Index
Asia
IES: Philippines
eHRAF
SCCS:
Ifugao:
(2,2,2,2,2-,2-;8,8;E)
Badjau: (2-,2-,2-,2)
|
PHILIPPINES, The
Featured:
Tagals, Agta, Kalingas, Bagobo, Mandaya, Batak, Sulod, Badjau, Buid, Ifugao, Negritos, Sagada Igorots, Bontoc Igorot, Isneg Igorot, Ilocos
Generalia
Age Stratified Patterns
Tagals (Philippines)
Agta (Philippines)
Bohol (Visayans; Philippines)
Kalingas (Philippines)
Bagobo (Philippines)
Mandaya (Philippines)
Batak (Philippines;
®Indonesia)
Sulod (Central Panay, Philippines)
Badjau (2-,2-,2-,2) (Philippines)
Buid (Mindoro, Philippines)
Ifugao (Nothern Luzon, Philippines) (2,2,2,2,2-,2-;8,8;E) (Ehraf)
Negrotis (North Luzon, Philippines)
Igorots (Sagada, Bontoc, Isneg) (Philippines)
Sagada Igorots (Northern Luzon, Philippines)
Bontoc Igorot (Philippines)
Isneg Igorot (Philippines)
Ilocos (Philippines)
GENERALIA
A historical literature overview of Philippine
prepubertal betrothals and marriage was offered by the Amsterdam Colonial
Institute (1921[IV]:p474-6)[1]. Such early betrothal would
before 1811 be the case among Subanum, Mandaya [Samal-Davao], Bisaya, Igorot,
Tingyan, and Negrito ethnicities. However, traditional Philippine societies
are equally known for their dormitory systems. An old woman was sometimes
employed for childhood defloration (Mallat, 1846, I:p61; De Morga,
1868:p304-5; Crawley, 1927, II:p69-70)[2].
Javier (1969)[3] speaks of segregation of sexes
from preschool age on in the Central Plain of Luzon, Philippines. Guthrie and
Jacobs (1966:p134-47)[4] provide a fairly elaborate
account of sexual development among the Philippines. Whitam and Mathy
(1986:p44-52)[5] provide some indication of sexual
development (attraction in childhood sex play, gender of first sexual
contact, age of first sexual contact, age of first sexual attraction, age of
realization of sexual orientation) among Philippino, as compared to
Brazilian, Guatemalan and North American hetero- and homosexuals.
A short excerpt from
Leyson (2001)[6]
(read in full: IES):
“In Filipino
society today, it is not unusual for preteenage boys to engage in exploratory
“sex” games with other boys and girls. Such exploratory play allows the child
to reassure him/herself of the normality of his or her body. This kind of
childhood sexual rehearsal games was more common in the past and in rural
areas, when violence and drugs were not as devastating as they are now in the
urban areas. In some cases, boys would observe couples kissing and hugging in
the park. Occasionally, they sit in the balconies of movie theaters where
couples are engaging in heavy petting. In the rural areas and barrios, boys
commonly compare their bodies with a friend, relative, or schoolmates.
Generally speaking, parents and other adults have a mildly negative response
when they discover child sexual play, ranging from warnings to spankings. […]
Our knowledge of the sexual attitudes and behaviors of the Filipino youth is
limited to a very few anecdotal reports, most of which deal with middle and
upper-class urban teenagers rather than the rural poor and urban street
children. In this very limited context, my personal experience was the basis
of my premedical school thesis on “First Night Sexual Experience of Young
Boys - 1968”
[read
in full: IES].
Additional refs:
- Health
Action Information Network (1987) Child
and Youth Prostitution in the Philippines. Manila
- Cavendish
(1588)[7]
“In pre-colonial
Philippino society, each tribe had an official chief. However, more powerful
than the chief was the medicine man, the "babaylan" or "catalonan".
His function would be high priest, overseer of sacred ceremonies, and advisor
to the chief. Power was not perceived as political and economic, but
supernatural and paranormal. In most recorded cases, a "man whose nature
inclined toward that of a woman", a so-called "bayoguin", was
assigned the role of babaylan. Worship of the hermaphrodite god Bathala was
widespread, which lead the people to believe that bisexuality and androgyny
represented immortality. The babaylans were known to marry and live with men,
and it was considered a great honor to the family if their young son would be
allowed to live with a babaylan. This relationship would however end when the
boy was old enough to marry” (Fleras 1993 as cited by Almgren, 1997)[8].
Boy prostitution was said to have been common
(Drew and Drake, 1969:p117-24)[9]. Bini boys roamed the streets dressed as girls, a phenomenon
entering popular culture as a disguised theme: a Philippine “Robin” would be dragged
away from attempted amorous passes at other males by “Batman”. An illustrated
account of Manila street
life is given by the subversive book Desert
Patrol[10], apparently in celebration of
boys’ liberties with tourists. Johnson (1998:p698)[11] mentions that local homosexuals
(“gays”, not “paedophiles”) “call on 8 to 12-year-old boys who frequent video
houses. Paying them as little as five pesos, the gays in Jolo call these boys
Ha! Ha! Boys”.
Among the Philippine Tagals, uncircumcised children are teased by the
insult of suput (“tight”), or being unfit for sexual intercourse[12].
Plasencia (p118)[13]
suggests that marriages have been contracted in early childhood. Premarital
freedom would be considerable, according to Blumentritt[14] (also
cited by Wilken,
1889:p439)[15], citing author Cañamaque[16] who accuses even children of
lewdness (“beschuldigt selbst Kinder der Unzucht”).
Jean (as cited by Hewlett)[17] describes for the Philippine Agta
hunter-gatherers:
“The infant is eagerly
passed from person to person until all in attendance have had an opportunity
to snuggle, nuzzle, sniff, and admire the new- born [...]. A child’s first
experience, then involves a community of relatives and friends. Thereafter he
enjoys constant cuddling, carrying, loving, sniffing and affectionate genital
stimulation”.
Circumcision is to occur during elementary
school[18]; if not, the boys will be teased. “Courtship
has its own rituals and beliefs. Although courtship is now generally based on
romantic love, marriage proposals are still made with the held and consent of
the parents. Whereas the sex act is perceived as natural and pleasant, […] it
is considered sinful if performed outside of marriage. Young people found to
have engaged in premarital intercourse are pressured to get married”.
Among the Kalingas (Northern Luzon),
only a “denegerated form” of olag institution is called maki-obóg; nor would sexual freedom exist here (Barton, 1949:p61)[19]. It is entered at age 10. This
institute would not have been defunct among the 1954 Madukayans,
according to Scott (1960:p178)[20]. Nudity is not problematised even
into adulthood. An informant would deny any age, accomplishment, or other
standard for either courtship or marriage; “with some bemusement he pointed
out that some boys seem to be more interested in going out to work in the
field than they are in the opposite sex”. Child betrothals were most common
among the well-to-do, “for the recognized purpose of preserving the family
heritage”.
No puberty rites and marriage later than
would be common for Philippine tribes (Cole, 1913:p101)[21].
At puberty, teeth are filed and blackened to
render a person “more beautiful and, therefore, able to contract a suitable
marriage”. “Frequently parents arrange matches for their children while they
are very young, but in the majority of cases the matter is left until after
the age of puberty when the wishes of the young people are taken into
consideration” (Cole, 1913:p192)[22].
Eder (1977)[23] examined is the disappearance of
the umbay ceremony and related practices among the
Batak of Palawan Island in the Philippines, a small Negrito society. The ceremony represents a rite of passage
for boys and girls (aged about 14) from childhood to adolescence, involving a
mock sexual intercourse scene between initiate and an already initiated
partner of the opposite sex.
SULOD (CENTRAL PANAY,
PHILIPPINES)
Jocano (1968:p154)[24]states that most girls are chaste before
their first marriage. There is no trial mating, and no dormitory system.
Child marriages were
common in some places, but fast disappearing in others (p154, 161). The
children could be betrothed at age
eight or nine, and married at puberty.
Sex is freely discussed before children, and children
commonly explore genitalia. Premarital experiences are condoned and expected
(Nimmo, 1965:p252-3)[25], but may still lead to forced
marriage or fining (p255).
“Children early become
aware of the nature of the human genitals. They wear no clothes until the age
of eight or ten, and commonly explore one another’s genitals during these
early years. Parents do not become upset with such behavior unless the child
displays undue curiosity, when he may be scolded, or more likely teased,
until his attention is diverted to something else”.
Adolescents meet in houseboats and at
ceremonies to socialise. The sex act among the unmarried is organised with
the use of boy-to-girl gifts and go-betweens.
According to Gibson (1985:p404)[26], the children begin to separate
at puberty, and courtship seems to follow when the boys build their own
houses.
IFUGAO (NOTHERN LUZON,
PHILIPPINES) (2,2,2,2,2-,2-;8,8;E)
(EHRAF)
Barton (1919:p18)[27] states that marriage took place
“at any age”. This encompasses trial marriages (including “primitive sexual
mating”) in the dormitories and contract marriage, usually arranged for when
the children are “quite small”.
Lambrecht (1935)[28] also stated this was the case
with prepubertal children, “although cohabitation and some particularities of
secondary importance may be postponed until the spouses have grown up; the
crime of adultery has become possible […], and real divorce negotiations must
be entered into in order to nullify such a marriage”.
An autobiography (Barton, 1938:p99-100)[29] reveals: “A boy is ashamed to
attempt sexual intercourse before puberty, because he fears that when the
girl discovers his organ to be small, she will ridicule him or scold him. On
the other hand, if a girl is being courted by an unwelcome suitor, she may be
glad to have an immature boy sleep with her: when the unwelcome one comes
around and tries to get her to leave the side of the immature boy, she can
answer, “Málamok! Bokun lalaki dumduma?”
[What’s the matter? Isn’t this a male, also?]”. Boys enter the agamang
dormitory at age 4 to 7.
Masturbation and sex perversions would be absent (“at least I am sure about
the latter. There is no positive evidence for the former and no word for
either”). Little girls in the mixed dormitory receive a “complete education
long before they require it” (p9-10).
Lambrecht (1935:p171)[30]also states that
preadolescents may accompany their adolescent “elder aga'mang-mates (ma-iaga'mangcha,
“they share the sleeping place of the girls”; ma-iha'ludcha, “they flirt with the girls” […]). One must not
however think that boys always go to the sleeping places of the girls to have
sexual relations with them: they often go only to talk and to joke with them,
and after a certain time go back to sleep in their own aga'mang, or may just sleep there”[31]. The dormitories are entered as
early as three or four (Goldman, 1937:p170)[32].
NEGROTIS
(NORTH LUZON, PHILIPPINES)
Vanoverbergh (1930:p530; cf. 1928:p425)[33] only once noted a “very indecent”
act in children. It was a six-year-old girl in the process of voyeurism and exhibitionism.
Vanoverbergh (1928:p423)[34] noted among the Negritos of Northern
Luzon: “I have […] observed that the custom prevails of tickling
and kissing them [children] more especially on the genitals. This is also
more or less practised by the other tribes I have had to do with during my
missionary career” (e.g., Isneg infra).
IGOROTS (SAGADA, BONTOC, ISNEG) (PHILIPPINES)
Blumentritt (p27; Wilken, 1889:p445) argued that “Sobald die Kinder
geschlechtsreif werden, tritt eine vollständige Isolirung der Jünglinge und
Mädchen ein”. This
restraint, and threat of severe physical punishment or even death, lasts
until formal engagement, after which one was allowed “die Fruchtbarkeit der
Braut zu erproben”.
Among the Sagada Igorots, children began to
sleep at the dap-ay (where
courtship techniques are transmitted by older boys) or ebgan (where courtship takes place) at age six, or eight (Eggan,
1960:p42/1971)[35], or thirteen (1965:p79-81)[36]. According to one high school
student, girls learn from elder girls how to perform massage (on boys,
mainly). “The function of the ebgan was primarily to provide training in
courtship and preparation for marriage” (Eggan, 1963:p51-2[37]; cf.
Pacyaya, 1951)[38]. “
“Sleeping together” today may or may not involve sexual relations but
probably did so more frequently in the past, when it was the major way in which
marriages were arranged” (E., 1963).
Jenks (1905)[39] described that the child is
weaned before it is two years old, and then moves to the o’-lâg if a girl, or the pabafunan
or fawi, if a boy. Allegedly, “[….]
the olag is nightly filled with
little girls whose moral training is had there”. However, “[c]hildren before
puberty are said to be virtuous” (p67). Adolescent sexual intercourse used to
be “unbelievably free”[40].
Vanoverbergh (1938:p179)[41]
noted parental stimulation of male, but not female genitalia (cf. Negritos).
Nydegger and Nydegger (1963)[42] state that sex training is
“surprisingly meagre” in view of the adults’ lack of self-consciousness about
sexual matters. Sex play “barely exists, only 17 instances being reported for
the 83 children”. These were all interpreted as teasing (p839). Thus, “it is
prerogative of young boys to lightly pinch girl’s genitals if they are
exposed. The privilege is exercised with hilarity and enthusiasm and is a
most effective training method”. “Of the 24 sample mothers, 17 reported no
incidence of masturbation at any age. Three said it had occurred with their
boys only in infancy”. The behaviour is physically punished and attributed to
“insufficient cleansing of the genitals; most assume it is inherently
pleasurable but must be prohibited before it becomes a habit” (p825).
Erections, however, bring on a smile, or may be “tapped” until subsiding.
Girls’ modesty is more marked than boys’. Parents argue, “By 12 or 13, sexual
activity is already a plaything of their fancy” (p863). There is much occasion for
observing animals, parents, and overhearing discussions. Adolescents meet at
dancings and play card games at puberty [14, 15 for boys], which is not
marked officially.
Tagals, Agta, Kalingas, Bagobo, Mandaya, Batak, Sulod, Badjau, Buid, Ifugao, Negritos, Sagada Igorots, Bontoc Igorot, Isneg Igorot, Ilocos
§
Varga, Christine A. & Zosa-Feranil, Imelda (January, 2003) Adolescent Reproductive Health in Philippines:
Status, Issues, Policies, and Programs. [http://www.policyproject.com/pubs/countryreports/ARH_Philippines.pdf]
§
http://www.interpol.int/Public/Children/SexualAbuse/NationalLaws/csaPhilippines.asp
§
Upadhyay, Ushma D. & Hindin, Michelle J. (2005) Before First Sex: Emotional
Relationships and Physical Behaviors among Adolescents in the Philippines.
Population Association of America
(PAA) 2005 Annual Meeting, 31 March–2 April
§
A Qualitative Study of the
Beliefs, Attitudes, Perceptions Behaviour of Young People about Identity,
Sexuality and Health. (2002). Full report from http://www.pcpd.ph/research/adolescent.asp
|
Janssen,
D. F., Growing Up Sexually. Volume I.
World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed.
2004. Berlin:
Magnus Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology
Last
revised: Sept 2005
|
|