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YANOMAMÖ / Yano[m]ama / Yanomami /
Waika (Venezuela, Brazil)
More: Guajiro,
Warao, Yaruros
The stated inability to code the
Yanomamo for the SCCS was due to Chagnon’s[1]
surprising silence on matters of growing up sexually. Becher (1960:p140-1)[2],
on a Yanoama tribe:
“It is especially
popular to play “mother and child” or “married couple”. In the latter game
sexual activity is already often involved. As long as the children have not
yet reached puberty [at the age of twelve[3]],
the adults laugh about it. It is only the mothers of girls who are a little
annoyed when they hear about it. They do not regard it as tragic, however,
since they themselves were reprimanded about it by their mothers when they
were little girls”.
Eibl-Eibesfeldt (1976:p98, quoted by Schiefenhövel,
1982:p158)[4] observed (and taped) the following among the
Yanomamö:
“Zuerst
erheiterte es die Mutter, indem sie mit aufgesetzten Lippen auf seinen Bauch
blies, worüber der Kleine [Säugling] herzlich lachte. Dann rieb sie ihre Stirn
an der seinen, dann hob sie ihn hoch und schüttelte ihn und lutschte danach
lange an seinem kleinen Penis. Das [5-year-old] Brüderchen schaute zu, und
als die Mutter den Säugling rücklings auf ihren Schoß legte, da lutschte er
auch kurz und betapste zärtlich seinen Bruder”[5].
Little boys play with their fathers’ penis
until erection. Gregor (1995:p29)[6] mentions the game of Kanupai (“taking a wife”, marrying),
and Ukitsapai (“being jealous”). The
latter game involves the children sneaking off on cross-marital assignations,
“only to be surprised by furious spouses”. Lizot (1976 [1982:p49-56])[7] also pictures a busy sexual life
for children, including sodomy, bestiality (fish, birds), heterosexual
seduction, and genital friction with the earth. Tierney[8], however, alleges that French anthropologist
Jacques Lizot sexually exploited Yanomami adolescent boys and girls[9]. (Lizot says any sexual
relationships he had in the Amazon were consensual and only involved adults.)
Peters (1984:p158) for the Shirishana: “Periodically a boy may be
teased about his rigid or stubby penis. By the end of this stage [4-8] both
boys and girls are aware of sex, having heard older tribespeople discuss the
subject, or seen a fisticuff duel precipitated by an “illicit” sexual
encounter. They have laughed at dogs copulating and a few youngsters have
seen older Yanomama heterosexual pairs have intercourse. The young males have
seen, handled and joked about the genitals of the tapir, peccary and monkey
shot in the forest”. Sexual favors are demanded after puberty “and in a few
isolated instances before puberty” (p159). Specifically: “Though not common,
there have been instances of prepuberty coitus among the Yanomama”. Most men
have experienced sex by age 18, particularly during festivals, but he risks
the retraction of the betrothed girl by her family. The girl is told
“forcefully” to submit to her husband’s sexual wishes. Generally, however, cohabitation
takes place between age 23-28 (males), and several months to one year after a
girl’s puberty rite (1987:p88).
In a study by Early and Peters (1990)[10] on the Mucajai group, cohabitation, which is prearranged by
the girl’s parents, is said to begin sometime within two years following
menstruation, taking place at an average age of 12.4 years[11]. Betrothal may take place in
infancy.
“The girl may live with her family for up to 2 years after the puberty
rite. The families decide when cohabitation should begin. Her family invites
the young man to whom she has been betrothed and his family for an extended
hunting-gathering trip in the jungle. One day the girl’s mother remains
behind while the rest of the group is foraging. She removes the hammock of
the young man from its place with his family and ties it above the girl’s
hammock among those of her own family. When the young man returns, he feigns
surprise and reclines in his relocated hammock. The girl reclines in hers and
this symbolizes the onset of cohabitation. As the girl is still young and
often afraid, coitus may not occur for 2-6 weeks, until she has been
instructed and encouraged by her mother. The young man takes up residence
with the girl's family and provides game for them (p41-2)”.
Among the Indians of the Orinoco-Ventuari
region of southern Venezuela, “[s]ometimes parents marry off
their children before they reach maturity. Some men also take a second wife
when she is still underage, but they respect them and have no sexual contact
with them until after the first menstrual periods have passed. […] The first
menstrual period indicates that a man may have sexual relations with the wife
who was promised to him when she was still a child. Sometimes a girl will
refuse to marry the man to whom she was promised as a wife, but she is afraid
to conceal her first menstrual periods for mythological reasons” (Wilbert,
1963:p87-8)[12].
The preputium is tied with a string around
the waist from around age 7 (Zerries, 1985:p760)[13]. Among the central Yanoama of the
Upper-Orinoco[14], girls are allied, on a free
basis (siohamo) or per raptam (shai), to their husbands before menstruation (age 9, 10), and
await marriage at puberty (p766, 769).
Layrisse (1962:p82)[15], on the Waica: “Polygyny is permitted and young girls are
frequently married to men even before their first menstruation”.
Wilbert (1963:p87-8)[16], on the Sanema: “The first menstrual period indicates that
a man may have sexual relations with the wife who was promised to him when
she was still a child. Sometimes a girl will refuse to marry the man to whom
she was promised as a wife, but she is afraid to conceal her first menstrual
periods for mythological reasons. […] Sometimes parents marry off their
children before they reach maturity. Some men also take a second wife when
she is still underage, but they respect them and have no sexual contact with
them until after the first menstrual periods have passed. We have mentioned
that an adult may marry a very young girl, but must not have sexual relations
with her until after the first menstrual periods”.
Additional reading:
§
Albert, Bruce (1985) Temps du sang, temps des cendres, Tese
de doutorado. PhD Thesis, Nanterre:
Université Paris
§
Fielder, Ch.&King, Ch.
(2004) Sexual Paradox:
Complementarity, Reproductive Conflict, and Human Emergence [Academic
Version, http://www.dhushara.com/paradoxhtm/contents.htm]
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Janssen,
D. F., Growing Up Sexually. VolumeI. World Reference Atlas. 0.2 ed. 2004. Berlin: Magnus
Hirschfeld Archive for Sexology
Last
revised: Jun 2005
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