For
a note on formal sexual education, see Grassel and Bach (1979:p290-1)[1].
Social and intellectual changes in Sierzpowska-Ketner (1997)[3] stated: “Research in 1992 with a nationally representative sample revealed that friends were reported as the principle source of sex information with half of the men and one third of the women surveyed. The second source, reported most frequently by young people in large cities, was publications. Parents hardly ever wanted to provide input into sexual education, preferring to have their children obtain this information in school or from publications. Still, less than 10 percent of the respondents approved of school as a source of sex information”. The repression of sex education is also demonstrated in terminology used to describe childhood sexuality in Polish medical literature.
On auto-eroticism in childhood:
“Retrospective research on the autoerotic
behaviors of Polish children and adolescents has been carried out on a few
select groups. M. Beisert (1990) found that about 15 percent of the girls and
29 percent of the boys remembered touching and manipulating their genitals in
a repeated manner during childhood to evoke some pleasant feelings. In most
children, an intensification of autoerotic behaviors is observed at ages Polish literature dealing with sexual education presents two opposite views: an opinion that self-pleasuring is a normal stage of psychosexual development in human beings and the contrary view that self-pleasuring is a sin reflecting in a negative way on human development. These opinions lead to two contrary educational recommendations”.
On heterosexual interests:
“M. Beisert’s 1990 investigation reveals an undulatory character in the child’s interest in sex. The first inflow is observed before the end of 5 years of age with the next during the prepubertal period, about the age of 10 and 11. Contacts with other children in nursery school are conducive to some exploratory activities. Up to 56 percent of investigated adults place their first discoveries connected with gender at that period. The most important source of knowledge are other children, particularly peers. The first discoveries are connected with playing together, bathing, and other hygienic activities. However, the awareness of a strict injunction not to stare at the naked bodies of others, and particularly their genitals, is passed down at a comparatively early age and is widely popularized. The division between erotic play and cognitive activities is a difficult one, especially since sexual curiosity is at the bottom of much of children’s play. However, when children want to study their own bodies, they often do it openly and clearly state their interest. In approximately 2.8 percent of childhood sexual exploration, coercion is a factor. The cognitive methods are a bit different in families with many children of both genders. When the children in a family are close in age, or when the age interval is larger but older children participate in taking care of the younger, sex differences are not particularly exciting nor do they offer any special discoveries. The situation is similar when a child has no siblings but is brought up in a family with liberal attitudes towards sex. Many different children’s games include an erotic element or produce specific pleasure connected with stimulation of the genitals. Nearly 70 percent of students surveyed remembered not only the fact of such games, but also all the details accompanying them. Gender was not a factor in such games. Considering all the functions fulfilled by erotic games, such as pleasure, learning, and stimulation, they were grouped separately from other forms of childhood activities. The essence of most games is to imitate a fragment of adult life. The most popular games imitate adult roles that create an opportunity of mutual touching, undressing, and body manipulation, playing doctor, hospital, nurse, mother and father, king and queen, convalescent home, masseur, or the theater, ballet and strip-tease. Among other inspirations for childhood games, direct observation of adult life takes place first, then movies, fairy tales, and stories told by others. Imitations of such adult activities that provide excuses for body contact are the most important children’s games. A particular, qualitatively different variety of games is among those designed for only two children. In such games, watching and touching meet the needs of demonstrating a mutual bond. Children embrace each other, kiss, and touch. Such pairs are accepted by their peers, and their range of behavior does not differ from the behavioral patterns of groups. Solitary play also provides an outlet for sexual curiosity and rehearsal, as when a child enacts erotic scenes using dolls, draws pictures of naked girls and boys, or plays scenes that evoke pleasurable excitement. The second period of interest occurs during the prepubertal age. Up to 35 percent of children report gaining knowledge about gender differences at the age of 10 or 11 years. The interest is focused on details and confirmation of earlier knowledge and intuition. Watching and touching is limited mainly to the genitals, and the aim is to gain pleasure along with a clear understanding of gender differences. These games occur in pairs, and sometimes in groups of peers of the same and other gender. Boys, for instance, may compare penis length or compete in urination contests. Girls concentrate on bust observations or dressing as adult women. Often pair games are clearly directed at pleasure, and consist of genital exploration and touching without the pretext of playing doctor or hospital. According to survey data, most Polish children are well aware of the forbidden nature of these erotic games. The punishing attitude of parents towards erotic games reaffirms the fear of childhood eroticism and the unfavorable attitude towards self-pleasuring. Parental dissuasion and limiting the child’s time with peers are more mild forms of unfavorable reaction. However, two thirds of parents who catch their children in such games threaten them, punishing them verbally and/or physically for engaging in them. About 1 percent of parents do not adopt a punishing attitude, but quietly maintain their differing opinion of such games. Only 10 percent of parents treat these games as a normal stage in childhood development”.
“It needs to be
emphasized that sexual education has always been a kind of taboo in
Polish criminal law forbids sexual contacts with minors under 15 years old.
In
a study (Cianciara et al., 1994)[4]
on 1239 According to a retrospective study reported by Trawińska ([1975:p51])[5], more than 60% of respondents denied a history of sexual experiences in childhood, while 15% had “sexual games of a demonstrative nature”, 5% had “an encounter with a deviated person”, and another 2% “tell of voyeurism”. Coitarche ages top at 17-18 (p56). In information sources on sex, peers outweighed parents, family, school, “lectures”, own experiences, and mass media, in that order (p71).
Janssen,
D. F., Growing Up Sexually. Last revised: Dec 2004 |
|
[1]Grassel, H. &
Bach, K. R. (1979) Kinder- &
Jugendsexualität.
[2] Gawin, M. (1999) Dispute over the sex education of children and young people during the inter-war years, Acta Poloniae Hist 79:185-205. See e.g., Kozlowska, A. (1968) [On the investigation of sexual interests of adolescents], Psychol Wychowawcza 11,4: 473-80
[3]
Sierzpowska-Ketner, A. (1997) Poland, in Francoeur, R. T. (Ed.) The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality.
[4] Cianciara, D., Moscicka, M. & Przewlocka, T. (1994) [Competence of families for providing sex education of children], Rocz Panstw Zakl Hig 45,3:263-72
[5] Trawińska, M. [1975] Between the familygroup and the peer group- competitiveness between reference groups in the period of maturation, in Kozakiewicz, M. (Ed.) Sex-Society-Education, Polish Experience. Polish Family Planning Association, p44-71