarche

Medieval and Renaissance Age-Structured Patterns

Medieval “Genital Parenting”

Child Witches

The Paradoxic Loves of Geniuses

The Masturbation Paradigm: “Onanopathies”, the Early, and Very Early

Medical Curricularisation: Paradoxia Sexualis and the Developmentalisation of Impulses


Introduction: Histories of Childhood


John Money (1997 [1999:p14])[1], first and singular self-declared child sexologist / psychoneuroendo-crinologist at Johns Hopkins, Baltimore, states: “No historian of sexology has yet taken on the task of writing a history of the transformations of the developmental principle in sexology. Yet, the proposition that sexology must inevitably be a developmental science has always been indisputable […]”. Indeed, only a few authors have contributed to the history of attitudes concerning pre-mature sexuality as a science[2] or construct[3] besides touching on the history of masturbatory regulation of children. Few historiographies include accounts of the childhood case[4]. Jackson (1990)[5] notes: “Even avoiding the pitfalls of essentialism, piecing together the history of childhood and sexuality remains extremely problematic. Qualitative data, especially from before the nineteenth century, are patchy, partial and open to multiple interpretations” (p25-6). This is perhaps why her statements remain quite superficial.


It has been argued that current attitudes towards child sexuality and representations of it resemble historical attitudes towards women and homosexuals (Mirkin, 1999)[6]. The following general and chronological localisation of sexual developments, by contrast, is not occupied with generating such interpretative links, instead concentrates on the establishment of a global chronological picture.


General reading:


  • Bullough, V. L. (2004) Children and adolescents as sexual beings: a historical overview, Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am 13,3:447-59


“Sexual Consent”


Historical overviews have been offered by Bullough (2002, 2003, forthcoming 2005)[7].


Some Previous Notes and Localisations


Typically, historiographies of childhood, especially the more dated ones, use to omit sexual “outlets”[8]. In an attempt to produce a historical coding system on child rearing practices, Stewart et al. (1975:p691-2, 700)[9] left out sexual items.


“The reason is simple: These were never mentioned, either in an explicit or implicit way, in any of the English manuals from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries. […] The lack of mention of anality and sex is probably the greatest disadvantage of the use of historical child-rearing manuals”.


Nonetheless, the Victorian era is widely recognised for its sexual and pedagogical peculiarities[10], the association of sexual and childhood concepts being established on a variety of grounds. When seen in a specific light[11], Victorian sexuality appears rather equiform to the New Guinean case:


“Energy was construed as sexual and there was great concern over spermatic loss, which was assumed to go together with losses of will and order. Warnings of physical excess in copulation went hand in hand with warnings about masturbation. Woman’s latent sexuality posed a threat to male energies, and through them, to civilization. Clitoridectomy and removal of the hood of the clitoris was widely advocated and practiced in the US until the early 20th cent. Removal of women’s ovaries reached epidemic proportions in the 1890’s. Gynecologists treated their patients as if they were rebels or criminals. Such practices became proofs of the gynecologists’ manhood  professional identity. Men depended on copulation to implement their social vision, yet believed they ran dreadful risks of debilitation, disease and death in sexual intercourse”.


Doing the history of developmental sexology is inevitably bound up by an identification of authorities.


While D. Hunt (1970)[12] used Héroard’s Journal for earlier data, and Lewinsohn ([1956])[13] used Freud for later periods, Marcus (1964)[14] explains Victorian child sexuality on the basis of William Acton[15] only.


A variety of issues have been addressed:


Others pointed to the sexual environment of children such as child prostitution (Gorham, 1978)[16] and other forms of sexual child abuse (Hartman, 1974; Jackson, 2000)[17], to street life of the poor (Walvin, 1982)[18], to anti-masturbatory retaliation (Spitz, 1952)[19], premarital virginity and sexual initiation moralities (Hanawalt, 1993:p120-4)[20], family values (Kern, 1973, 1974/1979, 1975)[21], trends in professional advice on infant impulse parenting (Ryerson, 1961; Wolfenstein, 1953; Hardyment, 1983)[22], and to school organisation (Fishman,1982)[23]. Some have centralised specific “sexual” subcultures, including Baden-Powell’s scouting mores (Hall, 1990 [1992:p300-1])[24], and Gustav Wyneken’s pedagogical Eros Utopia[25]. Others have concentrated on written resources: pre-Freudian Freudianism (Crowley, 1987)[26] and masturbation (Holthuis, 1990)[27] in boy books, gender and sex role themes in Victorian boy’s fiction (Nelson, 1989)[28], and “sensuality education” in pre- and post-war child-rearing guides (Jenkins, 1998)[29]. More philosophical works include that of Cho (1983)[30].


Most attention, however, has been directed to child/adolescent-adult sexual relations (Bullough, 1990; Bullough and Bullough, 1996; Brongersma, 1983; Brongersma, 1987:p96-108; Ames and Houston, 1990; Tarnowsky, 1900)[31] and legislation controlling such practice (Killias, 1979, 1990)[32], including age of consent legislation (e.g., Walkowitz, 1992)[33].

The sexual abuse of children has been an inviting subject of reflection as well as conjecture[34]. Authors such as DeMause have spent their academic lives tracing its manifold angles and pushing its trans-historical and trans-cultural interpretative plasticity to the limits of plausibility. Other historians have generally reacted with reservation (DeMause, 1988), but some seem to accept his views (e.g., Johansen, 1978 [1980:p43])[35]. The range of historical intentions counts two extremes. On one hand, there are those that portray cultures as child molesting cultures (DeMause, Kahr)[36], and historical eras as child molesting eras; this perspective is informed by a range of works localising “the history of sexual abuse” (e.g., Lascaratos et al., 2000)[37]. On the other hand, some authors use the same (yet renamed) phenomenon to demonstrate the superiority of a sexual culture[38], even as an opposition to what is referred to as today’s contorted and self-defeating morality. Others seem comfortable in-between such radical apologies (Vern Bullough), but even then, not without danger[39].

However, historians share with sociologists a definite hesitation to interpret the active sexual lives of children. Instead, dissertations are being written about historical aspects of adults picturing childhood (such as by feminist art historian Higonnet)[40] beside far-reaching interpretative accounts of adult interference with children (DeMause). The contemporary, often twisted, representation of the child sexuality issue in scholarly discussions on paedophilic pathologies of cultures and individuals, and interstate censorship of cyberpornographic representations, makes for an increasingly disseminated, and for many an unworkable, moral minefield.



Intermezzo: Albert Moll


Perhaps the first historiographic appraisal of developing sexuality comes from Albert Moll. As quoted from his pioneering work (1908 [1912])[41]:


“Laukhard[42], born in the year 1758, at Wendelsheim, in the Lower Palatinate, tells us how, when six years of age, he was introduced by a manservant into the secrets of the sexual life, so that he was speedily in a position “to take part, with consummate ability and to the admiration of all, in the most shameless lewd sports and conversations of the menials of the household”. And Laukhard adds in a note that, in the Palatinate, obscenity was so universal, and among the common people the general conversation was so utterly shameless, that a Prussian grenadier would have blushed on hearing the foul talk of the Jacks and Gills of the Palatinate. He also relates that he soon found an opportunity of practising with one of the servant-girls what the manservant who had been his instructor had extolled to him as the non plus ultra of the higher knowledge. If we compare with this the descriptions given by Rétif de la Bretonne, who was born in the year 1734 in the village of Sacy in Lower Burgundy, and was the son of a well-to-do peasant, and if we study a number of similar accounts of country life, we shall hardly be inclined to take a very roseate view regarding rural morals in former days. We learn from Rétif,[72][43] that while still quite a little boy, only four years of age, he had the most diverse sexual experiences with a grown-up girl, Marie Piôt, after she had induced an erection of his penis by tickling his genital organs. These and numerous similar accounts, which we find in the works of writers of previous centuries, are not likely to sustain the conviction that rural morals were formerly distinguished by exceptional purity”.


Moll also states that


“in the year 1527 […] the Town Council of Ulm issued an order to the brothel-keepers of that town that they were no longer to admit to the brothels boys of from twelve to fourteen years of age, but rather were to drive them away with birch-rods. This fact, with many others, is recorded by Hans Boesch;[73][44] and collectively they suffice to prove, not merely that the children of former times were no whit more moral than those of our own day, but also that the awakening of sexual activity occurred just as early then as now”.



Ancient Romans and Greek


As mentioned by Plato, there was a discourse on sexual abuse of children in classical Athens, and acts of an erotic nature were considered hubris (Cohen, 1993:p8)[45], which was to cover for the apparent absence of a statutory rape provision (p14-5). Specifically, their were a range of laws pertaining to circumstances which could lead to the corruption of boys, and the law of hubris “may have made prosecution at least a theoretical possibility for any consummated act of intercourse with minors” (Cohen, 1991 [1994:p182])[46]. A genuine age of consent, although perhaps a meaningful argument, is not known (p15). “Child” prostitution in Rome might thus have been “exceedingly common”[47] at the time of Emporor Domitian (A.D. 81-96), though there are few hard facts on this point. However, in late Medieval times, academic lawyers taught that sexual molestation of a girl who had not yet reached puberty merited the death penalty “under any circumstances” (Brundage, p531). A further legal note is found in Macdowell (2000)[48].



Age of Marriage


Hopkins (1965)[49] offers a most detailed analysis of the age of marriage for Roman girls. Whereas Durry (1955a/b/c, 1956)[50] had argued that Roman girls were married before puberty, that puberty was not important in fixing the age of marriage, and that such early marriages were consummated before puberty, Hopkins comes to a different conclusion. Around AD 530, and at least as far back as the reign of Augustus, the legal minimum age of marriage for girls was 12 and for boys 14 (Hopkins, p313n22), whereas the lawful definition of puberty around AD 400 lists equal ages (p310n12). At least for the aristocracy, early ages are frequently mentioned. Betrothal could take place within a poorly defined period before this age; at least it must be assumed that a minimum legal age of seven was in vogue (p313n23)[51]. The only law dealing with early marriage and sexual intercourse is concerned with adultery (p316), and coitus upon marriage seems to have been the rule. Plutarche (historian, philosopher), and Soranus (doctor, practising at Rome), both Greeks, implied that early marriage (12 or before) and defloration would occur, and that it should not (p314). Equivalent to Macrobius’ ideas (p317), Soranus wrote that girls not properly brought up and untrained had desires too soon, a tendency that would somehow contribute to early marriage. Taking into consideration epigraphic and literary material, Hopkins concludes that “[w]hether pre-pubertal or not, girl’s age at marriage was by our standards very young and marriages were generally immediately consummated”, with little data on class distinction (p326).

Eyben (1985)[52] offers a rich analysis of puberty (p403-34) and age of marriage (p435-44). The age of menarche in the Classical period most probably averaged around 13-14 years (Amudsen and Diers, 1969)[53], or rather the fourteenth year of life (King, 1985[54]:p180-6; 1998[55]:p23, 199; see also Zoepffel, 1985[56]). As said, legal ages of marriage (and concubinage[57]) were 12 for girls and 14 for boys (cf. Rawson, 1991:p27)[58], and Roman children of the aristocracy married youngest (Hopkins, 1965:316ff; 1983[59]:p94; Weaver, 1986:p156)[60]. Roman marriage arrangements usually began with a betrothal, which was possible before age ten[61], at least in the case of the aristocracy, or when political gains were in vogue (Balsdon, p87, 275n18)[62]. Augustus (AD 9) had fixed the minimum age at ten (Rawson, 1986:p21)[63].

Balsdon argued that the idea of a universal rule of prepubertally consummated marriage is “a highly implausible fantasy”. In Ancient Greece, “[t]hough the marriage of a girl to a man twenty years her elder was common, sexual relations between the very young and very old were a standard subject for mirth” (see Rahe, 1970:p270, n17)[64]. However, marriage was not as early as in Rome, possibly at age 18 for girls, but also to men a decade older, but at least 25 (Lacey, 1968:106-7, 189)[65].

At least one author believed that a girl “should be married and deflowered as soon as she reaches puberty (i.e., the socially determined age of puberty)”, to allow the first flow of blood (Dean-Jones, 1994 [1996:p50])[66]. This image was not associated with the concept of an imperforate hymen, but with “dilating the body’s veins and the mouth of the cervix”. Rousselle (1983:p59)[67] cites that “[i]t was thought that badly brought up girls felt sexual desire before they had menstruated, and it was also believed that sexual intercourse made menstruation easier. […] After the age of fourteen, girls became women […]”. A boy’s pubescence gave rise to a celebration of his body. When married, the father disproved his impotence with a certificate (ibid.).


Psychohistorians[68]cite Rouselle (1988:p33) in arguing that Roman misconceptions about the hymen “could only be the result of girls being deflowered before puberty”, being lawfully married before puberty.



Greek Love[69] with a Specific Reference to Age[70]


By the Laius Complex, named after Oedipus’s father, Ross (1982,1985/6; Ross and Herzog, 1985)[71] means the  “pederastic and filicidal inclinations that I [Ross] believe to be universal among fathers”[72]. The concept has received little impetus in psychodynamic theory, and the place of the erotic within the parental remains a rather pressing theoretical-ethical impasse. “Philia”, as is argued, was donated by Zeus to mortals to safeguard their humanity (Nicolaiedis and Nicolaiedis, 1993)[73]. Its legitimate use as a suffix the para”philia”, however, appears to be unchallenged.


Booth (1991)[74], sketching the dangers of Greek symposia, where “eating, drinking and sexual indulgence constitute an intimate and unholy trinity”, tried to establish the legal “drinking age” of boys. In Rome “assumption of the toga virilis was on the one hand recognized to bestow freedom to recline and on the other to render desirable some restraint and guidance”. This does not mean children were excluded from parties, but that “in proper imperial practice, before assumption of the toga virilis, princes did not recline but sat, and they did not participate fully in the convivium”.


In Greece, the boy was loved from pubescence, at age 14, to the beard, appearing “at least four years later in life than it does in a modern population” (Moller, 1987)[75], or somewhere around 21.

The only precaution taken was to depilate boys’ anuses, stated Martial and Suetonius. “At least in comedies and satyr plays, admittedly a raunchier environment then everyday Athens, boys were identified as sexual beings from an early age […]. Aristotle […] observes that boys enjoy rubbing their penises before (though only shortly before) they are able to ejaculate […]. Awareness of boys’ interest in the subject leads Xenophon to approve of the Persian reluctance to discuss sex in front of the very young lest their lack of discipline lead to excess […]”. Plato[76] argued for sexual segregation at age 6 and valued heterosexual self-control[77]. There seems to have been a law that referred to the age of 25 as the minimum of sexual responsibility, but there is no record of its use[78]. Whoring was the only method of obtaining sexual intimacy, says Golden (1990)[79], who is rather optimistic about the positive elements of this “institution” (p59). At least, Athenian pederasty brought the meirakion “into the orbit of a wider adult male world than his father’s” (Strauss, 1993:p94-5)[80]. It may also be argued that pederasty functioned to support the family and the continued primacy of masculine values and ethics, where traditional views of warriorhood were degenerating (Ungaretti, 1978)[81].

Contemporary others are not so optimistic about what happened to “children” (e.g., Bloch, 2001)[82]. It may be reasoned that “this [universal] sexual abuse of boys and young men by older men (who had themselves been abused) reflected a desired gender reversal designed to subsume women’s feared powers and increase male control” (Atlas, 2000)[83]. Kahr, who seems to draw conclusions of the absence of erections in the younger party as depicted on surviving vases[84], makes the significant, yet bluntly put, argument that “we have no first-hand accounts from the youths themselves about the ravages of Greek abuse” [sic].


The involvement of prepubescents in ritualised or habitual acts relative to the “sexual” sphere may largely be overshadowed by concepts of warrior pederasty and homosexuality pertaining to ephebes. Johansson (1990:p959-60)[85] argues that “pederasty” is about children aged twelve to seventeen, and not to be polluted with the contemporary stigma of “paedophilia”. DeMause (The Emotional Life of Nations, Ch.7), however, argues that “as soon as boys reached puberty, they were felt to be useless for sexual purposes, and all pederastic poetry[86] mentions the first hairs terminate the boy’s attractiveness”. The alignment of the Greek with contemporary “paraphiliac” categories would be facilitated by their manifest “trichophobia”[87]. DeMause’s ill grasp of “puberty” is indicative enough of this tendency.


The dating of the eromenos’ age is hampered by the cultural identity of resources, mostly poetry, legal records and drawings. The Greek seemed to have had a specific distaste for sprouting beards (horror barbae), as is seen in its Arabic counterpart, but less is known for their alleged pubophobia. Data suggest that contemporary semantic corruption of the pornographic concepts of “boy” and “young” already existed in pederastic Greece (Dover, 1978:p84-6)[88]. However, most scholars make a more or less sharp phenomenological distinction on the basis of the younger participant’s pubertal status (e.g., Eglinton, 1964:p23-4, 244ff; Brongersma, 1987, [I]:p68-75; cf. Halperin, 1990[89]:p90; Hupperts, 2000[90], I:p23-4; Freese/Licht, 1932 [1976:p72][91]). Licht argues that “ When discussing the Greek love of boys, one thing especially must not be forgotten: that it is never a question of boys (as we mostly use the word), that is, of children of tender age, but always of boys who are sexually matured, that is, who have reached the age of puberty”. However: “[…] We must also bear in mind that in Greece, as in all counties of the so-called Sotadic zone, puberty sets in earlier than in the north […]”. Percy III argues that “[…] as far as prepubescents are concerned, we have no evidence whatsoever in Greek sources to suggest that they were the object of attention of Greek men” (p8). Buffière (1980:p7)[92] argues: “Aimer un enfant avant la puberté serait un grave délit, une sorte d’attentat à l’innocence; l’aimer quand déjà les poils lui hérissent le menton change tout à fait les choses; c’est mettre face à face deux partenaires adultes, pouvant se donner la réplique!”. Pubescent children, however, may have their loves (p287-8, 609).


Insofar as pederastic aesthetics were based on somatic appearance, it might not have been what we call pubescence. As referred to supra, DeMause (1992/1994)[93] ventures: “The common notion that [buggery of boys in Greece / Rome] occurred only at “adolescence” is quite mistaken. It began around age seven, continued for several years and ended by puberty, when the boy’s facial and pubic hairs began to appear- actually at about age 21, very late, since most children suffered from “psychological retardation” from being so severely abused”[94]. Of course, the coincidence of male pubarche (pubes) and barbarche (beard) is contested by all elementary sources, and is highly erroneous. Secondly, with the scarcity of factual hints in this direction, the critical issue of “trauma” is one that can hardly be expected to be discussed at an ethnohistorically correct level given the concerns for moral integrity today.


In Sparta, boys associated with their mentors from age 12 (Bethe, 1907:p444/1983:p13). Cantarella (1988 [1992:p36-44])[95] concludes that there were three age groups. Until 12, the boy should not be interfered with in “any kind” of relationship, though no punishment is known to be institutional. Until 14/15, relationships were permissible but only in the context of a lasting emotional link. Until 18, then, he was considered to be able to choose his lovers freely. In his Historia Animalium, Aristotle mentions the age of 14 at which sexual control needs to take its place: “Girls who abandon themselves to pleasures when they are still very young become ever more lascivious, and the same is true for boys […] This happens because on the one hand the passages are dilated, facilitating bodily secretions along these paths, and on the other hand because the memory of pleasure experienced brings forth the desire to renew the connection which accompanied this pleasure”[96].



Selected additional refs.:


§  Arkins, B. (1994) Sexuality in fifth-century Athens, Classics Ireland 1:18-34 []

§  Bethe, E. (1907) Die dorische Knabenliebe. Ihre Ethik und ihre Idee, Rheinisches Mus f Philol [Frankfurt am Main] 62:438-76. Reprinted in Dynes, W. R. & Donaldson, S. (Eds.) Homosexuality in the Ancient World, New York / London: Garland, p10-48; and in Siems, A. K. (Ed.) Sexualität und Erotik in der Antike. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p17-57

§  Bleibtreu-Ehrenberg, G. (1987) New research into the Greek institution of pederasty, in One-off Publication of the International Scientific Conference on Gay and Lesbian Studies «Homosexuality: Which Homosexuality?» December 15-18 1987, Amsterdam, 1987 (= History, vol. 2), p50-8

§  Bremmer, J. M. (1988) Greek pederasty and modern homosexuality, in Bremmer, J. (Ed.) Van Sappho tot De Sade: Momenten in de Geschiedenis van de Seksualiteit. Amsterdam: Wereldbibliotheek, p1-14

§  Bremmer, J. M. (1990) Adolescents, Symposion, and Pederasty, in Murray, O. (Ed.) Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, Oxford, p135-48

§  Brioso Sanchez, M. (1999) La pederastia en la novela griega antigua, Excerpta Philologica [Servicio de publicaciones de la Universidad, Cádiz] 9:7-50

§  Cartledge, P. (1981) The politics of Spartan pederasty, PCPhS 207 (N. S. 27:17-36. Reprinted with Addendum in Siems, A. K. (Ed.) Sexualität und Erotik in der Antike. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p385-415

§  Cohen David (Nov., 1991) Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens: Reply, Past & Present 133:184-94

§  Davidson, J. (forthc.) The Greeks and Greek Love. Weidenfeld & Nicolson

§  Devereux, G. (1967) Greek Pseudo-Homosexuality and the “Greek Miracle”, Symbolae Osloenses 42:69-92. French reprint: La pseudo homosexualité grecque et le “miracle grec”, Ethnopsychiatrica 2(1979),2:211-41

§  DeVries, Keith (1997) The 'Frigid Eromenoi' and Their Wooers Revisited: A Closer Look at Greek Homosexuality in Vase Painting, in Duberman, Martin (Ed.) Queer Representations: Reading Lives, Reading Cultures. New York: New York University Press, p14-24

§  Ellis, H. (1927) Studies in the Psychology of Sex, Volume II: Sexual Inversion. 3rd ed.  []

§  Foucault, Michel & Hurley, Robert (Summer, 1985) Erotics, October 33:3-30

§  Halperin, David M. (1997) Questions of Evidence: Commentary on Koehl, DeVries, and Williams, in Duberman, Martin (Ed.) Queer Representations: Reading Lives, Reading Cultures. New York: New York University Press, p39-54

§  Hindley, C. (Nov., 1991) Law, Society and Homosexuality in Classical Athens, Past & Present 133:167-83

§  Hupperts, Ch. A. M.  (1988) Greek Love: Homosexuality or Paederasty? Greek Love in Black Figure Vase-Painting, in Christiansen, J. & Melander, T. (Eds.) Proceedings of the 3rd Symposium on Ancient Greek and Related Pottery. Copenhague, p255-68

§  Klabunde, M. (1998) Symmetry Braking: The Discussion of the Advantages and Disadvantages of Boys vs. Women as Sex Partners in the Second Century. Thesis, University of Cincinnati

§  Koehl, Robert B. (1997) "Ephoros and Ritualized Homosexuality in Bronze Age Crete, in Duberman, Martin (Ed.) Queer Representations: Reading Lives, Reading Cultures. New York: New York University Press, p7-13

§  Konstan, D. (2000a) The Pre-pubescent Lover in Greek Literature <> [forthcoming as “El amante adolescente”, in López, J. A. F. (Ed.) El Amor en la Literatura Griega. Madrid, 2001?] [p3 missing]

§  Konstan, D. (2000b) Enacting Eros <> [forthcoming in Nussbaum, M. & Sihvola, J. (Eds.) The Nights of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome. Chicago, 2001?]

§  Konstan, D. (2002) The prehistory of sexuality: Foucault's route to classical antiquity, Intertexts 6,1:8 et seq.

§  Krenkel, W. A. (1979) Paederastie, Der Kleine Pauly [Stuttgart] 4:1583-4

§  Krenkel, W. A. (1979) Pueri meritorii, WZ Rostock 28:179-89; Stroh, W. (1992) Musa puerilis: Die Knabenliebe in der klassischen Dichtung der Römer, in Stemmler (1992:p69-87). Reprinted in Leonhardt, J. & Ott, G. (Eds., 2000) Apocrypha: Entlegene Schriften. Stuttgart: Steiner, p28-42

§  Kroll, W. (1922) Knabenliebe, Pauly’s Realencycl Classisch Altertumswiss 11,1:897-906

§  Kroll, W. (1927) Freundschaft und Knabenliebe. Munich. Tusculum-Schriften; 4

§  Marrou, H. (1965) Histoire de l’Éducation dans l’Antiquité. Paris: Points-Seuil [p61-73]

§  Patzer, H. (1982) Die Griechische Knabenliebe. Wiesbaden: Steiner

§  Rettig, G. F. (1882) Knabenliebe und Frauenliebe in Platons Symposion, Philologus 41:414-44

§  Reynen, H. (1967) Philosophie und Knabenliebe, Hermes [Stuttgart] 95:308-16

§  Schertel, E. [ca. 1920] Knabenliebe und Erziehung. Berlin: Pergamon

§  Semenov, A. (1911) Zur dorischen Knabenliebe, Philologus 70:146-50

§  Symonds, J. A. (1873-1897) A Problem in Greek Ethics. Privately published, expanded and included as an Appendix in Ellis, H. & Symonds, J. A. (1897) Sexual Inversion. London: Wilson & MacMillan

§  Vanggaard, T. (1972) Phallos: A Symbol and its History in the Male World. London: J. Cape

§  Williams, Craig A. (1997) Pudicitia and Pueri: Roman Concepts of Male Sexual Experience, in Duberman, Martin (Ed.) Queer Representations: Reading Lives, Reading Cultures. New York: New York University Press, p25-38



Roman Pederasty?


A small Roman elite adopted at least the narrative of Greek pederasty, but the general attitude was a negative one; boy prostitutes were probably slaves (Wiedemann, 1989:p30-1[97]; cf. Eglinton, p276-94). Children were probably not protected to learn adult sexualities (p146, 170n9). Children were used in religious ceremonies, for they were sexually pure, not in terms of interest but in terms of experience, coupled with their impuberty (p180; hence, pueri-puri).

Williams (1999)[98] discussed Roman homosexual culture at length. Romans did not make use of pederasty to discredit Greek society to the extent that might be expected (p68). Roman and Greek tastes as regards bodily hair are notably equivocal (p72-7). Rather, Roman culture lacked a pederastic tradition encouraging the courtship of freeborn adolescent males. Gray-Fow earlier (1987)[99] concluded that “in most areas Greek, Roman, and modern western societies would agree that as far as sexual abuse of children went, the issue was not affected in any important way by the consent of the child”, the “one exception” being pederasty of Greek freeborn boys, a rule never officially accepted in Rome. Confirming our point, Boswell (1980:p81)[100] had argued that


“Romans made strenuous efforts to protect free-born children from sexual abuse. […] Most writers specifically equate the modesty of children of both sexes as a precious commodity [n], and rape of minors was severely punished. Seduction seems to have been viewed somewhat more leniently. This is possibly because in the ancient world children were often regarded as small adults and assumed to have erotic feelings themselves, an aspect that Petronius emphasizes with considerable humor”.




Additional refs.:


§   Clarke, J. R. (1998) Looking at Lovemaking: Constructions of Sexuality in Roman Art, 100 B.C.–A.D. 250. Berkeley & Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, esp. p86

§   Hupperts, Ch. A. M. (1987/8) Greek Love: Homosexuality or Paederasty? Greek Love in Black Figure Vase-Painting. In Christiansen, J. & Melander, T. (Eds.) Proceedings of the 3d Symposium on Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Copenhagen, 31 August–4 September 1987. Copenhagen, p255–68

§   MacMullen, R. (1982) Roman attitudes to Greek love, Historia 31:484-502. Reprinted in MacMullen, R. (1990) Changes in the Roman Empire: Essays in the Ordinary. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, p177–89

§   Williams, C. A. (1992) Homosexuality and the Roman man: A study in the cultural construction of sexuality (Volumes I and II)Ph.D. Dissertation, Yale University

§   Williams, C. A. (1995) Greek love at Rome, Classical Quart 45,2:517-39


Female Paiderastia?


Calame[101] believes that in Sparta homosexual relationships existed between girls and older women. His best piece of evidence is a passage in Plutarch’s Life of Lycurgus 18.9, where Plutarch reports that the Spartans were so impressed by the beneficial effects of the male pederastic relationships that they encouraged “noble women” (kalas kai agathas gunaikas) to have erotic relations with girls (parthenon eran). The question is, however, how reliable this report is. In the French original Calame adduced as evidence another passage by the fourth century B.C.E. philosopher Hagnon, who maintains that it was the custom in Sparta to have intercourse with girls before their marriage as with paidika, but Calame now admits that this passage most likely refers to intercourse by men with young women (p254n169). It is not impossible that Plutarch, or his source, misread such statements by Hagnon or others in the same way, and inferred that the Spartans had instituted pederastic relationships between older women and girls similar to those of the men. Plato, in his Symposium, recognised female bisexuality, as did Plutarch when he remarked that “at Sparta love was held in such honor that even the most respectable women became infatuated with girls”.


A similar note from Pomeroy (2002:p29, orig. footnotes)[102]:

“Plutarch (Lyc. 18.4) reports that erotic ties between older and younger women were common. In Alcman, Parthenion 1.73, the girls mention visiting Aenesimbrota, who is probably a purveyor of love magic. She would provide drugs, spells, and magical devices to attract the object of desire[103]. Hagnon of Tarsus, an Academic philosopher of the second century B.C.E., states that before marriage it was customary for Spartans to associate with virgin girls as with paidika (young boyfriends)[104]”.


Further refs.:


§   Reames-Zimmerman, J. (1999) An Atypical Affair? Alexander the Great, Hephaistion Amyntoros and the Nature of their Relationship, Ancient Hist Bull 13,3:81-96





Middle Ages and Renaissance


As may be expected, descriptive accounts of Medieval sexual behaviour development in the younger age brackets are few in number. No attempts were made to reconstruct sexual coming-of-age from fictive materials on “awakening passions”[105].




The Puberty Experience


A comprehensive historical analysis of the puberty-sexuality connection has not been written (see, however, Bertels, 1978)[106].

The prescriptive threshold of adulthood among late- medieval Venetian patricians appears very different for men and women, centring on social (i.e., public) puberty as the gauge of male adulthood and physiological (i.e., childbearing) puberty for females[107]. Yet in practice men did not inevitably achieve the normative patriarchal outcome of a graduated, formalised adolescence; nor did adolescence end for all women with teenaged marriage and motherhood. Nonpatriarchal male adulthoods and the graduated phases of the uxorial cycle for women modify the impression of sharp gender contrast that results from viewing age at marriage as the pivot of adulthood. Graduated adulthood in both sexes gave men and women alike the possibility of varied adult identities, responding to a range of choice and circumstance.


Hannawalt[108] shows that adolescence was a well-recognised and defined period throughout the Middle Ages and into the modern period. While the modern period did not invent adolescence, it did modify the definition. Constants in adolescence from the 13th through the 20th centuries are the struggle between adults and youth over entry and exit from adolescence and for control during that period. Social scientific discussions that aid in our historical analysis are almost entirely based on the male rather than the female experience.


Stoertz (2001)[109]:


“The early life stages of elite women in high medieval France and England were shaped by marriage to a considerable degree. Marriage prospects influenced their early education and place of residence, and the ceremony itself served as a symbolic rite of passage into “adulthood”, something reflected in the vocabulary used to describe elite women. Nevertheless, since elite women generally married around the age of puberty or even earlier, contemporaries often showed consideration for the youth of recently married women, introducing them only gradually to adult sexual and social responsibilities and providing special caregivers for their protection and guidance”.



Medieval and Renaissance Childhood Sexuality: Some Fragments


Postman[110] argues for a social equivalence of “children” from age seven and “adults” prior to the 16th century, “with the exception of making love and war”. Living in an oral world, children knew all secrets, including “sexual” ones. In his discussion of sexual crimes against children in Renaissance Venice, Ruggiero (p148-52) argues in favour of the concept of sexual innocence before the age of puberty. The girl was puella until age 12 in the 14th century, and progressively older by one or two years in the next. At 14, she was “sexually an adult”, contrary to males, whose maturation was gradual, although the legal saecura was firmly placed at 14. Whereas puella’s innocence was established, “[y]oung males, especially those in the age bracket of ten to fourteen, came to be seen in the early fifteenth century as so involved in homosexuality that their innocence could no longer be wholly maintained. The [Council of] Ten decided that even as passive participants, they warranted some punishment. This certainly must be taken as a clear sign that children had lost some of their presumed sexual innocence”. There appears to be a clear division line between legal innocence and ignorance, though: sleeping, intercourse and rape all occurred in the one family bed.

Neuman (1975)[111] states that middle-class attitudes and anxieties about childhood masturbation in the United States and Europe from 1700 to 1914 arose out of the concept of the child as innocent and weak though easily corrupted. The author explains condemnation of masturbation in terms of capitalist ideology and its emphasis on self-control, self-denial, thrift, and the postponement of gratification. The decline in the view associating insanity with masturbation in the later 19th century accompanied the transformation to a consumption-oriented culture, though masturbation was still condemned and chastity prescribed.

In Medieval London, mothers cautioned their girls for speaking to the men in the streets (Hanawalt, 1993:p120-4)[112], but little is apparently known of childhood socialization. “Sexual initiation” seems to have been a recognised, sometimes violent, milestone for girls, though adult status was only gained through marriage.


Langfeldt (1981:p109-10)[113] pointed to the “worship” of childhood sexuality in 1410, discussed by Beccadelli (1908)[114] and in European folk tales. Only a few references to childhood sexual behaviours are made in early documents (see Stone, 1977:p510). These include play at copulation of French sheep herding boys and girls, and early 17th century eight-year-olds (“Instead of sticking little sticks up their [rectums] as children do, pretending to give each other enemas, he lustly screwed them without knowing what he was doing”)[115].


A painting by Coypel (ca 1770) entitled Kindliche Spiele might or might not be considered “erotic” by his contemporaries[116]. Another drawing by Fragonard with the same title[117], may prove less dubious.

Frijhoff[118] argued that for the 18-century, “Sexual education and particularly sexual experience between the coming to sexual maturity and the (mostly much more advanced) age of marriage is a practically unexploited field”, and mostly restricted to medical advisory statements[119]. References collected by Van Ussel (1967:p150-3/ 1968 [1971:p171-3]), however, suggested to the author that until the end of the 18th century children indeed “played sexually” freely until about age seven, and in a lesser degree so until puberty. “In the moral and pedagogical literature of the first half of the 18th century, we find no restrictions against […] pre-pubertal sexual expressions; in the second half of this century it appears that a repressive trend sets in such as, up to then had never been witnessed”. Réstif de la Bretonne[120] names a game called “Little Wolf”, which was claimed to be five centuries old, and quite innocent, had it not been for occasional adolescents’ participation. In the 1880s, Kellogg (1881)[121] complains:


“The juvenile parties so common now-a-days, where little ones of both sexes, of ages varying from four or five years to ten or twelve, with wonderful precocity and truthfulness, imitate the conduct of their elders at fashionable dinners, cannot be too much deprecated. Such associations of the sexes have a strong tendency to develop prematurely the distinctive peculiarities of the sexes. This is well evidenced by the fact that on such occasions one of the most common and popular entertainments is sham marriage. Parents greatly err in encouraging or allowing their children to engage in amusements of so dangerous a character. They are productive of no good, and are almost without exception productive of positive and serious injury”.


Discussing the “astonishing ignorance” of parents on the matter, Kellogg further relates the following anecdote:


“A friend related to us an incident which fairly illustrates the terrible apathy which prevails among parents. While teaching a country school, he learned that a large number of children, boys and girls, of ages varying from eight to twelve and fourteen years, were in the habit of collecting together in barns and other secluded places, and in a state of nudity imitating the “Black Crook”, with all possible additional nastiness. Horrified at such a monstrous evil, he hastened to inform the parents of the corruption in their midst. Imagine his astonishment when he was met with an indifferent laugh, and the response, “Pooh! it’s only natural; perfectly harmless; just like little pigs!” – as though pigs were models for human beings!”.



Puberty, Marriage and Coitarche


In his detailed defence of a medieval concept of adolescence, Schultz (1991)[122] observed that only two signs were mentioned in the description of physical maturity: breasts and beards (p527). Another, more situationally relevant indicator would be the change of voice (Moller, 1985; Daw, 1970)[123]. As cited, the narrator of Rennewart stated that “[w]hen a maiden is about to come of age and her small breasts  begin to form, she is overcome by a nascent desire that slips into her heart and that, on account of the  pain of the desire, upsets her spirits and teaches her the ways of her mother”. Analysing 16th-century German Kundrun, Wailes[124] notes that wooing commenced at age 12, and that erotic adventures of heroines started at “a very young age” (p359-60). This is also chronicled by Boesch (1900:p112-4)[125]. Eerenbeemt[126] detailed some references to kinderminne [prepubertal love] in Dutch belletrics (1935:p146-8). One would further like to consult Schultz (1995)[127] discussing in full what the author calls “child love” (p145-7, 204, 214-7, 224-8, 235-6, 242, 260-1) referring to “those cases where the extreme youth of the lovers is emphasized”.


Addressing the end of 16th century, Stone (1961:p198)[128] speaks of “premature” wedding arrangements as if predating the “age of consent”, but this is not further detailed. Marriage would coincide with “puberty”, or menarche. Medieval menarche occurred at age 12 to 14, 15 in exceptions (Post, 1971[129]; Amudsen and Diers, 1973)[130]. In the fourth and fifth century, girls mostly married between 12 and 15, boys between 18 and 15[131]. Even during the 1650s, nearly one quarter of girls married before age 17, some possibly before menarche (Archer, 1990:p491; Laslett, 1971a:p82-5[132]; cf. Laslett, 1971b)[133]. The fourth edition of Tissot’s Onanisme contains a letter proposing the following problem: “Being lately married to a Virgin, not quite 13 year old (myself 25) and her Father absolutely refuses to let us Cohabit ‘till his Daughter shall be full 15 Years of Age; What is therefore to be done?”[134]. In Ireland of the first half of the 19th century, marriage ages for girls of thirteen and fourteen were common, said Inglis (1835, I:p247)[135], but this was much later refuted by Drake (1963:p305)[136]. Sumner (1906:p385-6)[137] argues in favour of “child marriage” in England and Scotland.


In the high Middle Ages, girls would marry as early as 14, men not until they were established in life, sometimes in their thirties[138]. “Medieval children did not experience the prolonged stage of formalised maturation that modern educational systems have imposed, and children were generally treated as responsible adults from puberty, as indicated by the early ages at which boys and girls were ruled competent to pronounce marriage vows, and the still earlier ones at which betrothals were arranged (p208). However, “[c]hild marriage was confined to the aristocracy, peasant and artisan classes having no need for it”. By the 11th century, betrothals were allowed at age seven according to Roman law, but could be terminated until age ten without penalty; between 10 and 12 a fine had to be paid by the parents, and after 12, both parents and child were fined (Goodsell, 1934:p197). Infant or childhood betrothal might have continued into Renaissance Italy, particularly involving children of high rank (ibid., p273-4). In 11th century Germany brides of 13 or even 12 were “not in the least unusual” (Leyser, 1979:p52, 54)[139].

According to marriage law in the Slian and Ripuarian codes in early Middle Ages, there was no specific minimum age at which one could be betrothed, “yet young boys were not responsible for their acts up to and including their twelfth year”, as were girls; children could not answer in court until age 15, the legal age of majority[140]. Whether earlier betrothal took place is uncertain. Around the middle of the 12th century, Gratian stated that marital partners should be “of an age where they could give meaningful consent”; at a minimum this meant that both parties must have attained the age of seven before their consent could be considered binding[141]. [Gratian also included a specific reference to stuprum pueri, meaning the abduction and corruption of boys, and activity that merited capital punishment if the offence was perfectus, but only banishment if it was imperfectus[142].]


Winter (1984:p144-62)[143] stated that around 1200 till the late 13th century, child betrothal was allowed by the church authorities from age 7, the children growing up together. Canonists around 1200 began to insist on “full” rather than the Roman “incomplete” puberty as a marriage requirement, which civil law set at age 12, “unless the individuals were capable both of assenting to marital obligations and of fulfilling them”[144]. This idea, however, was far from universally followed (cf. Brundage, p433-4; Rush, 1980:p30-3). In 16th century England, child (ages 2-13) marriage may have been “astonishingly” prevalent (Howard, 1964, I:p399-403)[145]. Still, it is probable that childhood and adult courtship worlds were ideologically and practically separated (Winter, p146, 162). By the end of the Middle Ages, coitus with a “child” is equated with rape, because of the absence of the possibility of consent (Brundage, 1978:p62ff; Laiou, 1993:p125)[146]. Seduction of a girl before age 13 (the legal marriage age) was punished by slitting of the nose and by giving the girl one-half of the offender’s property (Laiou, p122-3). Laiou also mentions puberty as a paradigm for sexual and matrimonial “consent” (p167-73). Age stratified betrothals were apparently not infrequent, and there are instances and complaints about prepubertal consummation. Ecclesiastical courts also established the principle that a church betrothal or marriage would be dissolved if there was sexual intercourse before the girl had reached “puberty”. In 14th century Ghent, “[a] betrothal during a girl’s minority was not uncommon, but marriage was ordinarily deferred until the parties were of the age of consent, fifteen in the case of girls. The marriage of underage girls was countenanced occasionally, although this required the magistrate’s approval of a petition submitted by the kindred. One interesting case suggests that a teenage marriage was being allowed since the alternative was fornication” (Nicholas, 1985:p24)[147].

However the low minimum ages, the number of girls married before age 16 or 17 in the 15th through 17th century is most probably very low (Rossiaud, 1984 [1988:p15-6])[148].




Additional refs:


§   Russ, A. (2000) Kindheit und Adoleszenz in den DeutschenHohes und Spätes Mittelalter. Stuttgart : Hirzel




Medieval and Renaissance Age-Structured Patterns[149]


Sergent (1986, 1996)[150] argued that pederasty is a rite de passage not restricted to the Greek situation, but also prevalent among the Scyths and Celts. Ammianus Marcelinus wrote (Rerum gestarum, 31.9.5):


“I have learned that this tribe of the Taifali is so immersed in the shameful acts of an obscene life that among them young men in the age of puberty copulate in a nefarious bond with men, consuming them in their polluted practices” [151].


An full overview of “Greek” love through the Middle Ages, Renaissance, and later periods was offered by Eglinton (p295-428). It was said that at least after a century of “institutionalised” pederasty Athenian society developed legal and moral sanctions against this practice at the end of the fifth century BC as the indirect result of the introduction of medicine. Viewing the sex drive as a bodily need, analogous to hunger and thirst, it cast a disparaging light on the role played by the passive partner (Keuls, 1995)[152]. The literature on the subject of medieval homosexuality reveals a significant move from early medieval “pederasty” to effeminacy and ultimately to relations between men of a similar age[153].

Some authors claim that Jesus was not negatively tuned to pederasty[154]. Sister Barbara Bow[155] thinks “there is good reason to believe that what Paul objects to in 1 Corinthians 6:9-10 (and in 1 Timothy 1:9-10, written by a follower of Paul) are certain elements of pederasty” in the age-stratified sense. A few early Christians began to object to using boys sexually. Nevertheless, at least from the 15th century onward, it can be argued that “homosexual activity occurred mainly, though not exclusively, between adult men and boys or adolescents” (Saslet, 1989:p91)[156]. John Chrysostom complained about fathers taking their boys to banquets where they were performed fellatio on men “under the blankets”, recommending that boys be placed in the care of monks at the age of ten to avoid seduction[157]. This while monks would have “a reputation for pederasty as early as the twelfth century”[158]. Most medieval authors would give the pro-pederast advice of antiquity, with medical books recommending sex with boys as “less harmful [than] sexual union with women [which] leads more quickly to old age [...]”[159]. The reason men in medieval times waited until their thirties to get married was because they routinely used young boys for sex until then; in Florence[160], for instance, only a quarter of the men in the fifteenth century were married by the age of 32[161]. Since over a third of most households had servants or apprentices, sexual relations between masters and male servants were even more common and even acceptable than between masters and female servants[162]. According to DeMause, “[t]utors and teachers in schools were expected to use their students sexually”, and those who protested that it was a “vice so inveterate [and] so strong a custom” that it was “hardly likely to be discouraged”, were thought odd[163].  In Spain, “[e]ine große Mehrheit der Sodomiten (Valençias) wurde dort von Männern reiferen Alters (meist verheiratet) gebildet, deren hauptsächliches Objekt der Begierde Jugendliche im Alter von 14 bis 16 Jahren waren”[164]. In the late Medieval republic of Florence


“Sexual relations normally involved an adult 'active' partner with a 'passive' adolescent. This pattern reflected and reinforced gender expectations, for receptive boys were castigated as females, while the act of sexually dominating boys helped define masculinity. It also fostered sexual violence, abuse of dependent boys, and teenage prostitution.”[165]


But placing boys as oblates into monasteries only made them available for sexual use by monks. One abbot wrote about an infant boy brought to the monastery by his father:


“[...] the man turned the child over to me altogether, and I received the baby with pleasure and joy and a clean heart. [But] when the boy got older and had reached the age of about ten [...] I was tortured and overwhelmed by an obscene desire, and the beast of impure lust and a desire for pleasure burned in my soul [...] I wanted to have sex with the boy [...]”[166].


DeMause continues his review:


Sex with boys was said to be “the central obsession of monks” beginning with the early anchorites who went to the desert; Macarius saw so many monks having sex with boys in the desert that he strongly advised monks not to take them in[167]. But the need was too strong, and even rules such as those requiring boys to have escorts when going to the lavatory did not prevent monks from routinely using their oblates sexually[168]. So many monks “raped” their novices that there was a common saying, “With wine and boys around, the monks have no need of the Devil to tempt them”[169]. Priests might have used confessions to solicit sex with boys, but early Christian penitentials assessed penances only for the boys, since they were blamed for their own sexual transgressions. Peter Damian said in the eleventh century that sex with boys in monasteries “rages like a bloodthirsty beast in the midst of the sheepfold of Christ with bold freedom” and suggested both the man and boy be punished as accomplices for a “sin against nature”[170].

So acceptable was pederasty in medieval times that parents continued handing over their boys for sexual purposes to friends and others from whom they expected favours[171]. Bernardino of Sienna condemned parents as “pimps” of their own sons, saying the fathers, pederasts themselves, were the ones most responsible, taking money or gifts from their sons’ rapists[172]. Boys were so likely to be raped in the streets- “a boy can’t even pass nearby without having a sodomite on his tail”- that Bernardino urged mothers, “Send your girls out instead, who aren’t in any danger at all if you let them out among such people [...] this is less evil”[173]. Mothers, too, might have colluded in the seduction of their sons. “When a boy started to mature sexually [...] his mother gave him a bedroom to himself on the ground floor, “with a separate entrance and every convenience, so that he can do whatever he pleases and bring home whomever he likes” ”[174].


In a revision of the 741 A.D. Eclogues, it was stated that homosexual unchastity was to be punished with the sword, except in “in the case of someone less than fifteen years old […] as his age indicate that he suffered this [unchastity] involuntary” (cited by Boswell, 1994:p245)[175], in which case only a beating was given. When beginning in the fifteenth century some more violent pederasty disputes began being handled by courts, the huge number of cases prosecuted revealed that every place boys were gathered-from schools and monasteries to taverns and pastry shops-were “schools of sodomy” where pederasts gathered to do boys[176]. In Florence, according to the thorough analysis of court records by Michael Rocke, “in the later fifteenth century, the majority of local males at least once during their lifetimes were officially incriminated for engaging in homosexual relations” with boys[177]. Many pederasts were never incriminated in court, since courts were reluctant to try any but the most violent cases of boy rape.


The extinction of medieval pederasty, which was never institutionalised (but probably was elitised), is less well documented than its presence. Wood[178] even argues in favour of a Victorian revival of Greek ethos: “Not only was classical imprimature given to pederasty, but the epoch, was already infatuated with the idea of childhood” (p159). Clarcke[179] points out Byron’s “easternization” of Greek love (as opposed to his westernization of Greek liberty) and John Addington Symond’s aggressive attempts “to raise Greek love to a respectable western standard, purged from its licentious oriental connotations” (see further Compton[180]). In 1873 Walter Pater published The Renaissance, a book which aroused public anger because of its celebration of ‘Greek love’[181]. One century earlier, the police of Paris assumed that what they called “pederasty” usually involved corruption of “young folk” by predatory adults whose sexual tastes could not be changed by punishing them[182]. [As for a cautionary note, some Internet dwellers argue the same thing for the contemporary case].



Additional refs.: Boswell (1988:p29-36)[183]



Medieval “Genital Parenting”


Genital soothing may well have been widespread in Medieval Europe. Brusendorff and Henningsen (1963:p30, 34)[184] suggest this was the case in Denmark even “a few generations ago”. The 1511 wood engravings by Hans Baldung Grien show Saint Anne fingering the genitals of the Infant Jesus (Wirth, 1978)[185]. Van Ussel (1967, I:p144-50 and notes; 1968:p165-70 and notes; 1968:p139; 1976:p23-4)[186] found so much references to the practice in 18th century literature, that “we can assume that it is not concerned with individual cases but with a social phenomenon”[187]. According to Van Ussel, attitudes versus its practice probably changed with the onset of onanism campaigns, together with the retaliation against premarital coitus and verbal intercourse between the generations. This “sexual problem”, he argued, historically and geographically is a “Western curiosum”[188]. Duerr (1988:p200-10 and notes)[189] provided a most extensive (and illustrated[190]) ethnohistorical overview of the practice. As detailed, “[i]n Europa sind aus dem 18. und das 19. Janrhundert zahlreiche Klagen überliefert, in denen das manuelle “Stillen” angeprangert wird” (p203).


Haeberle (1978 [1981:p128])[191], De la Marche ([1993:p7-8])[192], Dasberg[193], Brongersma[194] and DeMause[195] also conclude positively on its historical universality. Stone (1977:p509)[196] noted that one of the French Dauphin’s attendants legitimised his masturbating him even as an adolescent (!) remarking that it constituted “a remedy which I have seen applied in England”.


Ariès (1960 [1973:p101])[197] states that “the practice of playing with children’s privy parts formed part of a widespread tradition”. This could be so because or despite the idea that “the child under the age of puberty was believed to be unaware of or indifferent to sex. Thus gestures and allusions had no meaning for him; they became purely gratuitous and lost their sexual significance” (p103). The reverse of Aries’ generalisation (L’Enfant, p102, 105) lies in the hypothesis that the “exaggerated interest shown in his phallic development and the premature stimulation to which he was subjected are more than accounted for by the fact that his potential sexual performance was literally a question of state” (Marvick, 1974a[198]:p351-2; cf 1974c:p262-3[199]). Orest Ranum, in a comment to similar explanations by Marvick (1974b)[200] argues that the descriptions of early sexual arousal and methods of social control used to rear children illuminate the entire French society in which “social control rested overtly on paternity and physical force”, that is, justice, sexuality, politics, etc, had meanings to the 17th century mind very different from our [American] own”.


The Nurses’ Depravity is an interesting chapter in child sexology, as it was frequently ranked number one on the list of explanations of children’s epidemic pleasure behaviours; invariably, authors are sure to comment on its endemic underestimation. Moll (1908 [1912:p52, 158])[201]:


“Nurses sometimes touch, stroke, and stimulate the external genital organs of the children entrusted to their care-boys and girls alike-either to keep them quiet, or for the gratification of their own lustful feelings. […] Nurses sometimes stroke or tickle a child’s genitals in order to put an end to a screaming fit. But in some cases- and these are more numerous than is commonly supposed- nursemaids do this under the impulse of their own lustful feelings. Such actions are not necessarily the outcome of a perverse sexual impulse, although they may be due to such an impulse in the form of paedophilia [...]. Frequently the offenders are not in the least aware of the danger of what they are doing, and do it merely in sport”.


Freud was straightforward about how common the erotic “use” of children was by parents and others, referring to “the “affection” shown by the child’s parents and those who look after him, which seldom fails to betray its erotic nature (“the child is an erotic plaything”) [...]”; this was probably an autobiographically inspired statement[202]. More interestingly, Freud momentous equation child=penis was instrumental in the clarification of the auto-erotic symbiosis of mother and infant.



Child Witches


Weber (1996a) found that many of the cases delivered hints at sexual contacts with adults. Midelfort (1972:p140) points to the probability that witch children were not considered possessed because of their presumed immorality: “The only reason children in general were presumed innocent was their imperfect reason. When they came to full reason “and know the difference in value between gold and an apple”, then they might be treated as adults. In addition, hardened malice could “supply their years” and bring them into real mortal sin”[203].

Winter (1984:p179-83)[204] speaks of a “long list of 10- to 14-year-old “sodomites” and “bestialists” sentenced to death” for these allegations.


The events in the highly civilised imperial city of Augsburg in 1723, when a number of children faced accusations of witchcraft, can be viewed in a psychoanalytic light: the parents of the diabolical children were unable to cope with the sexual games of infancy, masturbation, and oral and anal sadism, and formed their own childish versions of this transgressive behaviour (according to Roper, 2000)[205].




Additional general refs:


§   Rouche, M. (2000) Mariage et Sexualité au Moyen-Age. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne



The Paradoxic Loves of Geniuses


Von Ramdohr’s Venus Urania[206], a work on the psychology of love, emphasised the frequency of amatory sentiments in children. By the time of “Victorian” coverage of the problem, idiots and geniuses (Dante, Lord Byron) were commonly diagnosed with paradoxia sexualis, a diagnosis seemingly stretched to include love aside from sexual urges or behaviour[207]. However, some specificity was applied by some authors regarding this pathology. Wulffen (1913)[208], for instance, argued that in the case of Goethe and Dante this early love life was too indifferent for clinical judgement, the case of Rousseau however was to be regarded “clearly abnormal and psychopathic”, the criteria being concurrent “mangelhaften Gemütskräften” and unsympathetic feelings when frustrated. The examples of these loves not sporadically include little boy’s passion for mature women. Raffalovich (1896:p75-6)[209] considers: “Combien de petits garçons, combien de petites filles s’amourachent les uns des autres ou de grandes personnes! Combien de petits garçons de cinq ans sont épris d’une belle dame ou d’une grande fille!” He makes sure that he is talking about “précocité de sentiments, pas d’actes”).

Moll (1908 [1912]) gives the following overview:


“I may […] point out that in the autobiographies, biographies, memoirs, &c., of celebrated persons, we find much information regarding premature amatory sentiments. Goethe, in his Wahrheit und Dichtung, relates that as a boy of ten or so he fell in love with a young French woman, the sister of his friend Derones. Of Alfred de Musset, his brother and biographer, Paul Musset, records that at the early age of four he was passionately in love with a girl cousin. It is on record that Dante fell in love at the age of nine, Canova at five, and Alfieri at ten. Well known also is the story of Byron’s love, at eight years of age, for Mary Duff. Möbius tells us of himself that when a boy of ten he was desperately enamoured of a young married woman. We are told of Napoleon I. that when a boy of nine he fell in love with his father’s cousin, a handsome woman of thirty, then on a visit to his home, and that he caressed her in the most passionate manner. Belonging to an earlier day was Felix Platter, the celebrated Swiss physician of the sixteenth century, who tells us in his autobiography that when be was a child he loved to be kissed by a certain young married woman. In Un Coeur Simple, Flaubert describes the development of the love-sentiments. “For mankind there is so much love in life. At the age of four we love horses, the sun, flowers, shining weapons, uniforms; at ten we love a little girl, our playmate; at thirteen we love a buxom, full-necked woman. The first time I saw the two breasts of a woman, entirely unclothed, I almost fainted. Finally, at the age of fourteen or fifteen, we love a young girl, who is a little more to us than a sister and a little less than a mistress; and then, at sixteen, we love a woman once more, and marry her”.


“Most charmingly Hebbel describes his first experience of love, when but four years old. “It was in Susanna’s dull schoolroom, also, that I learned the meaning of love; it was, indeed, in the very hour when I first entered it, at the age of four. First love! Who is there who will not smile as he reads these words? Who will fail to recall memories of some Anne or Margaret, who once seemed to him to wear a crown of stars, and to be clad in the blue of heaven and the gold of dawn; and now--but it would be malicious to depict the contrast! Who will fail to admit that it seemed to him then as if he passed on the wing through the garden of the earth, flitting from flower to flower, sipping from their honey-cups; passing too swiftly, indeed, to become intoxicated, but pausing long enough at each to inhale its divine perfume! ... It was some time before I ventured to raise my eyes, for I felt that I was under inspection, and this embarrassed me. But at length I looked up, and my first glance fell upon a pale and slender girl who sat opposite me: her name was Emily, and she was the daughter of the parish-clerk. A passionate trembling seized me, the blood rushed to my heart; but a sentiment of shame was also intermingled with my first sensations, and I lowered my eyes to the ground once more, as rapidly as if I had caught sight of something horrible. From that moment Emily was ever in my thoughts; and the school, so greatly dreaded in anticipation, became a joy to me, because it was there only that I could see her. The Sundays and holidays which separated me from her were as greatly detested by me as in other circumstances they would have been greatly desired; one day when she stayed away from school, I felt utterly miserable. In imagination she was always before my eyes, wherever I went; when alone, I was never weary of repeating her name; above all, her black eyebrows and intensely red lips were ever before my eyes, whereas I do not remember that at this time her voice had made any impression on me, although later this became all-important”.

In belletristic literature, also, we find occasional references to the love-sentiment in childhood. Groos refers to an instance which he thinks, perhaps the most delicate known to him, and one in which the erotic element is but faintly emphasised, namely, Gottfried Keller’s Romeo und Julia.


“In a spot entirely covered with green undergrowth the girl stretched herself on her back, for she was tired, and began in a monotonous tone to sing a few words, repeating the same ones over and over again; the boy crouched close beside her, half inclined, he also, to stretch himself at full length on the ground, so lethargic did he feel. The sun shone into the girl's open mouth as she sang, lighting up her glistening white teeth, and gleaming on her full red lips. The boy caught sight of her teeth, and, holding the girl's head and eagerly examining her teeth, said, 'Tell me, how many teeth has one?' The girl paused for a moment, as if thinking the matter carefully over, but then answered at random, 'A hundred.' 'No!' he cried; 'thirty-two is the proper number; wait a moment, I'll count yours.' He counted them, but could not get the tale right to thirty-two, and so counted them again, and again, and again. The girl let him go on for some time, but as he did not come to an end of his eager counting, she suddenly interrupted him, and said, 'Now, let me count yours.' The boy lay down in his turn on the undergrowth; the girl leaned over him, with her arm round his head; he opened his mouth, and she began counting: 'One, two, seven, five, two, one,' for the little beauty did not yet know how to count. The boy corrected her, and explained to her how to count properly; so she, in her turn, attempted to count his teeth over and over again: and this game seemed to please them more than any they had played together that day. At last, however, the girl sank down on her youthful instructor's breast, and the two children fell asleep in the bright midday sunshine”.





The Masturbation Paradigm: “Onanopathies”, the Early, and Very Early


The early history of masturbation is well-studied[210]. The first manual on masturbation was an anonymous work ascribed to one Dutchman named Bekker in 1710 (Stengers and Neck, 1984: Ch.3); he was most likely not medically trained. By no means the first[211], Tissot’s Tentamen de Morbis ex Manustuprazione (1758) became the best known and most widely read medical treatise on the matter. The issue of masturbation as associated with health probably arose somewhere in the early 18th century (Fox, 1986:p18-20)[212]. Gilbert (1975)[213] argues that masturbation was used as an “all-purpose culprit” by physicians when confronted with ailments that could not be effectively treated. “To blame disease on masturbation helped resolve the tension between the expectation of patients and the level of medical knowledge”. With the advance of medical knowledge in the late 19th century, children’s diseases were no longer the mystery they had been in the past, and onanist explanations became less meaningful and necessary.


Masturbation historians only rarely addressed the issue of age and its possible implications for sexual behaviour curriculum ideologies. Elia (1987), for instance, hardly reveals a clue to curricularised attitudes to masturbation. Rousseau’s attitude toward masturbation was both complex and ambiguous (Lejeune, 1974)[214]. Tissot’s arguments were specific to the pedagogical implications of masturbation.

First, there is the occasional emphasis on spermatorrhoea which could not have been valuable in childhood masturbation, tough little is known about medical appraisal of ejacularche (e.g., Schoondermark (1902:p26-7)[215]. Second, numerous references to “youth” can be found as early as the 17th century, meaning everything from children to young men (e.g. Kett, 1971:p285)[216].

As Flandrin (1976:p280-3)[217] points out, the first theologist to known to express concern for the carnal sins of children was Jean de Gerson (1363-1429), praeses of the Parisian University. Until the 18th century, there is silence on the matter. Unlike during the French Enlightment, in the last quarter of the 18th century, it was said that German authors “extended” the then established risk group to include toddlers and even babies (Mortier and Colen, 1995:p834)[218]. By the 19th century, Rosenberg (1973:p136-7)[219] argues, “[n]ot even the youngest child could be presumed immune; one physician noted that even infants of eighteen months had been taught the “horrid practice” [note omitted]. Perhaps the instances of “furious masturbation” which had been observed in such infants demonstrated the power of this instinct; but the very strength of this animal attribute only underlined the need for controlling it”[220].


Masturbation in childhood and youth was covered by Schetsche and Schmidt (1996)[221], who distinguish four stages in the pedagogical concept of masturbation (p14-5). First (17th century), the child had to be taught that it was sexual; later, it had to be taught that it was immoral; still later, it was to be controlled as an urge; and finally (latter half 18th cent.) it could not be mentioned unless in a mystified manner.

The first article known to cover specifically children (young girls) is probably Zimmerman (1779)[222]. By the middle of the 19th century, masturbation by “little” children was apparently something of an issue in medical Europe as judged by articles by Van Bambeke (1859)[223] and Behrend (1860)[224], and later by Fleischmann (1878)[225]. In 1841[226], puberty (“Het intreden der jongelingschap”) was seen as a “natural” cause of masturbation, as was the frequently mentioned case of “very young sinners” afflicted by “[a] weak, tender morbid condition of the body”. In 1854, it was recommended that “[i]l ne faut pas que l’on ignore que ce sont souvent de très jeunes enfants qui se livrent avec fureur à l’onanisme”[227]. By that time, paediatricians were well aware of their involvement in the case[228]. Before this period it is suggested that masturbation was battled with little respect for age, but focussed on adolescents. In 1861, Debay[229] reported that genitals before age 8 “restent muets”, whereas in “adolescence” (8-14), thus, preceding puberty (15-21), masturbation might occur. However, “les désirs ne se ferairent pas encore sentir si des jeunes gens ou des adolescents instruit par les premiers ne faisaient naître ces désirs et n’anticipaient sur l’ordre naturel”. Masturbation was covered by most German-language paediatric Lehrbuchs (Steiner, Biedert, Vogel, Von Heubner, Unger, Henoch, Neumann, etc.), perhaps more regularly than in early non-German paediatrics. Steiner ([1873:p335])[230]: “Wat betreft den leeftijd, waarop deze ondeugd gepleegd wordt, heb ik mij meermalen overtuigd, dat het eerste begin dikwijl reeds bij zeer kleine kinderen, van een à twee jaar, wordt waargenomen”[231]; he further refers to one Marjolin claiming sexual phenomena (Steiner seems to describe an infantile orgasm) at the breast.

By the beginning of the 20th century it was generally known that “[i]n man at the age of puberty the sexual emotion awakes powerfully, while active social life opens before the young man with all its exigencies”[232]. Schrenk-Notzing (1895:p35)[233] suggested that, since “playing “pappa and mamma” or “being engaged” may attain pathological significance”, the children should be observed at play, “to ascertain whether they there give evidence of sexual excitement, and whether the manner of play corresponds with the sex”. If  indicated, “energetic treatment should begin immediately, if possible under the direction of a physician educated in psychology, and capable of the employment of suggestion” (cf. p51-3, 73). Freud (1912)[234] described three phases of masturbation, and pathologised its persistence in adulthood (cf. Szasz, 1970 [1972:p233-4][235]). Stanley Hall and Havelock Ellis mentioned masturbation in the light of adolescent immaturity, a theme extending well into the 1960s. Freudian curricularisation of masturbation was followed by most psychoanalysts well into the second half of the 20th century, tough with a variable degree of freedom and alterations[236]. 20th century onanologic narratives of childhood sexuality continued to stress behavioural “symptoms” using masturbation, within a carefully treasured index of subnormal transgressions.


Further reading:

·         Franz X. Eder (2004) Erfahrung oder Diskurs? Das onanistische Subjekt im späten 18. Jahrhundert, in Marguérite Bos, Bettina Vincenz u. Tanjy Wirz, Hg., Erfahrung: Alles nur Diskurs? Zur Verwendung des Erfahrungsbegriffs in der Geschlechtergeschichte, Zürich 2004, p255-63

·         Franz X. Eder (2003) Diskurs und Sexualpädagogik: Diskurs und Sexualpädagogik. Der deutschsprachige Onanie-Diskurs des späten 18. Jahrhunderts, Paedagogica Historica 39,6:719-35

·         Hall, Lesley A. (2003) “It was the doctors who were suffering from it": the history of masturbatory insanity revisited, Paedagogica Historica 39,6:685 et seq.

·         Michael Stolberg: Homo patiens. Krankheits- und Körpererfahrung in der Frühen Neuzeit, Köln / Weimar / Wien: Böhlau 2003

·         Anja Belemann-Smit: Wenn schnöde Wollust dich erfüllt ... Geschlechtsspezifische Aspekte in der Anti-Onanie-Debatte des 18. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang 2003.


Medical Curricularisation: Paradoxia Sexualis and the Developmentalisation of Impulses


As Victorian sexuality was preoccupied with the too-early timing of sexual impulses, nascent medical sexology explicitly pathologised earliness, as defined by the period before puberty, by a clinical entity termed Paradoxia Sexualis[237]. For an historical, bibliographical approach of the diagnosis, one is referred to the author’s analysis elsewhere[238]/[239].  It as clearly demonstrated that Von Krafft-Ebing lacked any “Ellisian” concept of the sexual life cycle, and tried to explain earliness in terms of degeneration, and neuropathic deterioration. Contrary to former authors, Freud’s infantile sexuality was discussed in a tone of voice that could be designated “dispassionate, disinterested, and strikingly secular and amoral”[240].






Janssen, D. F., Growing Up Sexually. Volume I. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin: Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology

Last revised: Feb 2006



[1] National and historical specifics are found in the ‘Europe’ Chapter.

[1] Op.cit.

[2] Kanner, L. (1939) Infantile sexuality: a critical review, J Pediatr 15:583-608; Kern, S. (1973) Freud and the discovery of child sexuality, Hist Childh Quart 1:117-41; Sulloway, F. (1979) Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic Legend. Cambridge: Harvard University Press; Karmanoila, A., Knecht, C. & Parrat-Dayan, S. (1992/3) Le discours sur la sexualité infantile. Évolution du XIXe siècle à nos jours, Bull Psychol 46(409):121-9; Olsen, O. A. & Koppe, S. (1999) Den infantile seksualitet i historisk belysning [Infantile sexuality: a historical survey], Psyke & Logos 20,2:305-44; Fishman, S. (1982) The history of childhood sexuality, J Contemp Hist 17,2:269-83; Cho, S. (1983) Kindheit und Sexualität im Wandel der Kulturgeschichte: Eine Studie zur Bedeutung der kindlichen Sexualität unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des 17. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Zürich: ADAG Administration & Druck; Money, J. (1990 [1987]) Historical and current concepts of pediatric and ephebiatric sexology, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology volume VII: Childhood and Adolescent Sexology. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p3-21; Yates, A. (1st ed, 1991; 2nd ed, 1996) Childhood sexuality, in Lewis, M. (Ed.) Child and Adolescent Psychiatry: A Comprehensive Textbook. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. 1991, p195-7; Bergenheim, A. (1994) Barnet, Libido och Samhället: Om den Svenska Diskursen kring Barns Sexualitet 1930-1960 [The Child, Libido and Society: Swedish Discourse on Childhood Sexuality 1930-1960]. Falun: Scandbook. English Summary; Bullough, V. L. (1994) Science in the Bedroom: A History of Sex Research. New York: Basic Books, p258-65; Foucault, M. (1978) La Volonté de Savoir. Paris: Éditions Gallimard. 1980 transl., The History of Sexuality, Vol.1: An Introduction., p27-30, 37

[3] Higgonet, A. (1998) Pictures of Innocence: The History and Crisis of Ideal Childhood. New York: Thames & Hudson; Kincaid, J. (1992) Child-Loving: The Erotic Child and Victorian Culture. New York: Routledge; Kincaid, J. (1998) Erotic Innocence: The Culture of Child Molesting. London: Duke University Press

[4] Lewinsohn, R. (transl, 1958) History of Sexual Customs. London: Longmans, Green; Ussel, J. van (1968) Geschiedenis van het Seksuele Probleem. Meppel: Boom; Hunt, D. (1970) Parents and Children in History. NY: Basic Books, Inc.; Flandrin, J. (1975) Les Amours Paysannes (XVI-XIXe siècle). Paris: Gallimard/Juilliard, p149-72; Flandrin, J. (1977) Repression and change in the sexual life of young people in medieval and early modern times, J Fam Hist 2,3:196-210; Stone, L. (1977) Family, Sex & Marriage in England 1500-1800. New York: Harper & Row Publishers, p507-12; Jackson, S. (1990) Demons and innocents: Western ideas on children’s sexuality in historical perspective, in Perry, M. E. (Ed.) Handbook of Sexology volume VII: Childhood and Adolescent Sexology. Amsterdam: Elsevier, p23-49; Weeks, J (1981) Sex, Politics and Society. Essex: Longman House, p48-52; McLaren, A. (1999) Twentieth-Century Sexuality: A History. Oxford: Blackwell, p23-9

[5] Op.cit.

[6] Mirkin, H. (1999) The pattern of sexual politics: feminism, homosexuality and pedophilia, J Homosex 37,2: 1-24

[7] Bullough, V. L. (2002) Age of Consent: an Overview. Conference of the International Association for the Treatment of Sexual Offenders, "Sexual Violence and Sexual Abuse: From Understanding to Protection and Prevention", 7th Vienna, September 11th – 14th; Bullough, V. L. (2003) An historical overview of the age of consent from the Greeks to the Twenty First Century U.S. SSSS-WR meeting, 2003, San Jose, California, April 10-13; Bullough, V. L. (forthcoming 2005) Age of Consent: A Historical Overview, in Graupner, H. & Bullough, V. L. (Eds.) Adolescence, Sexuality & the Criminal Law. New York: Haworth Press. Published simultaneously as the Journal of Psychology in Human Sexuality, Vol. 16, Nos. 2/3

[8] Take, for instance, Stuart, D. M. (1926) The Boy Through the Ages. London: Harrap

[9] Stewart, A. J., Winter, D. G. & Jones, A. D. (1975) Coding Categories for the Study of Child-Rearing from Historical Sources, J Interdisc Hist 5,4:687-701

[10] Pre-Victorian attitudes in England were covered by Stone (1977:p507-12).

[11] Barker-Benfield, B. (1972) The Spermatic Economy: A Nineteenth Century View of Sexuality, Feminist Studies 1,1:45-74

[12] Op.cit.

[13] Op.cit.

[14] Marcus, S. (1964) The Other Victorians. 1966 edition, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson

[15] Cf. Crozier, I. (2001) Rough winds do shake the darling buds of may. A note on William Acton and the sexuality of the (male) child, Fam Hist 26:411-20

[16] Gorham, D. (1978) The ‘Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon’ reexamined: child prostitution and the idea of childhood in late Victorian England, Victorian Studies 21,3:353-79

[17] Hartman, M. S. (1974) Child abuse and self-abuse: 2 Victorian cases, Hist Childh Quart 2,2:221-48; Jackson, L. A. (2000) Child Sexual Abuse in Victorian England. London: Routledge

[18] Walvin, J. (1982) A Child's World: A Social History of English Childhood 1800-1914. Penguin Books

[19] Spitz, R. (1952) Authority and masturbation: [some remarks on] a bibliographical investigation, Psychoanal Study Child 7:490-527; Psyche 6(1952), 4:1-24; Yearb Psychoanal 9(1953):113-45

[20] Hanawalt, B. A. (1993) Growing Up in Medieval London: New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press

[21] Kern, S. (1973) Freud and the discovery of child sexuality, Hist Childh Quart 1:117-41; Kern, S. (1974) Explosive intimacy: psychodynamics of the Victorian family, Hist Childh Quart 1:437-62; Kern, S. (1975) Anatomy and Destiny: A Cultural History of the Human Body. New York: Bobbs-Merrill Co., p119-24; Kern, S. (1979) Freud und die Entdeckung der Kindlichen Sexualität, Kindheit: Zeitschrift zur Erforschung der Psychischen Entwicklung (September), p215-38

[22] Ryerson, A. J. (1961) Medical advice on child rearing: 1550-1900, Harvard Educ Rev 31:302-23; Wolfenstein, M. (1953) Trends in infant care, Am J Orthopsychia 23:120-30. Reprinted in Brackbill, I. & Thompson, G. G. (1967) Behavior in Infancy and Early Childhood. New York: Free Press; Hardyment, Ch. (1983) Dream Babies: Child Care from Locke to Spock. London: Oxford University Press

[23] Fishman, S. (1982) The history of childhood sexuality, J Contemp Hist 17,2:269-83

[24] Hall, L. A. (1996) Forbidden by God, Despised by Men: Masturbation, Medical Warnings, Moral Panic, and Manhood in Great Britain, 1850-1950, J Hist Sex 2,3:365-87

[25]Maasen, M. (1988) De Pedagogische Eros in het Geding: Gustav Wyneken an de Pedagogische Vriendschap in de Freie Schulgeneinde Wickersdorf tussen 1905 en 1931. Utrecht: Homostudiesreeks

[26] Crowley, J. (1987) Polymorphously perverse? Childhood sexuality in the American boy book, Am Literary Realism (1870-1910) 19,2:2-15

[27] Holthuis, F. (1990) “Sterker dan God was de onanie”: over masturbatie in twee jongensboeken, Parmentier [Dutch] 2,1/2:55-64. See also Rowan, E. L. (1989) Editorial: Masturbation according to the Boy Scout Handbook, J Sex Ed & Ther 15,2:77-81

[28] Nelson, C. B. (1989) Sex and the single boy: ideals of manliness and sexuality in Victorian literature for boys, Victorian Stud 32,4:525-50

[29] Jenkins, H. (1998) The sensuous child: Dr. Benjamin Spock and the sexual revolution, in Jenkins, H. (Ed.) The Children’s Culture Reader. New York: New York University Press, p209-30

[30] Cho, S. (1983) Kindheit und Sexualität im Wandel der Kulturgeschichte: Eine Studie zur Bedeutung der kindlichen Sexualität unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des 17. und 20. Jahrhunderts. Zürich: ADAG Administration & Druck

[31] Bullough, V. L. (1990) History in adult human sexual behaviour with children and adolescents in western societies, in Feierman, J. (Ed.) Pedophilia, Biosocial Dimensions. Springer-Verlag, New York, p69-90; Bullough, V. L. & Bullough, B. (1996) Problems of research into adult/child sexual interaction, Iss Ch Abu Accus 8,2; Brongersma, E. (1987) Jongensliefde: Seks en Erotiek Tussen Jongens en Mannen, vol. 1. SUA, Amsterdam. [Loving boys: A Multidisciplinary Study of Sexual Relations Between Adult and Minor Males, vol.1, 1986]

[32] Killias, M. (1979) Jugend und Sexualstrafrecht. Bern: Paul Haupt; Killias, M. (1990) The historic origins of penal statutes concerning sexual activities involving children and adolescents, J Homosex 20,1/2:41-6; Killias M. (2000) The Emergence of a New Taboo: The Desexualisation of Youth in Western Societies since 1800, Eur J Crim Policy & Res 8,4:459-77. See also Killias, M. (1993) Vom Schutz unreifer Mädchen zur Entsexualisierung der Jugend, in Hess, A. G. & Clement,  P. F. (Eds.) History of Juvenile Delinquency. Vol. 2. Aalen: Scientia Verlag, p809-27

[33] Walkowitz, J. R. (1992) City of dreadful delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London. London: Virago

[34] Shultz, L. G. (1982) Child sexual abuse in historical perspective, J Soc Work & Hum Sex 1:21-35; Breiner, S. (1990) Slaughter of Innocents: Child Abuse Through the Ages and Today. New York, Plenum Press; Wasserman, S. & Rosenfeld, A. (1992) An overview of the history of child sexual abuse and Sigmund Freud’s contributions, in O’Donohue, W. & Geer, J. H. (Eds.) The Sexual Absue of Children: Theory and Research. Vol. I.Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hillsdale, New Jersey; Rush, F. (1980) The Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall;  Olafson, E., Corwin, D. L. & Summit, R. C. (1993) Modern History of Sexual Abuse Awareness: Cycles of Discovery and Suppression, Child Abuse & Negl 17:7-24; Conte, J. R. (1994) Child sexual abuse: awareness and backlash, The Future of Children / Center for the Future of Children, the David and Lucile Packard Foundation 4,2:224-32; Gray-Fow, M. (1987) Child Abuse, Historiography and Ethics: The Historian as Moral Philosopher, J Psychohist 15,1:455-65; Cunningham, J. L. (1988) Contributions to the history of psychology: L. French historical views on the acceptability of evidence regarding child sexual abuse, Psychol Rep 63,2:343-53; Coldrey, B. M. (1996) The Sexual Abuse of Children: The Historical Perspective, Studies [Ireland] 85(340):370-80; Martin, E. J. (1995) Incest/child sexual abuse: historical perspectives, J Holistic Nursing 13,1:7-18; Masters, R. E. L. (1962) Forbidden Sexual Behavior and Morality: An Objective Re-Examination of Perverse Sex Practices in Different Cultures. New York: Julian Press, p363-411; Lloyd, R. (1977) Playland: A Study of Human Exploitation. London: Blond & Briggs, p65ff. Reprinted from Lloyd, R. (1976) For Money or Love: Boy Prostitution in America. New York: Vanguard Press, see p63-77; Kinnear, K. L. (1995) Childhood Sexual Abuse: A Reference Handbook. Contemporary World Issues. Santa Barbara, Calif. ABC-CLIO, p95-110; and many works of DeMause. Also Dziech, B. W. & Schudson, Ch. B. (1991) On Trial: America’s Courts and Their Treatment of Sexually Abused Children. Boston: Boston Beacon Press, p21-40

[35] Johansen, E. M. (1978 [1980]) Betrogene Kinder: Eine Sozialgeschichte der Kindheit. Franfurt am Main: Fischer

[36] DeMause, L. (1975) Our forebears made childhood a nightmare, Psychol Today 8, Apr.:85-8; DeMause, L. (1990) The History of Child Assault, J Psychohist 18:1-29; DeMause, L. (1998) The History of Child Abuse, J Psychohist 25,3: 216-36; Kahr, B. (1991) The Sexual Molestation of Children: Historical Perspectives, J Psychohist 19,2:191-214. The matter received some enthusiasm with psychoanalysts (Socarides, Wilson), child abuse professionals (Finkelhor) and a juvenile justice attorney (Vachss). Further Kahr, B. (1991) The History of Sexuality: From Ancient Polymorphous Perversity to Modern Genital Love, J Psychohist 26,4:764-78

[37] Lascaratos, J. et al. (2000) Child sexual abuse: historical cases ion the Byzantine Empire (324-1453 A.D.), Child Abuse & Negl 24,8 :1985-90

[38] Eglinton, J. Z. (1964) Greek Love. New York: Oliver Layton Press; Dover (1978); and Brongersma (1986).

[39] Bullough, V. (2000) The Paedophilia Smear,


[41] Moll, A. (1908) Das Sexualleben des Kindes. Leizig: Vogel. 1912 English translation

[42] Magister Laukhards Leben und Schicksale, von ihm selbst beschrieben, bearbeitet von Viktor Petersen (The Life and Fortunes of Master Laukhard, described in his own words, and edited by Viktor Petersen), vol. i. p. 15, Stuttgart, 1908 [orig.footnote]

[43] Monsieur Nicholas, vol. i. p. 51, Paris (Liseux), 1884 [orig.footnote]

[44] Kinderleben in der deutschen Vergangenheit (Child Life in Old Germany), p. 112, Leipzig, 1900 [orig.footnote]

[45] Cohen, D. (1993) Consent and sexual relations in classical Athens, in Laiou, A. E. (Ed.) Consent and Coercion to Sex and Marriage in Ancient and Medieval Societies. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library & Collection, p5-16

[46] Cohen, D. (1991) Law, Sexuality, and Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Also cited by Cantarella, E. (2004) Controlling passions orestablishing the rule ofthe law? The functions of punishment in ancient Greece, Punishment & Society 6,4:429–36, at p431

[47] Brundage, J. A. (1987) Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe. Chicago & London: Chicago University Press, p26

[48] Macdowell, D. M. (2000) Athenian Laws about Homosexuality, Revue Internationale des Droits de L'antiquité XLVII:13-27 []

[49] Hopkins, M. K. (1965) The Age of Roman Girls at Marriage, Populat Stud 18,3:309-27. For exact statements and a review the reader is referred to this source.

[50]Durry, M. (1955) Le mariage des filles impubères à Rome, Comptes Rendus de l’Acad des Inscript, p84-91; Durry, M. (1955) Le mariage des filles impubères dans la Rome antiques, Rev Int Droits Antiq 2:263-73; Durry, M. (1955) Sur le mariage romain, Rev Int Droits Antiq 3:227-43; Durry, M. (1955) Le mariage des filles impubères chez les anciens Romains, Anthropos 50:432-4. By other sources it was argued that “[t]he young girl was given in marriage by her parents so young she was incapable of coming to a decision unaided. She just walked out of one nursery into another” (Nemecek, N., 1961, Virginity. London: Neville: Spearman, p73)

[51] Cf. Goodsell, W. (1934) A History of Marriage and the Family. New York: MacMillan, p153

[52] Eyben, E. (1985) Geschlechtsreife und Ehe im greichisch-römischen Altertum und im frühen Christentum, in Müller, E. W. (Ed.) Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung. München: K. A. Freiburg, p403-78

[53] Amudsen, D. W. & Diers, C. J. (1969) The age of menarche in classical Greece and Rome, Hum Biol 41:125-32

[54] King, H. (1985) From Parthenos to Gyne: The Dynamics of Category. PhD Thesis, University of London

[55] King, H. (1998) Hippocrates’ Woman. London & New York: Routledge

[56] Zoepffel, R. (1985) Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung im Alten Griechenland, in Müller, E. W. (Ed.) Geschlechtsreife und Legitimation zur Zeugung. Freiburg/München: Verlag Karl Albe, p319-401

[57] Brundage (1987:p42), op.cit.

[58] Rawson, B. (1991) Adult-child relationships in Roman society, in Rawson, B. (Ed.) Marriage, Divorce and Children in Rome. Oxford: Clarendon, p7-30

[59] Hopkins, K. (1983) Sociological Studies in Roman History. Vol.II. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press

[60] Weaver, P. R. C. (1986) The status of children in mixed marriages, in Rawson, B. (Ed.) The Family in Ancient Rome. London & Sydney: Croom Helm, p145-69

[61] O’Neal, C. M. (1983) Marriage and the Status of Women as Viewed through Early Medieval Law Codes. Thesis, Texas, p21

[62] Baldson, J. (1969) Life and Leisure in Ancient Rome. London [etc.]: The Bodley Head

[63] Rawson, B. (1986) The Roman family, in Rawson, B. (Ed.) The Family in Ancient Rome. London & Sydney: Croom Helm, p1-57

[64] Rahe, P. A. (1970) The Primacy of Politics in Classical Greece, Am Hist Rev 89,2:265-93

[65] Lacey, W. K. (1968) The Family in Classical Greece. London: Thames & Hudson

[66] Dean-Jones, L. (1994) Women’s Bodies in Classical Greek Science. Oxford: Clarendon

[67]Rousselle, A. (1983) Porneia. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Translated 1988, Oxford: Blackwell

[68] Gardner, R., Wills, Sh. & Goodwin, J. M. (1995) The Io Myth, J Psychohist 23,1:30-9

[69] See Reinsberg, C. (1989 [1993]) Ehe, Hetärentum, und Knabenliebe in Antiken Greichenland. München: Beck; Bethe, E. (1983) Die Dorische Knabenliebe, Rheinisches Mus Philol, N..F. 62:438-75. Reprinted 1983; Koch-Harnack, G. (1983) Knabenliebe und Tiergeschenke. Berlin: Mann; Percy III, W. A. (1996) Pederasty and Pedagogy in Archaic Greece. Urbana [etc.]: University of Illinois Press; Percy, W. A. III (1992) Sexual revolution 600 B.C. - 400 A.D.: the origins of institutionalized pederasty in Greece, in Dynes, W. R. & Donaldson, S. (Eds.) Homosexuality in the Ancient World. New York, NY: Garland, p49-68. Orig. in The Gay Review, 1 (1990) 1 (oct.9), p19-24; Deissmann-Merten, M. (1986) Zur Sozialgeschichte des Kindes im Alten Griechenland, in Martin, J. & Nitschke, Au. (Eds.) Zur Sozialgeschichte der Kindheit. München: Verlag K. Alber, p267-316, see p304-6; Dynes, W. R. & Johansson, W. (1990) Greece, ancient, in Dynes, W. R. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. New York & London: Garland Publ. Inc. Vol. I, p491-501; Leroi, A. & Sergent, B. (1994) Homosexualité et politique chez les anciens, in Mendès-Leite, R. (Ed.) Sodomites, Invertis, Homosexuels: Perspectives Historiques. Lille: GKC, p43-7

[70] This paragraph reproduced in separate Ancient Greece page.

[71] Ross, J. M. (1982) Oedipus revisited. Laius and the “Laius complex”, Psychoanal Study Child 37:169-200. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p285-316; Ross, J. M. (1985-6) The darker side of fatherhood: clinical and developmental ramifications of the “Laius motif”, Int J Psychoanal Psychother 11:117-54. Reprinted in Pollock, G. H. & Ross, J. M. (Eds.) The Oedipus Papers. Classics in psychoanalysis, Monograph 6. Madison, CT, US: International Universities Press, Inc., p389-417; Ross, J.. M. & Herzog, J. M. (1985). The sins of the father: Notes on fathers, aggression, and pathogenesis, in Anthony, E. J. & Pollock, G. (Eds.) Parental Influences. Boston: Little, Brown, p477-510

[72] Also note the reactions to the 1985/6 paper by Kwawer and Esman. For a panel on Laius’ paedophilia, see Rev Franc Psychanal 57(1993),2 with contributions of Rocha, Fine, Barande, Chabert, Chauvel, Hurry, Arfouilloux and Nicolaiedis & Nicolaiedis. See also Knausen (1972); Vernon, Th. (1972) The Laius Complex,  Humanist, November/December, p27-8; Le Guen, C. (1974) The formation of the transference: or the Laius complex in the armchair, Int J Psychoanal 55,4:505-18

[73] Nicolaiedis, G. & Nicolaiedis, N. (1993) Incorporation, pédophile, inceste, Rev Franç Psychanal 57,2:507-14

[74] Booth, A. (1991) The Age for Reclining and Its Attendant Perils, in Slater, W. J. (Ed.) Dining in a Classical Context. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, p105-20

[75] Moller, M. (1987) The Accelerated Development of Youth: Beard Growth as a Biological Marker, Comparat Stud Soc & Hist 29,4:748-6

[76] On Platonist ethics, see Ervin, E. (1993) Plato the Pederast: Rhetoric and Cultural Procreation in the Dialogues, Pre-Text 14, 1-2:73-98; Catonne, J. Ph. (1996) Michel Foucault, lecteur de Platon ou de l’amour du beau garcon a la contemplation du beau en soi, Daimon, Rev Filosof 12:13-23

[77] Lacey (1968:p189-90)

[78] Gray-Fow, M. (1986) Pederasty, the Scantinian law, and the Roman army, J Psychohist 13,4:449-60

[79] Golden, M. (1990) Children and Childhood in Classical Athens. Baltimore & London: Johns Hopkins University Press

[80] Strauss, B. S. (1993) Fathers and Sons in Athens. London: Routledge

[81] Ungaretti, J. R. (1978) Pederasty, heroism, and the family in classical Greece, J Homosex 3,3:291-300. Further discussion of the “erotic reciprocity” or erastes and eromenos in Monoson, S. S. (1994) Citizen as Erastes: Erotic Imagery and the Idea of Reciprocity in the Periclean Funeral Oration, Political Theory 22,2:253-76

[82] Bloch, E. (2001) Sex between men and boys in classical Greece: Was it education for citizenship or child abuse? J Men’s Stud 9,2:183-204

[83] Atlas, J. (2000) Pederasty, blood shedding and blood smearing: Men in search of mommy’s feared powers, J Psychohist 28,2:116-49

[84] As Pollini notes, “To show a passive partner with an erection would constitute a break with the socially constructed norms established for such [Greek, Roman] homosexual relationships”. See Pollini, J. (1999) ‘The Warren Cup: Homoerotic Love and Symposial Rhetoric in Silver, Art Bullletin 81,1:21-52

[85] Johansson, W. (1990) Pederasty, in Dynes, W. R. & Johansson, W. (Eds.) Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. Vol. 2. New York & London: Garland, p959-64

[86] E.g., Beckby, H. & Setz, W. (transl., 1987) Das Hohelied der Knabenliebe: Erotische Gedichte aus der Griechischen Anthologie. Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel; Steinbichler, W. (1998) Die Epigramme des Dichters Straton von Sardes: Ein Beitrag zum Griechischen Paiderotischen Epigramm. Frankfurt/M. u. a. Some verses collected in Strato van Sardeis (1976) Moysa Paidike. Dutch translation by Vergeer, Ch., Knapenliedboek. Amsterdam: De Arbeiderspers, indeed convey Greek pubomisy. According to the author (p60) it was the beard, first apparent at age 18 that formed the upper limit in paiderastia, while the lower limit is “less clear”. “Paedophilia in the modern sense” was judged to be nonexistent, unlike among the Romans.

[87]Obermayer, H. P. (1998) Martial und der Diskurs über Männliche “Homosexualität” in der Literatur der Frühen Kaiserzeit. Classica Monacensia Bd. 18 Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, p95-103

[88] Dover, K. J. (1978) Greek Homosexuality. Lodon: Duckworth. Cf. Dover, K. J. (1973) Classical Greek Attitudes to Sexual Behavior, Arethusa 6:59-83; Dover, K. J. (1988) Greek Homosexuality and Initiation, in Dover, K. J. (Ed.) The Greeks and their Legacy: Collected Papers. Volume II: Prose Literature, History, Society, Transmission, Influence. Oxford [etc.]: Blackwell, p115-34

[89] Halperin, D. M. (1990) One Hundred Years of Homosexuality and Other Essays on Greek Love. New York & London: Routledge

[90] Hupperts, Ch. (2000) Eros Dikaios. Vol. 1. Diss., University of Amsterdam

[91]Freese, J. H., Sittengeschichte Griekenlands. Better known as Licht, H., transl. (1932) Sexual Life in Ancient Greece. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul

[92] Buffière, F. (1980) Eros Adolescent.Paris: Sociéte d’Édition “Les Belles Lettres”. See p605-17 for an extensive discussion of age.

[93] The History of Child Abuse. Speech given in May 1992 at The British Institute for Psycho-Analysis in London and in August 1994 at the American Psychiatric Association Convention in Philadelphia. This statement, with the retarded puberty hypothesis, was repeated in DeMause (1998).

[94] Another psychohistorian stated: “Age ranges for the eromenos are vague, but we seem to be dealing with the years immediately before puberty, the time of puberty itself, and the years straight after puberty” (Gray-Fow, 1987:p458).

[95] Cantarella, E. (1988) Secondo Natura. 1992 Engl. transl., Bisexuality in th Ancient World. New Haven & London: Yale University Press

[96] Cantarella ([1992:p68]), op.cit.

[97] Wiedemann, Th. (1989) Adults and Children in the Roman Empire. London: Routledge

[98] Williams, C. A. (1999) Roman Homosexuality : Ideologies of Masculinity in Classical Antiquity. New York [etc.]: Oxford University Press

[99] Gray-Fow, M. (1987) Child abuse historiography and ethics: the historian as moral philosopher, J Psychohist 15,1:455-65

[100] Boswell, J. (1980) Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality. Chicao & London: University of Chicago Press

[101] Calame, C. (1997) Choruses of Young Women in Ancient Greece: Their Morphology, Religious Role, and Social Functions, translated from the French by Derek Collins and Jane Orion. Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield

[102] Pomeroy, S. B. (2002) Spartan Women. Oxford University Press. There are also notes about nudity (p26-7): "As we have mentioned, the bare-breasted costume was worn only by girls who raced at the Heraea. Though some prepubescent Athenians raced nude at least once in their lives at the sanctuary of Artemis at Brauron, only Spartan girls regularly wore short dresses and exercised nude. Moreover, historical sources assign the earliest foundation of racing for girls anywhere in Greece to Lycurgus." [...] In Laws (833C), Plato prescribes nude racing only for prepubertal girls, and racing clothed for adolescents until marriage at eighteen to twenty years of age. Plato’s distinction may be reflected in the artistic portrayals of Spartan girl runners, though a modern viewer may misinterpret clues to the age of subjects in ancient art.[n106] Bronze mirrors and statuettes portraying girls completely nude seem to modeled on a prepubertal, slim-hipped girl. Those wearing the chiton show an adolescent with fully developed breasts. The older group may be dressed because they have already reached menarche and need to wear an undergarment to absorb menstrual blood.[n107]". Note 106. See further Christiane Sourvinou-Inwood, Studies in Girls’ Transitions: Aspects of the Arkteia and Age Representation in Attic Iconogography (Athens, 1988).

[103] See further M. L.West,“Alcmanica,”CQ 15 (1965), 188–202, esp. 199–200 [orig.footnote 117]

[104] In Athen. 13.602d–e: see further C. Calame, Les choeurs de jeunes filles en Grèce archaïque, vol. 1 (Rome, 1977), 434, and Jan Bremmer,“An Enigmatic Indo-European Rite: Paederasty,”Arethusa 13 (1980), 279–98, esp. 292–93. K.Dover,Greek Homosexuality (London, 1978), 188, interprets the passage as anal penetration of girls by boys, and states that “the original sexual meaning of ‘lakonize’will have been ‘have anal intercourse,’ irrespective of the sex of the person penetrated.” [orig.footnote 118]

[105] E.g., Cottin, S. M. R. (1805) Mathilde, ou Mémoires tirés de L'Histoire des Croisades. Paris: Giguet

[106]Bertels, K. (1978) Puberteit als historisch maakwerk, in Bertels, K. et al. (Eds.) Vrouw Man Kind, Lijnen van Vroeger naar Nu. Baarn [Holland]: Ambo, p183-206

[107] Chojnacki, S. (1992) Measuring Adulthood: Adolescents and Gender in Renaissance Venice, J Fam Hist 17,4:371-95

[108] Hanawalt, B. A. (1992) Historical Descriptions and Prescriptions for Adolescence, J Fam Hist 17,4:341-51

[109] Stoertz, F. H. (2001) Young Women in France and England, 1050-1300, J Women’s Hist 12,4:22-46

[110] Postman, N. (1987) The Blurring of Childhood and the Media, Religious Educ 82,2:293-5

[111] Neuman, R. P. (1975) Masturbation, madness, and the modern concepts of childhood and adolescence, J Soc Hist 8,3:1-27

[112] Hanawalt, B. A. (1993) Growing Up in Medieval London: New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press

[113] Langfeldt, Th. (1981) Sexual development in children, in Cook, M. & Howells, K. (Eds.) Adult Sexual Interest in Children. New York: Academic Press, p99-120

[114] Beccadelli, A. (1908) Hermaphroditus. Leipzig [Privatdruck]. See also contributions by Forberg and Kind

[115] Bouchard, G. (1972) Le Village Immobile [etc.]. Paris, p325. “L’un et l’autre sexe est bien très enclin à l’amour, j’ai été étonné de voir cette passion se développer de bonne heure, au point que des garçons, même de sept ans à huit ans, ont commerce avec des filles de leur âge”. Quoted from Tessier (1776:p70)

[116] See Fuchs, R. (ca 1928) Geschichte der Erotischen Kunst. Vol. 2. München: Albert Langen

[117] See Karwath, C. von (1908) Der Erotik in der Kunst. Leipzig: C. W. Stern

[118] Frijhoff, W. (1985) Seksualiteit en erotiek in de achttiende eeuw: een slotbeschouwing, Documentatieblad Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw [Leiden] 17:195-210

[119] Luyendijk-Elshout, A. M. (1985) Arts en seksualiteit. Richtlijnen voor de bourgeoisie, Documentatieblad Werkgroep Achttiende Eeuw [Leiden] 17:15-27

[120] De la Bretonne, R. (1794-7) M. Nicolas ou le Coeur Humain Dévoilé. 1985 Dutch transl., De Liefdesavonturen van Mons. Nicolas […]. See p7-39

[121] Kellogg , J. H. (1881) Plain Facts for Old and Young: Embracing the Natural History and Hygiene of Organic Life. Burlington, Iowa, USA:I. F. Segner & Condit Co.

[122] Schultz, J. A. (1991) Medieval Adolescence: The Claims of History and the Silence of German Narrative, Speculum 66,3:519-39

[123] Daw, S. F. (1970) Age of Boy's Puberty in Leipzig, 1727-49, as Indicated by Voice Breaking in J. S. Bach’s Choir Members, Human Biol 42,1:87-90; Moller, M. (1985) Voice Change in Human Biological Development, J Interdisc Hist 16,2:239-53

[124] Wailes, S. L. (1983) The Romance of Kudrum, Speculum 58,2:347-67

[125] Boesch, H. (1900) Kinderleben in der Deutschen Vergangenheit. Leipzig: Eu. Diederichs

[126] Eerenbeemt, B. van den (1935) Het Kind in Onze Middeleeuwse Literatuur. Amsterdam: N. V. Munster [Dutch]

[127] Schultz, J. A.(1995) The Knowledge of Childhood in the German Middle Ages, 1100–1350. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press

[128] Stone, L. (1961) Marriage among the English Nobility in the 16th and 17th Centuries, Comparat Stud Soc & Hist 3,2:182-206

[129] Post, J. B. (1971) Ages of menarche and menopause: some Mediaeval authorities, Popul Stud 25:83-7

[130] Amudsen, D. W. & Diers, C. J. (1973) The age of menarche in medieval Europe, Hum Biol 45:363-9

[131] Vogel, C. (1966) L’âge des époux chrétiens au moment de contracter mariage d’après les inscriptions paléo-chrétiens, Rev Droit Canon 16:355-66; Patlagean, E. (1973) L’enfant et son avenir dans la famille Byzantine, Ann Démogr Hist, p85-93, see p90

[132] Archer, R. (1990) New England Mosaic: A Demographic Analysis for the Seventeenth Century, William & Mary Quart, 3rd. Ser. 47,4:477-502; Laslett, P. (1971a)  The World We Have Lost: England before the Industrial Age. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons

[133] Laslett, P. (1971b) Age at Menarche in Europe since the Eighteenth Century, J Interdiscipl Hist 2,2:221-36. Versions also appeared in Rotberg, R. R. & Rabb, Th. K. (Eds.) Marriage and Fertility. Princeton: Princeton University Press, p285-300; and in Laslett, P. (1977) Family Life and Illicit Love. Cambridge [tec.]: Cambridge University Press, p214-32; and in Rabb, Th. K. & Rotberg, R. R. (Eds., 1976) The Family in History. New York: Octagon Books, p28-47

[134] Quoted by MacDonald, R. H. (1967) The Frightful Consequences of Onanism: Notes on the History of a Delusion, J Hist Ideas 28,3:423-31, at p426

[135] Inglis, H. D. (1835) Ireland in 1834. Vol. I. Quoted by Drake, and by Connell, K. H. (1950) Land and Population in Ireland, 1780-1845, Econ Hist Rev, New Series, 2,3:278-89, at p281

[136] Drake, M. (1963) Marriage and Population Growth in Ireland, 1750-1845, Econ Hist Rev, New Series, 16,2:301-13

[137] Sumner, W. G. (1906) Folkways. Boston [etc.]: Ginn & Co.

[138] Gies, F. & Gies, J. (1987) Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages. Cambridge [etc.]: Harper & Row, p184

[139] Leyser, K. J. (1979) Rule and Conflict in Early Medieval Society. London: E. Arnold. Cited by Goody, J. (1983) The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p64

[140] O’Neal, C. M. (1983) Marriage and the Status of Women as Viewed through Early Medieval Law Codes. Thesis, Texas, p54, 78

[141] Onclin, W. (19?) L’âge requis pour le mariage dans la doctrine canonique médiévale, Boston Proc, p237-40; Brundage (1987:p238), op.cit.

[142] Bullough, V. L. (1982) The sin against Nature and homosexuality, in Bullough, V. L. & Brundage, J. (Eds.) Sexual Practices and The Medieval Church. Buffalo, New York: Prometheus, p55-71, see p62

[143] Winter, M. (1984) Kindheit und Jugend im Mittelalter. Diss. Phil, Freiburg

[144] Brundage (1987:p357), op.cit.

[145] Howard, G. E. (1964) A History of Matrimonial Institutions. New York: Humanities Press. Vol. I

[146] Laiou, A. E. (1993) Sex, consent, and coercion in Byzantium, in Laiou, A. E. (Ed.) Consent and Coercion to Sex and Marriage in Ancient and Medieval Societies. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library & Collection, p109-221; Brundage, J. A. (1978) Rape and marriage, Rev Droit Canonique 28:[62ff]

[147] Nicholas, D. (1985) The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children and the Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent. Lincoln & London: University of Nebraska Press

[148] Rossiaud, J. (1984) La Prostituzione nel Medieovo. 1988 English transl., Medieval Prostitution. Oxford: Blackwell

[149]See DeMause, L., The Emotional Life of Nations, Ch.7; Kuster, H. (1997) De Wil Tot Liefhebben: Beschouwingen over Geschiedfilosofie, Narcisme en Knapenliefde. Veenendaal [Holland]: Kuster. 2 vols.

[150] Sergent, B. (1986) L’Homosexualité Initiatique dans l’Europe Ancienne. Paris: Payot; Sergent, B. (1996) Homosexualité et Initiation chez les Peuples Indo-Européens. Paris: Payot. Cf. Bremmer, J. (1992) An enigmatic Indo-European rite: paederasty, in Dynes, W. R. & Donaldson, S. (Eds.) Homosexuality in the Ancient World. New York, NY: Garland, p49-68. Orig. in Arethusa 13 (1980) 2:279-98

[151] For a note on the “Taifalen”, see Bleibtrue-Ehrenberg (1970:p69; 1978:p44). Bleibtrue-Ehrenberg, G. (1970) Sexuelle Abartigkeit im Urteil der Abendländischen Religions-, Geistens-, und Rechtsgeschichte im Zusammenhang mit der Gesellschaftsentwicklung. PhD Dissertation, Bonn; Bleibtrue-Ehrenberg, G. (1978) Tabu Homosexualität: Die Geschichte eines Vorurteils. Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer

[152] Keuls, E. C. (1995) The Greek medical texts and the sexual ethos of ancient Athens, Clio Med 27:261-73

[153] Hekma, G.,  Eder, F. X., transl. (1998) Die Verfolgung der Männer: Gleichgeschlechtliche männliche Begierden und Praktiken in der Europäischen Geschichte, Österreich Zeitschr Geschichtswiss [Austria] 9,3:311-41. See also Kuster, H. J. (1951) Over Homoseksualiteit in Middeleews West-Europa. Diss., Utrecht, Netherlands, p20-1

[154] Stayton, W. R. (1994) Pederasty in ancient and early Christian history, in Bullough, V. L. & Bullough, B. (Eds.) Human Sexuality: An Encyclopedia. New York & London: Garland Publ.. Inc.

[155] Postcards from the edge: How Paul dragged Christianity into the first century, U.S. Catholic, Aug 1993; 58,8:6-13, at p12-3

[156] Saslow, J. M. (1989) Homosexuality in the renaissance: behavior, identity and artistic expression, in Duberman, M. B. et al. (Eds.) Hidden from History. New York: New American Library, p90-105

[157] Rousselle, Porneia (1983:p134-5), citing Chrysostom, J., in Antioche, p188

[158] Orme, N. (2001) Medieval Children. New Haven: Yale University Press

[159] Jacquat, D. & Thomasset, C. (1985) Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages. Cambridge: Polity Press, p124

[160] Also in Venice. See Dall’Orto, G. (1990) Venice, in Dynes, W. R. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Homosexuality. New York & London: Garland Publ. Inc. Vol. II, p1364-7, and Florence, ibid., Vol. I, p408-11

[161] Rocke, M. (1996) Forbidden Friendships: Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence. New York: Oxford University Press, p14

[162] Bray, A. (1982) Homosexuality in Renaissance England. London: Gay Men’s Press, p51

[163] Ibid.

[164] Carrasco, R. (1989 [1992]) Sodomiten und Inquisition im Spanien des sechzehnten und siebzehnten Jahrhunders, in Corbin A. (Ed.) Die Sexuelle Gewalt in der Geschichte, Berlin, p45-58. Translated from 1989 orig., Violences Sexuelles. Paris: Imago

[165] Rocke, Michael Jesse (1990) Male homosexuality and its regulation in late medieval Florence. PhD, State University of New York at Binghamton

[166] Boswell, J. (1994) Same-Sex Unions in Premodern Europe. New York: Villard Books, p247

[167] Rousselle, Porneia, p148

[168] Quinn, P. A. (1988) Better Than The Sons of Kings: Boys and Monks in the Early Middle Ages. New York: Peter Lang, p165

[169] Abbott, E. (2000) A History of Celibacy. New York [etc.]: Scribner, p101

[170] Damian, P. (1982) Book of Gomorrah. Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, p27, 42

[171] Atlas, J. (2000) Pederasty, Blood Shedding and Blood Smearing: Men in Search of Mommy’s Feared Powers, Journal Psychohist 28:116-49

[172] Rocke, M. J. (1989) Sodomites in Fifteenth-Century Tuscany: The Views of Bernardino of Sienna, in Gerard, K. & Hekman, G. (Eds.) The Pursuit of Sodomy: Male Homosexuality in Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe. New York: Harrington Park Press, p9, 13

[173] Ibid., p15, 12

[174] Rocke (1996:p156), op.cit.

[175] Same-Sex Unions, 1995, op.cit.

[176] Ruggiero, G. (1985) The Boundaries of Eros. New York: Oxford University Press, p138

[177] Rocke (1996:p7), op.cit.. See also Goodrich, M. (1976) Sodomy in medieval secular law, J Homosex 1:295-302

[178] Wood, N. (2002) Creating the Sensual Child: Paterian Aesthetics, Pederasty, and Oscar Wilde's Fairy Tales, Marvels & Tales 16,2:156-70

[179] Clarke. E. O. (2000) Virtuous Vice: Homoeroticism and the Public Sphere. Durham & London: Duke University Press. As reviewed by Elfenbaum, A. (2001), Eighteenth-Cent Stud 35,1:140-2

[180] Crompton, L. (1985) Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in Nineteenth-Century England. Berkeley: University of California Press

[181] Charbonnier-Lambert, M. (2002) Walter Pater, Simeon Solomon and Oscar Browning: The cultural, legal and social aspects of homosexuality before the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, Cahiers Victoriens & Edouardiens 55:265-75

[182] Merrick, J. (1998/9) Commissioner Foucault, inspector Noël, and the “pederasts” of Paris, 1780-3, J Social Hist 32:287-307

[183] Boswell, J. (1988) The Kindness of Strangers. New York [etc.]: Pantheon

[184] Brusendorff, O. & Henningsen, P. ([1960] 1963) Love’s Picture Book. Vol.3: Exotic horizons. Copenhagen: Veta

[185] Shestack, A. et. al. (1981) Hans Baldung Grien: Prints and Drawings. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, p131; Wirth, J. (1978) Sainte Anne est une sorcière, Bibliothèque d'Humanisme & Renaissance [Switzerland] 40,3:449-81. The latter author refutes Carl Koch’s contention that Saint Anne was portrayed as a conjurer condemning Jesus Christ to chastity. Iconographical analysis, the 15th- and 16th-century cult of Saint Anne, and Alsatian nonchalance toward witchcraft lead him to contradict the hypothesis. Berne argues that “[…] it was common among Renaissance painters to emphasize the genitals of the Infant Jesus, and of the Risen Christ as well. It was their way of saying, “Yes, look! He really did have what it takes to give life to human beings. Let’s celebrate that fact”. See Berne, E. (1970) Sex in Human Loving. New York: Simon and Schuster, p44

[186] Van Ussel, J. (1968) Geschiedenis van het Seksuele Probleem. Meppel, Netherlands: Boom & Son. Based on the author’s 1967 thesis, Sociogenese en Evolutie van het Probleem der Seksuele Propaedeuse tussen de 16de en de 18de Eeuw, Vooral in Fankrijk en Duitsland. Gent. The work was translated in German (Sexualunterdrükung: Geschichte der Sexualfeindschaft, 1970). See also Van Ussel, J. (1976) De Westerse houding tegenover het kind, en het onststaan daarvan, in Pedofilie en Samenleving. Utrecht: NCGV, p21-9; and a post-mortem contribution to Rooie Vlinderschrift [Gent] 3(1979):9-16, at p10. Van Ussel’s claim pertaining the depiction of the practice is challenged by Van Rhee, F. (2001) Pedofilie: Een Controversiële Kwestie. Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger, who saw his inquiries to the matter in the Dutch Rijksmuseum and the National Bureau for Documentation in Art History frustrated by the ignorance of it.

[187] For instance, see Héroard, J. (1868) Journal de l’Enfance et de la Première Jeunesse de Louis XVIII. Edited by Fudore Soulié and Edouard de Barthelemy. 2 vols. Paris: Firmin Didot Freres, fils & cie. For more reference to 1800 servants’ crimes, see Rand, E. (1992) Diderot and Girl-Group Erotics, Eighteenth-Century Stud 25,4:495-516, p504. Cf. Maza, S. C. (1983) Servants and Masters in Eighteenth-Century France. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; Bienville, M. D. T. (1778) La Nymphomanie ou Traité de la Fureur Utérine. Amsterdam: M. Rey, p131, 140-3.

[188]Cf. Van Ussel, J. (1963) De totale mens: beschouwingen over de antropologie, moraal en de opvoeding van het geslachtelijke. Blankenberge : s.n [paper, NISSO], p75-117, specifically p77ff. For more Van Ussel on antisexual Christianity, see Ussel, J. van (1968) Het christendom en de seksuele problematiek, Kultuurleven [Belgium] 39:658-69; Ussel, J. van (1969) Socio-economische grondslagen van de seksuele moraal, Tijdschr Sociale Wetensch [Dutch] 2:155-206

[189] Duerr, H. P. (1988) Nacktheit und Scham. Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp. Vol. 1 of Der Mythos vom Zivilizationprocess. 2nd ed.

[190] See also DeMause, Foundations of Psychohistory (1982:p56 and 81, n262)

[191] Haeberle, E. J. (1978) The Sex Atlas. New York: Seabury Press. Dutch translation, Spectrum, 1981

[192]Franck de la Marche, in Gaie France Mag, translated by Brongersma, E. (1993) Jongensliefde in de middeleeuwn en later, OK Mag 46:5-10

[193] Dasberg, L. (1975) Grootbrengen door Kleinhouden als Historisch Verschijnsel. Meppel [Holland]: Boom, p35-6

[194] Brongersma (1987, I:p31)

[195] E.g., Emotional Life of Nations, Ch. 7

[196] Stone, L. (1977) Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800.London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson

[197] Ariès, Ph. (1962) Centuries of Childhood. Translated, London: Cape. The chapter is reprinted in Jenkins, H. (Ed.) The Children’s Culture Reader. New York: New York University Press, p41-57

[198] Marvick, E. W. (1974a)The Character of Louis XIII: The Role of His Physician, J Interdisc His 4,3:347-74

[199] Marvick, E. W. (1974c) Nature versus nurture: patterns and trends in seventeenth-century French child-rearing, in DeMause, L. (Ed.) The History of Childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press, p259-301

[200] Marvick, E. W. (1974b) Childhood History and Decisions of State: The Case of Louis XIII, Hist Childh Quart 2,2:135-80. Comments and replies at p181-99

[201] Moll, A. (1908) Das Sexualleben des Kindes. Leipzig: Vogel. See English translation The Sexual Life of Children. New York: MacMillan, 1912

[202] Schur, M. (1972) Freud: Living and Dying. New York: International Universities Press, p120-32 Cf. DeMause, Foundations of Psychohistory, p58

[203] For more information on child witches, see Rush, F. (1980) The Best Kept Secret: Sexual Abuse of Children. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, p37-40; Behringer, W. (1989) Kinderhexenprozesse: Zur Roller von Kinder in der Geschichte der Hexenverfolgung., Zeitschr Hist Forsch 16:31-47; Kuhn-Rehfus, M. (1994) Mit dem greulichen Laster der Hexerei angesteckte Kinder: Kinderhexenprozesse in Sigmarigen im 17. Jahrhundert, in Schmierer, W. (Ed.) Aus Südwestdeutscher Geschichte: Festschrift für Hans-Martin Maurer. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, p428-46; Waltz, R. (1994) Kinder in Hexenprozessen: Die Grafschaft Lippe, 1564-1663, in Wilbertz, G., Schwerhoff, G. & Scheffler, J. (Eds.) Hexenverfolgung und Regionalgeschichte: Die Grafschaft Lippe im Vergleich. Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, p211-31; Weber, H. (1999) Die besessenen Kinder: Teufelsglaube Exorzismus in der Geschichte der Kindheit. Stuttgart: J. Thorbecke; Weber, H. (1991) Kinderhexenprozesse. Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag; Weber, H. (1993) Gewalt gegen Kinder. Das Beispiel der Kinderhexenprozesse, Pädagogik 45,1:42-6; Weber, H. (1992) Die besessenen Kinder der Hexenverfolgungen, Der Evangelische Erzieher. Zeitschr Pädagogik & Theol 443:280-91; Weber, H. (1996a) Von der verführten Kinder Zauberei: Hexenprozesse gegen Kinder im alten Württemberg. Sigmaringen: J. Thorbecke; Weber, H. (1996b) Hexenprozesse gegen Kinder. Ein dramatisches Kapitel in der Verfolgungsgeschichte der Kindheit, Religion Heute 25:12-6; Sebald, H. (1995) Witch-Children; From Salem Witch-Hunts to Modern Courtrooms. New York; Tramer, M. (1944/5) Kinder im Hexenglauben und Hexenprozeß des Mittelalters. Kind und Aberglaube, Zeitschr Kinderpsychia 2:140-9, 180-7; Midelfort, E. H. C. (1972) Witch-Hunting in Southwestern Germany 1562-1684: The Social and Intellectual Foundations. Stanford: Stanford University Press, p144, 156-7. For a discussion of Weber’s work, see also Frenken, R. (1999) Child Witches in Renaissance Germany, J Psychohist 26,4. Further Simms, N. (1998) Medieval Guilds, Passions and Abuse, J Psychohist 26,1:478-513

[204] Winter, M. (1984) Kindheit und Jugend im Mittelalter. Diss. Phil, Freiburg

[205] Roper, L. (2000) Evil imaginings and fantasies: child-witches and the end of the witch craze, Past & Present 167:107-39

[206] Friedrich Wilhelm Basilius von Ramdohr, Venus Urania. Ueber die Natur der Liebe, über ihre Veredlung und Verschönerung. Bd. 1-4. Leipzig 1798. The work was referred to by Moll first in 1891, Die Konträre Sexual-Empfindung, p2

[207]Rohleder, H. (1901) Vorlesungen über Sexualtrieb und Sexualleben des Menschen. Berlin: Fischer, p14-6; Rohleder, H. (1920) Vorlesungen über das Sesamte Geschlechtsleben des Menschen. 4th ed. Vol. I. Berlin: Fischer

[208] Wulffen, E. (1913) Das Kind: Sein Wesen und seine Entartung. Berlin: Langenscheidt, p249-97

[209] Raffalovitch, M. (1896) Uranisme et Unisexualité. Paris, Lyon: Masson & Cie

[210] For a brief outline of historical investigation, consider the following (full reference list available from the author): Von Gagern (1952); Spitz (1952); Hare (1962); Duffy (1963); Jacobs (1963); Comfort (1967); MacDonald (1967); Ussel, van (1967/68); Szasz (1970); Cade (1973); Gilbert (1975); Neuman (1975); Pilgrim (1975); Buda (1976); Renshaw (1976); Bullough and Bullough (1977:ch.5); Greydanus & Geller (1980); Egelhardt (1981); Carter (1983); Hudson (1983); Chromy (1984); Money (1985); Stengers & Neck,van (1984); Elia (1987); Bloch (1989); Okada (1989); Hall (1992), Kay (1992); Lüthehaus (1992); Duche (1994); Schroth (1994); Braun (1995); Mortier et al. (1995); Richter (1996); Hunt (1998). Also Spree, R. (1986) Sozialisationsnormen in ärztlichen Ratgebern zur Säuglings- und Kleinkindpflege, in Martin, J. & Nitschke, Au. (Eds.) Zur Sozialgeschichte der Kindheit. München: Verlag K. Alber, p609-59, see p628-9, 641-3; Van Ussel, J. (1968) “Vuile manieren” en seksuele opvoeding, Persoon & Gemeenschap [Dutch] 21,3:137-47

[211] See Van Ussel (1968) and Jacobs (1963) for a bibliography of masturbation works before 1800.

[212] Fox, Ch. (1986) The Myth of Narcissus in Swift’s Travels, Eighteenth-Cent Stud 20,1:17-33

[213] Gilbert, A. N. (1975) Doctor, patient, and onanist diseases in the nineteenth century, J Hist Med & Allied Sci 30,3:217-34

[214] Lejeune, Ph. (1974) Le “dangereux supplement”: lecture d’un aveu de Rousseau, Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations [France] 29,4:1009-22

[215] Schoondermark, J. Jr. (1902) Het (Auto- en Mutueel-) Onaneeren [etc.]. Amsterdam: Moransard

[216] Kett, J. F. (1971) Adolescence and Youth in Nineteenth-Century America, J Interdiscipl Hist 2,2:283-98. Reprinted in Rabb, Th. K. & Rotberg, R. R. (Eds., 1976) The Family in History. New York: Octagon Books, p95-110

[217] Flandrin, J. (1976) Späte Heirat und Sexualleben, in Bloch, M. et al. (Eds.) Schrift und Materie der Geschichte. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp. Cited by Schetsche, M. & Schmidt, R. (1996) Ein “dunkler Drang aus dem Leibe”: Deutungen kindlicher Onanie seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, Ztschr Sexualforsch 9,1:1-22, at p2

[218] Mortier, F. & Colen, W. (1995) Inner-scientific reconstructions in the discourse on masturbation (1960-1950), Paedagog Hist [Belgium] 30,3:817-47

[219] Rosenberg, Ch. E. (1973) Sexuality, Class and Role in 19th-Century America, Am Quart 25,2:131-53

[220] A comparable case is presented by Gillis (1996) who examined the early development of writings on infant and childhood thumb-sucking in American paediatric textbooks since 1878. He discusses the integration and consolidation of this suctus voluptibilis into common American paediatric coverage by observing that it found pathological and nosological anchors [p65] in its being classified as a “functional neurological disease”.  The parent, nurse and non-paediatric physicians were incapacitated in their potential expertise, and the habit was pathologised by its association with orofacial deformity and sexualised [thus, pathologised] by its association with masturbation. The paediatrician was considered a coloniser rather than the self-declared explorer of the unknown terrain of infancy [p73] and paediatrics was identified as “an early intellectual example of contextual or relative “truth”[p64]”, by virtue of its anchoring the child’s behaviour in its adults consequences. See Gillis, J. (1996) Bad habits and pernicious results: thumb sucking and the discipline of late-nineteenth century paediatrics, Med Hist 40:55-73


[222]Zimmerman (1779) Warnung an Eltern, Erzieher und Kinderfreunde wegen der Selbstbefleckung, zumal bey ganz jungen Mädchen, Neues Mag f Ärzte 1,1:43-51

[223] Van Bambeke, C. (1859) Note sur certaines habitudes vicieuses chez les très-jeunes enfants, Bull Soc Méd Gand 25:7-14

[224]Behrend, F. J. (1860) Über die Reizung der Geschlechtsteile, besonders über Onanie bei ganz kleinen Kindern, und die dagegen anzuwendenden Mittel, J Kinderkrankh 35:321-9

[225]Fleischmann, L. (1878) Ueber Onanie und Masturbation bei Säuglingen, Wien Med Presse 19:8-10, 46-8. See also Carter (1983) Infantile hysteria and infantile masturbation in late 19th century German language medical literature, Med Hist 27:186-96, esp. p190-1

[226] Vering, A. M. (1841) Pastorale Geneeskunde. Almelo [Holland]: J. T. Sommer. Dutch transl. from the German, p164-84

[227] Rilliet & Bartez (1854) Traité Clinique et Practique des Maladies des Enfants. Vol. III. 2nd ed., p417

[228]E.g., Bednař (1856) Lehrbuch der Kinderkrankheiten. Vienna, p352

[229] Debay, Au. ([1961]) Hygiene et Physiologie du Marriage. 27th ed. Paris, p95-7

[230]Steiner, J. ([1873]) Compendium der Kinderziekten [etc]. Arnhem [Holland], Dutch transl. of German orig.

[231] “As is concerned the age at which this impertinence is practiced, I have had ample occassion of verifying its being observed first in very little children, one or two years of age”.

[232] Marro, A. (1899) Influence of the puberal development upon the moral character of children of both sexes, Am J Sociol 5,2:193-219, at p214

[233] Schrenk-Notzing, A. von (1895) The Use of Hypnosis in Psychopathia Sexualis. 1956 reprint, New York: The Institute for Research in Hypnosis Publication Society etc.

[234] Freud, S. (1912) Zur Einleitung der Onanie-Diskussion. In Die Onanie. Vierzehn Beiträge zu einer Diskussion der "Wiener Psychoanalytischen Vereinigung" (Diskussionen der Wiener psychoanalytischen Vereinigung, Heft 2). Wiesbaden; G.W., Bd. 8, p332-45

[235] Szasz, Th. (1970) The Manufacture of Madness. New York [etc.]: Harper & Row. 1972 Dutch Transl.

[236]E.g., Premsela, Sexuologie in de Praktijk. 2nd ed. Amsterdam : Strengholt, p212

[237] Janssen, D. F. (July, 2001) Paradoxia Sexualis: The Bio-Othering and Psychopathia Sexualis of the Child. Unpublished manuscript, Nijmegen University, Faculty of Medical History, Philosophy and Ethics

[238] Ibid.

[239] Cf. GUS, Vol.II, §2.3

[240] Carter (1983:p196), op.cit.