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Contents

Foreword

The Statistics Finland gathered the material for the study. Special Researcher Markku Heiskanen and Field Secretary Marja-Liisa Vainio at the Statistics Finland did a huge amount of work planning and coordinating the interviews and storing information. Our warmest thanks for a great job well done. Our special thanks to Ritva Korhonen and Reijo Kurkela, Kai Vikki and Pauli Ollila, the regional managers of the field division and the 164 interviewers, all with the Statistics Finland. We extend our special thanks to the following interviewers: Pirjo Toivonen, Tuula Harju and Marja-Liisa Mattelmäki, who joined the project already at the pre-study stage and participated in the training of interviewers.

We have been joint managers of this FINSEX project. At the planning stage our work group also included Risto Erkkola, Tuulikki Nurmi, Hannele Palosuo and Kaj Koskela. This study would certainly not have been possible without this work group. We thank Kauko Aromaa for his valuable assistance in the selection and verbalization of questions on sex crimes. Our warmest thanks also to Kati Kosonen, who has performed a multitude of tasks in connection with the study. Osma Ahvenlampi performed a great portion of the computer processing of the survey data. Auli Rogel did the coding of the open-end questions. Helena Suoknuuti has assisted with producing the tables and figures. Peija Haaramo, Katri Haatanen, Kauko Leskinen, and Heli Äärilä at the Department of Sociology at the University of Helsinki have participated in the processing of the material in various ways. Seppo Pöntinen, Tapani Alkula and Risto Kangas have provided useful advice on procedural matters. We thank them all warmly. We also wish to thank the Departments of Public Health and Sociology at the University of Helsinki, especially their Directors, Olli P. Heinonen and Risto Alapuro, respectively, for submitting premises and equipment for use in our study.

This work is based on the first of the books to arise from the research project on sex life in Finland (FINSEX), that was published in Finnish in 1993 (Kontula and Haavio-Mannila 1993). It concentrates on presenting the results of the national survey study. The central aim was to establish the changes in Finnish sex during the last 20 years. From the Finnish version of the book we have excluded chapters dealing with contraceptives, abortions, STDs, the impacts of medical operations to sex life and sex education given by professionals of the health care system. Some parts of the chapters, that were included in this book, have also been abridged.

The second main publication of the FINSEX study analyses how the way of presenting sexuality in certain Finnish newspapers and magazines has changed since 1961 (Kontula and Kosonen 1994). The third part of the research project will be based on sexual autobiographies, gathered in the course of a writing contest implemented in 1992. The results of this study will be published by Osmo Kontula and Elina Haavio-Mannila in 1995.

We extend our thanks to our co-researchers, Risto Erkkola, Hannele Palosuo and Tuulikki Nurmi for their cooperation in the preparation of this book. The translation of the book was conducted by Christian Westerlund, Vesa Vahvanen and Päivi Penttinen. Margot Whiting has read the first five chapters of the proof. We thank them for their contributions. We thank our publisher, The Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, that has accepted our book in its series of publications.

OSMO KONTULA

ELINA HAAVIO-MANNILA

Helsinki, July 1994

1.Introduction

Edward Westermarck, whose thesis on the origins of marriage (Westermarck 1889), published a good century ago, and his subsequent history of marriage (Westermarck 1891) which proposes monogamy as the original form of marriage, is the pioneer of Finnish sex research. He disputed the then popular theory of promiscuity, according to which the sex life of humans originally was unfettered by family and marriage. His view was that family was the root of marriage: a male and a female individual spend their life together for the sake of the children. Paternal and maternal instincts give rise to rules of society and institutions in human life.

K. Rob. V. Wikman's work on behaviour leading to marriage (Wikman 1937) attracted international interest. It describes the courtship of youths prior to marriage in Nordic agrarian society. Wikman discusses groups of youths by age group organization and describes nocturnal visits by boys to girls' living quarters, 'night courting', as a pre-marriage institution.

The next important researcher of the sex life of the Finns was Armas Nieminen (1951), whose 'Taistelu sukupuolimoraalista' (The fight for sexual morals) was a detailed discussion of the scientific and public discussion on sexual issues in Finland in the 19th and early 20th century. Matti Sarmela's study (1969) on the reciprocity systems of rural society in Finnish-Karelian culture continued on the path opened by Wikman. It described regional differences in courtship among youths and the forming of couples in the 19th century. Folklorists have also studied past habits related to the sex life of the Finns (Lukkarinen 1933).

Representatives of other disciplines, especially physicians, have also studied sexual matters, as shown in the bibliography on the field of sex research (Turpeinen 1991).

An animated discussion of sexual matters, such as sex education in schools, abortion and the sexual rights of women, commenced in Finland in the late 1960s. As a result of this discussion, legislation was reformed and research on sexual issues was initiated. To begin with, studies were restricted mainly to young age groups. The first effort to study the sexuality of students was made in the early 1950s (Westling 1954), but the gathering of material had to be terminated prematurely because of the moral indignation it caused. The next survey studies were made only in the late 1960s, then on youths and students (Minkkinen 1969, Winberg 1974, Koskelainen et al. 1973, Julkunen 1971, Helve et al. 1972).

Adults became subjects of study only in the early 1970s. A work group formed by Kai Sievers, Osmo Koskelainen and Kimmo Leppo gathered nationally representative survey data, covering the sex life of the age groups 18-54 years. Over 2000 persons participated in the study. The central results were published in 1974 in the book 'Suomalaisten sukupuolielämä' (The sex life of the Finns).

During the last twenty years the sex life of adults has hardly been studied at all. Some regional studies on youths and students were made in the late 1970s and early 1980s (Rauste von Wright et al. 1977, Ruusuvaara 1983, Kannas et al. 1984, Kontula 1985). A follow-up survey on the sex life of students at the University of Helsinki was made in 1993. In the 1980s, systematic information was gathered on sexual issues concerning young people in conjunction with the KISS study made at the Department of Public Health at the University of Helsinki (Kontula 1987, Kontula and Meriläinen 1988, Kontula 1991a, Tirkkonen et al. 1989). The most recent information was gathered in 1992. Excepting studies on sexual relations of the aged (Kivelä et al. 1986), homosexuals (Grönfors et al. 1984), love relations in the workplace (Haavio-Mannila 1988) and sex attitudes and knowledge of public-health nurses (Nurmi 1990), the sex life of adults has not been studied at all. Questionnaires of commercial research institutes have sporadically included a few questions on sexual relations. However, since 1971 there has been no extensive information available on the sex life of Finns.

As a result of, among other things, the emergence of AIDS in the mid-eighties, the public discussion on sexual matters has revived appreciably in recent years. Sexual issues have, to a considerable extent, been brought out from privacy into the open by the press since the beginning of the 1960s in Finland (Kontula and Kosonen 1994). In Finland it has gained momentum due to the report 'Erotiikka ja terveys' (Eroticism and health), published in 1989. This report emphasized the importance of sexual studies. In many other countries, too, research in sexual matters has commenced in recent years. The greatest amount of research has been done in the United States of America. The first representative national study on the sex life of Americans is currently in progress. Still, other American research on sexual matters is abundant (e.g. Reiss 1986, Reiss 1990). In the US sexual issues are a great social problem, as conservative groups loudly protest against sex education in schools and abortions.

The need for sex research came to the attention of European research scientists and financiers during the latter half of the 1980s. In many countries, the first studies on the sex life of adults were made then. The AIDS problem and the funding reserved for the prevention of AIDS gave research activities the decisive nudge (Hubert 1991). Many countries lacked even basic information on the sex life of adults. For this reason there arose an interest in initiating population studies, using methodologies adopted in the social sciences.

Western Europe has indeed seen rapid progress regarding sex research. This Finnish study differs from other European work in that it is not funded by a special AIDS fund. This study is financed by funds allocated by the Academy of Finland for social sciences and by state funds allocated to research in health education. Indeed, it combines social and medical questions related to sexuality.

Recently research on the sexuality of adults has been initiated in Norway, the Netherlands, Germany, Portugal, Switzerland, Greece and Belgium. Survey data has also been gathered quite recently in England and France; the latter studies cover some 20,000 individuals. Research has also reached at least the planning stage in Sweden, Italy and Spain. The Swedish research project has faced problems following the surprising withdrawal of the Statistics Sweden from sponsorship of the project.

In Europe it is possible to produce really representative population samples only in the Nordic countries. Researchers in other countries are compelled to operate using e.g. telephone books. The content of the Finnish study is much more varied than in the other on-going or planned European studies. The Finnish study is not influenced by risk group thinking in the same manner that studies in many European countries are. As Finland also is the only country in which the results of the study may be compared with earlier data suitable for generalization, Finnish sex research is indisputably privileged and advanced in comparison with most countries.

The central aim of this book is to reveal the changes in Finnish sex life during the past 20 years. The data from 1971 and 1992 are compared for this very purpose. However, of questions in the 1992 study, two thirds are new. Temporal changes regarding these are estimated by comparing the responses of different generations (age groups) with one another.

The data of the book is presented in Chapter 2, thus later chapters will not contain any detailed description of it. The study is divided into sections by topic. This study contains some new topics not included in the 1971 study. The sex life of singles is discussed in a separate chapter. In 1971 sex life was mainly discussed in relation to marriage. New chapters cover topics like sexual harassment, parallel sexual relations, and sexual minorities. Sexual attitudes and legislation, sexual problems and paid sex have received closer attention. The final result is bound to give a many-sided picture of Finnish sex.

2.The Data

The 1971 survey

The first Finnish study of the sex life of adults (Sievers et al. 1974) was conducted in 1971, using the survey method, by Kai Sievers, Osmo Koskelainen and Kimmo Leppo. This study is much referred to in this book when comparing sex life in the years 1971 and 1992. The 1971 material was available in computer-readable form.

The methodological model of the 1971 study was a survey made by Hans Zetterberg (1969) in Sweden, in 1967. It was the first representative study of adult sexual behaviour in the entire world. The Finnish study was the second. The Finnish 1971 study was preceded by three pre-studies: a 1970 survey among conscripts, an interview study on married couples in 1971 and a survey among female patients in hospitals.

The material was gathered using person-to-person interviews at the home of respondents. After the interview, respondents were given a questionnaire containing all the delicate questions. The respondent filled out the questionnaire in the presence of the interviewer, but the latter could not see the answers. The respondent put the self-administered questionnaire in an envelope and closed the envelope. The interview form and the envelope containing the other questionnaire were put in another envelope in the presence of the respondent and the envelope was mailed as registered mail directly to the research team. All questionnaires used in the study were anonymous and unidentifiable after having been sealed in an envelope.

The 1971 interviews were made by 1000 midwives and public health nurses. The researchers prepared the field organization in cooperation with the National Board of Medicine and with provincial midwives and provincial public health nurses. The interviewers were trained by members of the research team at 28 training sessions all over the country. Additionally, each interviewer received detailed written instructions. Measures were taken to ensure that the field work attracted as little public interest as possible.

A letter stating that they would be contacted shortly for the purpose of a medical-sociological study was sent to all persons included in the sample before the interview. The subject of the study was not revealed to the respondents before the interview, and no-one was contacted by telephone before the interview. By this method the possibility of refusing to participate was kept to a minimum.

The sample for the study was drawn at fixed intervals from the persons of ages 18-54 on the person tape of the population register. All persons in this age bracket of the population in Finland had an equal chance of being drawn. The basic population (the net sample) was, however, defined as the population of Finland, aged between 18 and 54, not living in any institution, living in the country in November-December 1971, who spoke either domestic language and was not afflicted by any mental or physical handicap so severe as to make the interview impossible. Persons not fitting this definition were included in the oversampling of the study. These constituted 5.5% of the original sample.

In connection with the study on Finnish sex, a study on fertility and family planning was also conducted. For this reason the sample included double the number of women of fertile age (18-44 years) as men in the same age group. Thus, the original sample included 902 men and 1590 women.

Because of the large interviewer organization, the gathering of the material was performed in approximately three weeks during November-December 1971. The interviewers performed their work dressed in their uniform's of midwives or nurses. Approximately 10% of the interviews were made at the job location of the interviewer. The average duration of interviews with men was 1.4 hours, with women 1.7 hours.

Of the self-administered questionnaires, 36 were returned incomplete. Thus, the final sample included 2152 answers, or 91.2% of the net sample. There were 744 male respondents and 1408 female ones. The response rate was thus a very high one in 1971. Non-response was least for women aged 31-44 years (6.2%) and most common for men over 45 years (16.1%).

Preparation of the 1992 study was initiated in 1990 by drawing up the preliminary research plan. As one of the most important objectives of the 1992 survey was to make comparisons with the 1971 survey, the method to be used was necessarily to be as close as possible to the one used in 1971. Thus, a two-stage interview/self-administered questionnaire survey, mainly to be implemented in the home of the respondent, was chosen. Study material gathered by visiting interviewers is expensive compared with material collected in many other ways. As for quality, however, it is the best by far, producing the best response and reliability of the results. Additionally, it was the only method available that provided the opportunity to compare results with the earlier study.

The researchers hoped to gather more extensive material than that of 1971 in order to secure more reliable information on the sex life of minorities. This was to prove too expensive. Two questionnaires were still used; one was filled out by the interviewer and the other one by the respondents. The interviewer did not see the answers. The same method of enclosing the questionnaires in envelopes for mailing to the research team was decided on also this time. At all stages the extreme confidentiality of the answers was emphasized.

Respondents aged 18 to 54 participated in the 1971 study. The same lower age limit was decided on also this time. The decision was rationalized in 1971 by the fact that studying younger people might give rise to protests and difficulties during the implementation. The upper limitation, 54 years, was rationalized by the supposition that the sex life of those over 55 would be irrelevant because of high non-response rate. No rationalization related to the contents of the study were proposed.

For the 1992 study, the age limits 18 and 74 were agreed on. To study younger age groups was deemed unnecessary, as the sex life of young people had been studied rather extensively during the previous few years (Kontula 1991a, Tirkkonen et al. 1989, Kontula and Meriläinen 1988). The upper limit of 74 was chosen because those in the age cohort 54 or younger were now 74 or younger. Thus it was possible to monitor the changes in the sex life of the most senior age cohort 20 years later.

People of age 75 and over were not included for practical and financial reasons. A growing portion of the people in this age group live in institutions or are unable to fill in the questionnaire themselves for a multitude of reasons. To study this age group would have required expensive special arrangements. The exclusion of people over 75 must not be construed to constitute an opinion of the researchers that studying the sex life of very senior citizens is unimportant. There is some information available on their sex life (Kivelä et al. 1986).

When preparing the study in 1990 and 1991, the possibility of employing public health nurses for gathering the material, as in 1971, was explored. Negotiations conducted at the National Board of Medicine and later at the National Board of Welfare and Health, however, indicated that this was not possible. It was impossible to demand their services even against separate remuneration, and this was given up as futile. When discussing alternatives, it was found that the interviewers of the Statistics Finland were the most suitable replacement for the public health personnel used in 1971. They have extensive experience of various kinds of survey studies and are mostly, just as public health nurses, middle-aged women. People also feel that they have some kind of official status. This fact might decrease the percentage of refusals.

Thus it was decided to gather the material in cooperation with the Statistics Finland, at the turn of the year 1991/1992. This was exactly 20 years from the first study. A pre-study with 50 respondents was implemented in the fall of 1991 by Statistics Finland interviewers, to test the questionnaires. The experience of this pre-study was drawn on when making final plans for the field work. Statistics Finland provided 164 interviewers, who participated in the gathering of material for the FINSEX study. Training was provided at 23 sessions in various parts of the country. In addition to representatives of the research and field divisions of Statistics Finland, most of the sessions were attended by members of the research team. A 20-minute video, featuring the authors of this book presenting facts on the background of the study and giving practical advice for the interview, was shown at all sessions. All interviewers were also given detailed written directions.

As the number of interviewers was very much smaller than in 1971, the duration of the field work was to be much longer than three weeks. The time allocated for field work was four months, allowing a break for Christmas and New Year. The interviews were taken from November 1991 to February 1992. Each interviewer made an average of 20 interviews.

As opposed to 1971, an information meeting on the study was arranged in early November, at which time a press release also was issued. The press conference was deemed to be necessary because of the extended duration of the field work. The information coincided with the commencement of the field work. The release stated bluntly that the aim was to study sexual behaviour. The letter sent to the respondents selected also stated the nature of the study. The study was given the name 'A national study on human relations, sexual attitudes and sexual lifestyles'. On the one hand, contact with the respondents was made easier by the information and by the letter. On the other hand, it may have led to refusal to participate in the study in some cases.

Generally, the interviewers approached the people included in the sample by telephone, making an appointment. Mostly the interviews were held in the home of the respondents. Additionally, it had been agreed with the National Board of Welfare and Health that it also would be possible to conduct interviews at health centres. Ten per cent of all interviews were made at health centres or at other locations outside the home of the respondents. In this respect the situation was nearly parallel to the one of 1971. Nothing unusual emerged during the interviews, implying that the study did not arouse negative attitudes among the respondents.

The research team wanted to guard the identity of the respondents as well as possible during the entire duration of the study. The name of the respondent was not noted on the questionnaires, nor was any number that could have revealed the identity of respondents. Not even the researchers could have known the identity of any respondent. The interviewer filled in a separate subject form, and sent it to the Statistics Finland. It was impossible to match these with the envelopes containing the interview form and the questionnaire.

One third of the questions were exactly the same as those asked in the 1971 study. A large number of new questions on sex life and new topics never before studied in Finland were added. Financial aspects limited the length of the questionnaire, as the time available for the interview (and hence the length of the questionnaire) had to be budgeted in advance. The time spent on the interview and on filling out the questionnaire was 78 minutes, slightly less than in 1971. The shortest and longest time spent with respondents were half an hour and six hours, respectively.

The sample for the study was drawn at random from the central population register. The sample was nationally representative of the population in the age bracket 18-74. The sample was limited in the same manner as that of the 1971 study. Included in the oversampling this time were the long-term ill (23 persons) and those (four persons) intermittently institutionalized (as in prison).

A total of 1146 women and 1104 men participated in the study. Response rates were 77.7% for women and 74.2% for men. The most responsive age group were those under 25 (83.3%) and the least responsive (71.8%) those aged 35-44 years. Young and elderly people responded better than expected (over 65 years 77.0%), but especially middle-aged women responded less than expected.

Geographically, the best response was obtained in the provinces of Pohjois-Karjala (88.2%) and Mikkeli (84.3%). Uusimaa was the worst in this respect (70.3%). On the basis of marital status, widows and widowers were the most responsive (82.6%), while divorcees (72.3%) were the least responsive. Unmarried people were slightly more responsive than married ones.

The number of people that gave an interview was 2250, of which 2196 filled out the self-administered questionnaire (74.1% of the sample). Because of difficulties with the filling out of the questionnaire, seven were filled out by the interviewer. Of the interviewed respondents, 28 refused to fill out the questionnaire, and 16 were unable to do so. Six people did not complete the questionnaire.

In 1971, the percentage of non-response was 7.1% and in 1992 24.1%, 17 percentage points higher, even though the percentage that could not be reached was slightly smaller in 1992 than it was in 1971. In 1971, oversampling was 5.5%, in 1992 2.8%. Equal oversampling would have brought the difference in non-response down to 14.3 percentage points. The difference is due to the large number of refusals in 1992. This was the main reason for non-response.

Non-response varied greatly between interviewers. Five interviewers managed to interview their entire quota, while two thirds of the interviewees of two interviewers

did not respond. The result is almost equal to those obtained in a leisure-time and an election study conducted by Statistics Finland at the same time. The subject did not influence very many interviewers, at least not systematically, because 18 interviewers performed clearly better in this study, while the performance of 22 was worse. The subject evidently spurred some interviewers greatly, and some must have found it very difficult. The great majority of interviewers did find the subject exceptionally interesting, judging from their feedback.

The significantly greater number of refusals in 1992 is to a great extent explained by the general decrease in willingness to participate in studies during the last 20 years. Another important reason probably is that the status of a uniformed midwife or nurse might, in view of the subject of the study, have been higher than that of a Statistics Finland interviewer. The health workers' desire that the respondent participate in the study was thus met with greater respect.

In 1971 the number of refusals was kept very small by leaving as few grounds for refusal as possible. The inherent authority of public health personnel, suppression of the subject of the interview until the beginning of the interview, and personal contact with the interviewees was made only at their home. As they were not contacted by telephone prior to the interview, one opportunity for refusal was eliminated. In 1992 the appointment was made by telephone, thus it was significantly easier to refuse.

The subject of the study did not significantly influence the amount of non-response. Only 3% of the sample justified their refusal directly by referring to the subject. The same interviewers had carried out two large interview studies in 1991, before this study. Non-response in the leisure-time study was 21.0% and in the election study 25.9%. The significantly lower response as compared with the 1971 study does not imply that the subject was more difficult to study now than 20 years ago.

How does the drop in the response rate influence the comparability or suitability for generalization of the results? First, it must be stated that, from an international point of view, 76% response is a very good result in sexological as well as in other national surveys. In other countries the response rate in sex studies has usually been between 60 and 70% (Wellings et al. 1990). In this respect, the generalization of results does not encounter any unusual problems. Demographically speaking, the difference between the original sample and actual respondents is fairly small.

Many comparative studies have been made on the selection of respondents in sexological studies (Farkas et al. 1978, Wolchik et al. 1985). Their central finding was, that the more the subjects had to commit themselves to the study, the stronger the selection of respondents has been by sexual activity. Especially volunteers for experimental studies have been sexually more active and liberal and less concerned about their sex life than average. They have also discussed more freely their sexual problems (such as erection problems). Female volunteers masturbated more frequently, were less inhibited, had more experience with unusual sex, had more intercourse and more frequent orgasms (Morokoff 1986).

In surveys the differences between respondents and non-respondents were less pronounced. It is probable that more sexually active people are selected as the response rate goes down. This might also have been the case in this study. The main reason for refusing to participate in sex studies was, according to an American comparative methodological study (Johnson and DeLamater 1976), general unwillingness to participate in surveys, rather than the subject of a certain survey. According to this, the decrease in the response rate should not cause any systematic generalization error.

The conclusion above was confirmed by comparing the answers on the first sexual experience in the 1971 and 1992 studies. If, for instance, the answers as to the first sexual intercourse provided by persons aged 30 in 1971 are similar to those given by persons aged 50 in 1992, this indicates that the selection per age group has not undergone any significant change.

These issues are discussed at greater length in Chapter 5 on the initiation of sex life. No significant differences between the answers provided by people in 1971 and people 20 years older in 1992 can be found, even if the percentage of respondents is lower in 1992. The results of these studies can thus well be compared.

3.Changes in Society and in Couple Relationships

Sex life is connected with the structure of society, its values and norms and with the habits of people. The sex life of Finns and its changes are studied in this work in their social context. In this chapter we will explore some structural changes of society through the interview material: the education, employment, migration, urbanisation, secularisation, use of alcohol, and the health of people, partly by age and gender.

Changes in Finnish society have inevitably influenced the changes in sex life from 1971 to 1992. In addition to the structure of society, values and habits, many other factors, such as the increased information obtained by travelling or through the use of the media, have had an impact on sex life.

Finnish society had developed from an agrarian society to a white-collar dominated service society during the 1970s and 1980s. This rapid social change is also evident in the results of this study. One example is the rise in the level of education. While the interviewed respondents had had an average nine years of schooling in 1971, the figure for those interviewed in 1992 was 12 years. This improvement relates to all age groups. The differences between genders are negligible, albeit the youngest women have slightly more schooling than men of the same age

Working for pay has decreased among men and increased among women.

Young persons, especially women, change domicile much more often than older people do. The curbing of migration can be seen from the fact that in 1971, 38% of women respondents had lived at their present domicile less than five years. In 1992 that percentage was down to 27. Among young men the percentage of recent arrivals dropped from 20% to 17%.

Urbanization continued during the time that elapsed between the two studies. The portion of people living in cities with at least 100,000 inhabitants increased from 20% to 26%. The affinity between cities and women has long given rise to concern, as the proportion of sexes becomes biased in the rural areas. Also this study shows that the share of women living in large cities is slightly larger than that of men in all age groups.

Changes in values and ways of living were studied through questions on religion and on the use of alcohol. It is still common to be a member of the Evangelic-Lutheran Church: in 1971, 90% of all respondents and in 1992 87% were members

of the State church. The share of those who regard religion as important did, how-ever, drop. The importance of religion decreased especially in the age groups 35-54.

Religion usually becomes more important with age. When examining results per

age cohort, see diagram, one can see that religion became more important only for women born 1927-1946. In the case of men and younger and older cohorts of women, religion did not become more important with age.

The use of alcohol increased in all age groups. The percentage of men who drank at least a few times a month grew from 67% to 80%, corresponding figures for women being 46% and 61%. Nowadays women drink nearly as often as men did two decades ago.

The great increase in living standards: education, social status and increased income, the equipment level of homes, less cramped living, etc., has not increased the physical well-being, when measured by various types of stress symptoms. In 1971 only 20% of Finns aged 18-54 had symptoms of over-exertion, in 1992 already 46%; general symptoms of fatigue and weakness 22% and 52%, respectively; tenseness and anxiety 18% and 38%, respectively. The number of people with these symptoms had, indeed, more than doubled. Nightmares, headache, vertigo, and shaking hands had increased by 30 percentage points.

The increase of stress symptoms is probably related to new pressures such as stress at work, difficulties in combining work and family life, the possible health hazards of urban climates, pollution of the environment and anxiety about the global situation. In this context we do not strive to analyze the factors related to the increase of stress symptoms, but are content with examining their frequency per gender, age group and year of study. A sum scale was constructed of the various stress symptoms, the reliability (Cronbach's alpha) of which is .70. A characteristic of men and young age groups in both samples was good health, i.e. few stress symptoms.

We define 'a family' in this study as a society of people living together in one household, at least two of whom have a sexual relation or parental relation with each other. This definition is a limited one. Including living together in the definition of a family excludes e.g. a divorced spouse, who is the father or mother of his or her children. To regard a household as a family implies that a new spouse and his or her possible children become family members in spite of the lack of blood ties with most of the members of their new family. Along with the increase in divorces, families of this type have lately been designated neofamilies. Another problem of definition arises from the fact that most adults regard their childhood family as their own family. This is not called a family in this context.

A family may thus include people living in a permanent relationship, parents and children and other near relatives and cohabiting persons living together and having an at least partly common economy.

A permanent relationship is defined as an established relationship, which may be marital, one of cohabitation or a steady sexual relationship not involving living together.

All over the world, family and permanent relationships have changed greatly during the last two decades. Statistics (Nikander 1992) tell us that young people move away from their parents' home at an earlier age, cohabitation has become a usual preliminary of marriage (Aromaa et al. 1981, Lewin 1979, Trost 1979), the frequency of divorces has increased and the number of children decreased. The results of our sex study confirm earlier findings on these trends, and we deal with them only briefly as background factors for changes in sex life.

The structural change in the family: the co-residents of the 18-54-year-olds in 1971 and 1992 (%)

Because of the better standard of living, living with parents and other relatives has decreased and single living increased. (More information on singles in Chapter 8.) The increased popularity of cohabitation has decreased the percentage of married persons. In 1971 nearly 64% of respondents lived with their spouse, and only approximately 2% with their fiancé or their steady partner. Those living with their fiancé or their steady partner would today be designated as cohabiting. The fast increase of cohabitation can be gleaned from the findings of the 1992 study: 16% of persons aged 18-54 cohabited with their partner. The percentage of married persons had decreased almost in proportion: it was only 53%. The increased popularity of cohabitation thus did not very much increase the number of couples living together - the percentage of the population that was married or cohabiting increased only by three percentage points, from 66% to 69% - it only implies that fewer people confirm the relationship officially. Not married is an increasingly usual civil status: the percentage of unmarried men increased from 35 to 45, that of women from 27 to 36.

The development cycle of the relationship of those presently married or cohabiting varied greatly per age group in 1992. The percentage of persons moving in together only after getting married increased by age group; in the case of persons aged 65 or older it was as high as 93%. Among the middle-aged population many have cohabited first and then married. In the youngest age groups 80% of those living together cohabited.

Marriage or cohabitation was most common in the age groups 25-54. As women marry at a younger age than men, such relationships were more common among young women than among men of the same age groups. Correspondingly, at the upper end of the age scale, the oldest men are more frequently married or cohabiting than the oldest women. This is a consequence of the fact that men marry younger women and die younger.

In 1992 the age of entering into marriage or commencement of cohabitation was, on average, lower than that of the first marriage in 1971, 0.9 years for men and 0.5 years for women. The higher frequency of cohabitation had induced especially men to move in with their partner earlier than before. Twenty years ago, the mean age at first marriage was 24.6 years for men and 22.3 years for women. Corresponding 1992 figures were 23.7 years and 21.8 years, respectively. Younger respondents married at a younger age than older ones.

The majority of Finns have been married or cohabited at some time. Of men, 79% and 83% of women interviewed for the 1992 study had lived in such marriage-like relationships. The greatest portion of unmarried people was found in the youngest age groups, which probably marry or start cohabiting later. In the oldest group there was a distinct difference between genders: 7% of men and 13% of women had never married or cohabited. The greater general mortality of unmarried men and the lesser mortality of unmarried women partly explains this difference.

The longer life span and the increasing occurrence of divorces have given people time to marry several times. According to the 1971 study, 5% of married men and 5% of married women had been married at least twice. The average number of marriages per married or formerly married respondent was 1.06. A couple of decades later, 17% of presently or formerly married or cohabiting men and 22% of corresponding women had had at least two such relationships. The number of marriages or relationships involving cohabitation per presently or formerly married or cohabiting persons was 1.24. Women had had a greater number of such relationships up to the age of 54. In older age groups men had married more often.

Some of the relationships involving cohabitation break off without ever leading to marriage. This was most often the case in younger age groups. One in four of the respondents interviewed for the 1992 study had had a cohabitation relationship that had not continued as a marriage. This share was more than one in two in the age groups 35 or younger.

'Consecutive polygamy' is partly related to the increasing number of divorces: while only 3% of the 1971 respondents were divorced or had separated from their spouse, that figure was as high as 8% 20 years later. Even changes in the structure of childhood families reflect the increased incidence of divorces. In 1971, 90% of respondents reported that their parents had lived together throughout their childhood while that figure was 88% 20 years later.

A multitude of activities provide opportunities for mutually unknown men and women to find sexual partners. Public dances have since olden days been meeting places for youths (Haavio-Mannila 1958, Sarmela 1969, Haavio-Mannila and Snicker 1980, Haavio-Mannila 1988). Restaurants have arranged dances and disco events for youngsters and also for older people since the 1960s. Moreover, restaurants also invite young people to spend their leisure time just eating and drinking.

Changes in the locality and nature of the meeting places are shown by this study. Older respondents often report having met their present sexual partner at a dance, while younger ones met theirs in a restaurant.

Table 3.2

The course of the present union by age and gender in 1992 (%)

men and 16% of women. The number of neofamilies was, however, less: 2.6% lived in a household in which the partner's children with another partner also lived.

This study supposes that changes in society and family structure are related to changes in sex life. Phenomena related to sex life are explained through factors associated with the structures, values, life style and well-being of society. In this study we often standardize sex, age, marital status, education, religiosity, use of alcohol or type of domicile. This makes for finding out which changes in sex life during the last 20 years are related to changes in the structure and values of society and life style, and which changes are related to changing times per se.

4.The Sexual Attitudes of the Finns

It is a characteristic of sexual morals that you do not notice their existence as long as you live according to the code of sexual behaviour accepted by society. Morality contains views on right and wrong. From this point of view, there is thus right and wrong sex as well. The objective of this chapter is to provide a general view on what kind of sex life and what kind of sexual behaviour is considered acceptable or correct at present. Simultaneously, we study how attitudes on sex life have changed.

In the 1971 study (Sievers et al. 1974) there were fewer questions on attitudes on sexual issues than in 1992. Changes that have occurred during the last 20 years can be studied properly only by analyzing the questions that appeared in both studies. Regarding other questions, approximations of these changes can be estimated by comparing the attitudes of younger and older people. When views differ significantly, ways of thinking can be regarded as having changed with time. This is based on the fact that, according to this and other (Jessor et al. 1983) studies, attitudes and values acquired at an early age influence life throughout the entire life span.

These views are blurred by the fact that thoughts on sexual affairs change with growing age and life experience. Generally, this change is found to happen in the direction of increasing sexual tolerance because humans learn to appreciate the relative nature of values and opinions. What is right for one, is not necessarily right for another.

In this chapter the discussion on sexual morals is restricted to the necessity of monogamous sex life in its various forms, attitudes on the sexual rights of women, attitudes on pornography and views on sexual habits regarded as perversions. Differences of opinion between some population groups are also discussed. Some aspects of sexual morals are discussed in other chapters of this book. Among these are opinions on parallel sexual relations (escapades) (Chapter 7), homosexuality (Chapter 9), and rape and prostitution (Chapter 11). To begin with, we will give a brief overview of the social factors affecting the formation of sexual morals and attitudes.

Sexual morals are a profoundly social matter, meaning the generalized conventions or rules, associated with sexual behaviour in society, either as a norm or an ideal. Rationalization for sexual morals is sought for in religion, ideologies or scientific knowledge. Society or the closer social environment strive to ascertain adherence to conventional sexual behaviour in a variety of ways. In Finland this is mainly social control, as opposed to the official control imposed on the production and distribution of sexual products, such as sex magazines, sex films and sex videos.

In part morality is based on conventional habits and on the teachings of authorities, the original objective of which are already obscured, and which therefore are applied only for the sake of continuing tradition. This is also the case with Christian sex morals, which have not changed appreciably (this is especially true of the standpoint of the Roman Catholic Church), although the surrounding world has changed. What was sensible and sound in the society of the Middle East 2000 years ago, is not necessarily sensible and sound in the Nordic welfare society.

Sexual morals are not uniform in society, although the behaviour of the majority of people is rather uniform. Various groups and ideologies are fighting about the contents of sexual morals. Some ideologies are negative towards sex and emphasize the problems arising out of sexuality. Other ideologies are liberal towards sex and emphasize the benefits of sexuality.

Religious thinking has often emphasized various problems arising out of sexuality. Science, especially medicine, has rather viewed sex as a problem than as a positive chance. Lately views have changed radically in this respect. Sociological sex research has been notably liberal and emancipated, stressing the value of sexual self-assertion. This kind of debate was already raging in Finland in the early 20th century (Nieminen 1951).

Living in conformity with Christian morals was formerly considered a measure of a person's morality. And how could a self-respecting person want to be immoral in the eyes of others? Morality became a social question precisely because of the social nature of sexual matters. Immorality is an ancient concept, originally implying deviation from the will of the gods. Churches have been representatives of divine will. Churches have regarded all sex, except marital sex, as immoral. Immoral acts were, among others, masturbation, prostitution, homosexuality, 'night courting' and free love. Moral education and social control have been the tools in the hands of those who have tried to make the behaviour of people conform with these views.

The moral views of Christians slowly had to give way to competing moral views and schools of thought. As early as the 19th century the anthropological research of Edward Westermarck, a Finn, shook the Christian view on morality by emphasizing the relativity of the concept of morality and by presenting moral views of other civilizations (Westermarck 1933). Seeing the relativity of morality was later promoted by humanism, liberalism, romanticism and an esteticism, especially with the general reinforcement of scientific thinking (Nieminen 1951). These schools of thought in combination with the urbanization of society and economic development have accelerated secularization and detachment from Christian moral views.

Due to the influence of the view on sexuality adopted by the Church, premarital sexual relations were criminal offences in Finland until 1926. In addition to legal penalization, sexual restraint of unmarried persons was promoted by threats of ecclesiastical punishment. Continence was, in the absence of knowledge, reinforced by various unfounded beliefs (e.g. the health hazards of masturbation). This moral education, offered by church and school, was gradually replaced by a medical view. The main emphasis of sexual education shifted from the former thoughts on sin to the prevention of health hazards brought on by sexual relations.

As the scientific view of humanity grew stronger, the authority of the Church in sexual matters gradually shifted, mainly towards medicine and psychology, which have defined the limits of appropriate or healthy sex. Moral reasons have been replaced, at least ostensibly, by scientific reasoning. However, even experts have usually failed to agree on the limits of an acceptable sex life. This is an indication of both lack of knowledge and of the bond between values and views.

The psychoanalytical theory (Freud 1971) of Sigmund Freud had a decisive influence on interpretations of sexuality. His theory was based on the view of the instinctual nature of sexuality, being basically closely related to the ecclesiastical views. The theory was revolutionary mainly by emphasizing that its view was that sexuality was not only an issue of reproduction. Freud proposed that a person is full of sexual energy - and this energy should, according to him, be routed to meaningful activity in an appropriate manner. As interpreted by Freud, sexuality became a necessity, but not a value or goal as such.

The sexual view of medicine has throughout history, and until the last few decades, supported religious or other conventional views. For example masturbation and the sex life of sexual minorities were declared dangerous or even sicknesses in earlier medical literature. Psychoanalysis has been used as a technique of controlling sexuality, e.g. through interpretations of the concept of perversion. What was perverse, according to the theory, was also sick. Sexuality has indeed been normalized in many ways using therapeutic methods. People's attitude towards their own body has also greatly influenced sexuality. Interpretations on how to care for your own body have varied between asceticism and free enjoyment. Awareness of corporality is essential for the enjoyment of sex.

Social groups have varied opinions of sexual matters. Christian morality has traditionally been most deeply rooted in the agrarian community. Christian ethics have been important also in the upper social strata where it has been associated with the upper-class life style. In these groups efforts have been made to limit sexuality to matrimony for hereditary reasons. In the upper social groups and among farmers the inheritance has a great influence on the future earnings of the children.

Especially these days it is difficult to imagine sexual morals that are not subject to rational justification. People or institutions endowed with more power, status and information than others are in a better position to define an 'acceptable' sex life. At present, there are several sexual realities: the religious reality, the psychoanalytical reality, the reality of the ideology of love, the reality of advertising, the reality of sex magazines and the reality of each person. When reality is formed by, say, sex videos and romantic magazines, strongly conflicting views on sexuality and sex life arise.

The future of sexuality, and the teaching of it as well, are subjects of continuous dispute in our society. The dispute is about who shall have the power to classify matters and assign them a value. The debate on the importance of sexuality and a proper way to regulate this is in a crisis. The view on proper sexual behaviour may change a lot in the future, and contain more opportunities for choice and manifestations, as compared with the present situation. (Weeks 1985.)

Although the late 1960s and the early 1970s were considered a time of radicalism in Finland, the liberality of those times was not on the same level as that of the early 1990s. In 1971 61% of men and 47% of women regarded the existence of reform-minded groups defending more free moral trends as positive. Corresponding figures for 1992 were 65% and 55%. Attitudes towards the defense of more liberal currents are more positive than before in all age groups. This has also paved the way for more liberal sexual attitudes.

Attitudes towards sex life are currently, as 88% of men and 79% of women regard sexual activeness beneficial for health and well-being. This view is opposed only by 2% of men and 5% of women. The spirit represented by the Eroticism and Health report at the time it appeared (Kontula 1989), is still going strong.

The strong cornerstone of the sexual morals of Finns was up to the present time the strong link between sex life and a permanent relationship; earlier almost exclusively with marriage. Although everyone did not adhere to these morals, it has been the central norm when establishing sexual relationships.

As stated above, the teachings of the Church form the basis of the morals of sex life. This morality was a rational one in a society in which especially the livelihood of women was tied to marriage and society could not offer the necessary security for illegimate children. Sex life outside the boundaries of established relationships usually was a financial risk, at least as far as women were concerned. Women should adhere to one companion in order to safeguard the continuous support of her children. Because of inadequate contraception, a premarital or an extramarital sexual relationship was some decades ago both a social and financial risk. In the case of men, it could lead to decades of maintenance liability. Thus, sexual continence was an economic necessity.

As contraception developed, a majority of women became economically independent, and society assumed part responsibility for the maintenance of children, the central motives for associating sex life with an established relationship have gradually vanished, or are vanishing. Has this fact influenced the sexual morals of Finns?

Regarding sex life outside established relationships, the control of society and the immediate social community has mostly focused on young people starting their sex life. It has been regarded a risk to have early sexual experience, and thus efforts have been made to prevent youths from getting this. Unwanted pregnancies have been especially feared. People have also feared the possible bad reputation associated with sexual experience, which could ruin the prospects of a profitable marriage. Girls still have to guard their reputations to some extent (Tirkkonen et al. 1989).

In 1971, at the time of the previous study of the sex life of the Finns, a reasonably vivid debate on sexual politics had been on for some years. Even if earlier times, too, such as the early years of this century, had seen such a debate, it spread outside the narrow boundaries of intellectual and activist groups for the first time. The sexual political rights of the individual emerged as a strong ideology, along with the moral duties of the individual, which formerly had dominated the debate. Demands were made for sexual autonomy, which also was confirmed through legislative reforms. The Abortion Act and the removal of homosexuality from punishable activities are examples of this.

Small signs of the crumbling of the dominant position of marriage in sex life already emerged in the early 1970s, along with secularization, the ideals of free love and the rapid changes of the social structure of society. As non-marital living together became prevalent among young people, words like cohabitation emerged in the vocabulary, and the debate on the right to live together in a non-legalized relationship took off. As the sexual debut happened at a steadily younger age, and the time spent as a student, this was a necessary reform, allowing young people to have acceptable sexual pre-marital relationships. In the 1970s the time lapse between the first sexual intercourse and marriage was getting longer.

The marital norm had had to give way appreciably by the early 1970s. Even so, in 1971 58% of women and 33% of men thought that sexual intercourse between young people was acceptable only when they were going steady and planning to get married. Marital sex only was approved by 11% of women and 4% of men.

Women set substantially more stringent terms on the establishment of sexual relationships. Sex as belonging to marriage dominated the thinking of women, even if they approved of the initiation of sex life, 'sexarche', before the legal certification of marriage. Women had adopted this view in their youth, when a proper marriage usually was a prerequisite for well-being and livelihood.

Attitudes towards sex before marriage have undergone a revolutionary change towards the liberal during the last two decades. A scant 13% of women and 9% of men under 55 presuppose a promise of marriage as a prerequisite for sexual relations. This group is only one fourth of what it was 20 years ago. Sexual relations among people going steady were in 1992 condoned by 86% of women and 88% of men, whereas in 1971 by 37% of women and 60% of men. Especially women's attitudes towards intercourse not leading to marriage have changed radically. Moreover, they are approximately the same as those of men.

Many do not even presuppose a permanent relationship as a prerequisite for sexual intercourse among young people. In the age group 54 and younger, 13% of women and 26% of men approve of a sexual relationship after a few dates. This is a sign of approval of sex habits for young people that hitherto were reserved only for adults.

This change in attitudes is systematic and appreciable in all age groups. The approval is strongest among the youngest age groups. Comparing the answers per age group (cohort) in 1971 with those of 20 years later (e.g. ages 35-44, now 55-64) the changes in attitude are very great. It is not only a question of young people being permissive but adults have also changed their attitudes on the sex life appropriate for young people. A permanent relationship has largely replaced marriage as a justification for sexual relations. This change was also noted in studies of young people made in the 1980s (Tirkkonen et al. 1989, Kontula 1991a).

In 1971 women of all age groups were more restrictive than men regarding the sex life of young people before marriage. In 1992 this difference was still apparent, but in young ages there was no difference in attitudes between men and women. The sex life of young people was not any greater problem for women than for men. However, according to youth studies parents are more strict about monitoring girls' permanent relationships and sexual matters than those of boys (Kontula 1991a).

The attitudes towards sexual intercourse between young people is significantly related to the various experiences of people of different age groups. Those who have had coitus at a relatively young age are ready to approve of this in respect to their own children, with no strings attached. Among those whose first coitus happened at 17 years or younger, only 7% of women and men demanded a promise of marriage before that intercourse. Among those who were over 20, such a promise was demanded by 45% of women and 36% of men. As present young people initiate their sex life at a younger age than before (see Chapter 5), attitudes seem to be liberalizing further still.

The hegemony of marriage or a permanent relationship as a prerequisite for sex life is tested especially by casual sexual relations. Attitudes show that established relationships have had to give way to temporary relationships. In 1971 42% of women and 63% of men held that completely temporary sexual relations can be happy and satisfying to both parties. In 1992 this view was held by 66% of women and 74% of men. Approval of casual sex relations had not increased among the youngest men. In all other age groups attitudes towards occasional sexual relations had become significantly more permissive. Several cohorts had changed their attitude towards casual sexual relations in a more liberal direction.

In 1971 men had a significantly more liberal attitude towards occasional sex than did women. This difference can still be seen in older age groups. In age groups below 30, the views of men and women are very similar. As casual sex is not more detrimental for women than for men, attitudes towards it is more liberal and equal than before.

These changes in attitudes notwithstanding, Finns are not promiscuous. Sex life is still based on one established relationship, albeit this is not true for everyone. When asked which sexual and relational life style they regarded as optimal at that time, most (62%) men and (67%) women reported marriage or cohabitation with no other partners. Generally, people wanted to live with their partner and be sexually faithful to him or her. This opinion was most widespread among women of approximately 30 years of age, of whom about 80% held this opinion.

Some people want a steady sexual relationship without other sex partners, but they do not want to live with their partner. Slightly over 10% of women and slightly less than 10% of men wanted such a relationship. These relationships may be sexually very satisfying and simultaneously only slightly restrictive. They are suitable for a hectic and mobile life style. If sharing everyday drudgery with someone feels burdensome, sharing the high points may seem better.

Even if the majority wish to have sexual relations with one partner only, many also have a yearning for several parallel relationships. Approximately 20% of the men and 4% of the women would like several parallel relationships. The wishes of men and women diverge appreciably on this point. Even if the attitudes of men and women have grown more similar, as seen above, the wish for several parallel relationships is stronger among men than among women.

Besides the primary importance of marriage for sex life, a certain double standard has been a characteristic of the sexual morals of Finns. Men and women have been allowed different things and different things have also been expected from them. Women have not been allowed equal freedom to take sexual initiative, and it has not been regarded appropriate for them to show the same interest in sexual matters as men do. This has led to difficulties when men and women have met, each with different, and usually conflicting, expectations.

In societies regarded as sexually liberal, there is less of a double standard and discrimination. The double standard in sexual matters is based on the assumption that the sexual drive of men is stronger than that of women. It has been expressed through the virgin myth, virginity still being expected of girls by one third of 15-year-old boys (Kontula 1991a). Dreams of a virgin bride grow less frequent with age.

Consider Sexual Relationship without Love Wrong (1971 and 1992)

Division of women in the madonna-whore dimension is also one expression of the double standard. This idea of woman has been seen most clearly among the upper classes when women were strongly tied to family and marriage. Developments in contraception have since largely freed women from unwanted pregnancies and motherhood. This freedom has paved the way for fundamental changes in sexual roles.

Earlier in this chapter we have touched on the fact that attitudes of men and women have come significantly closer, and that attitudes towards premarital sex have become more liberal. How has this change influenced the view of the sexual role of women?

Especially among women, the right of women to take sexual initiative is more commonly met with approval. Men have to a great extent also approved it earlier. In 1971, 79% of women and 93% of men approved the right of women to take the initiative, when they want sexual contact with men. In 1992 it was approved by 90% of women and 94% of men. Unconditionally it was approved by 61% of women and 75% of men. Men had a slightly more liberal attitude towards women's right to sexual initiative. This right was opposed by only 4% of women and 3% of men.

The attitudes of middle-aged women have changed appreciably. Women who adopted a more active sexual role in the 1970s have retained this attitude with increasing age. Sexual initiative is also approved by a growing portion of young women. The views of women and men in these age groups are similar. This probably has made sexual interaction between men and women easier.

In the debate on sexual morals assertions have often been heard that men have defined and limited the sexuality of women. Historically this has certainly been the case, and applies to many women on the individual level even today. Comparisons between the attitudes of men and women on the population level seem to indicate that especially elderly women have a more guarded attitude than men towards a more active sexual role for women. This might partly be explained by the fact that women have felt that their activity has received negative feedback. For this reason, a more restrained behaviour has seemed appropriate. Adjustment to this situation has slowed the equalization of sexual roles.

Attitudes to the question 'Can a decent woman openly show interest in sex?' also show approval of an active sexual role for women. This question was asked only in 1992. The claim that a decent woman does not openly show her interest in sex was opposed (ie implying that a decent woman may openly show interest in sex) by 73% of women and 77% of men. The claim was approved by 16% of women and 13% of men. Men and women have similar views in the various age groups as well. Thus, a great majority of men and women thought that it is appropriate for women to show interest in sex. This is especially true in the age groups around 30, the percentage being some 90%.

Attitudes towards an open display of sexual interest are significantly more liberal in younger age groups. Of women around 70, the majority opposed open sexual expression, of women around 60, approximately one third. These differences are explained by differences between generations rather than by the effects of aging. Elderly people have lived in a world allowing women less latitude to express their sexual needs than the present one does. This may explain differences between generations in sexual matters.

That the expression of sexual interest is more fitting for men than for women, was earlier justified by saying that the sexual needs of men were so urgent that they cannot control them. This is also the reason for men being more polygamous than women. In 1971, 15% of both men and women agreed to the claim that men were polygamous and women monogamous by nature. In 1992 the corresponding figures were 11% of women and 12% of men. The belief in the greater tendency towards polygamy of men had nearly as many adherents, although the trend was slightly negative. Very few young women believed it to be true.

Although only a minority agree with the idea of men being more polygamous than women, they may consider the sex drive of men to be stronger than that of women. This was asked only in 1992. At that time 61% of women and 51% of men regarded the sex drive of men to be the stronger. Some have adopted the opposite view, 3% of women and 5% of men held the sex drive of women to be stronger. The rest regarded the sex drives of both sexes as equally strong. The portion of adherents to the last-mentioned view is largest in the youngest group, nearly one half. The sex drive of both sexes is thus widely regarded as equal among young adults. This increases the equality of the sexes in sex life.

The interpretation of the sexual role of women seems to be subject to great change. We are growing away from the virtuous ideal, according to which woman is virgin and sexually passive. The opposite of this ideal, the sexually active woman, has been called a whore, and is regarded as dangerous by some. Dangerous at least in the sense that such a woman may captivate a man (being a dangerous competitor of other women). While a sexually active woman figures in the dreams of many men (as seen in sex magazines), she might make many men confused about their role. The situation is the same in a dance when it is uncertain who's leading whom.

At school and at home sexuality is presented as a threat, rather than as a positive chance (Tirkkonen et al. 1989, Kontula 1991a, Kontula and Meriläinen 1988). The sexuality of girls is thus overshadowed by various fears: painful intercourse, pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases, sexual exploitation and getting a bad reputation (relevant for a girl's public image). Many women have a distant relationship with their own sexuality and with their own body, especially in older groups. Usually girls get to understand the importance of sex and its significance for a person only through their own experiences.

Often women lack a positive, active role model, who openly enjoys her sexuality. This notwithstanding, sexual equality among younger people has developed greatly. Along with the generally stronger social position of woman, woman is becoming a subject of her own sexuality. This development cannot be stopped any longer.

Finland is considered to be experiencing an erotic boom. Reference was made to films shown on TV openly dealing with sexual matters, daring pictures in magazines, increasing toplessness and the public debate on sexual matters. The second part of the FINSEX study has dealt with issues on how the ways the press has handled sexual matters has changed through the decades (Kontula and Kosunen 1994). The most concrete manifestations of more open public presentation of sexual issues could be seen in the scarcity of clothing becoming commonplace in illustrations, in the intimate stories of socialites, in discussions of women's sexual rights, and in the sex stories (sent by readers) in men's magazines.

Both the use of and views on pornography have been closely tied to gender; men are heavier users, and their attitude towards pornography is more liberal. This has recently been shown to be true also among youths (Kontula 1991a, Kontula and Meriläinen 1988). Partly, this must follow from the contents of the material, being geared to the largest group of customers, ie men. Another reason is that many feel that in pornography sex is detached from feelings in a manner estranging women. Pornography may also lead to vulgarization of sexuality.

To compare present attitudes towards pornography with those of 1971 is difficult, because pornography as a concept has changed greatly during this time. Pornography that was classified as 'hard porn' 20 years ago, is now classified as soft. It is possible to see pictures in ordinary magazines today that 20 years ago would have been possible only in sex magazines. Sex videos are now available to anyone; 20 years ago video was an unknown concept. As the relation to pornography and the attitudes on what constitutes pornography have changed appreciably, the results of 1992 and 1971 cannot be considered to be fully commensurate.

In 1971 respondents were asked whether people aged 16 and older should be allowed to purchase pornographic publications in special stores. This idea was supported by 55% of men and 34% of women. In 1992 this view was supported by 54% of men and 24% of women. There has been no change in the attitudes of men, but women have a slightly stricter attitude towards pornography. Excepting the oldest, this was equally true in all age groups. The youngest women have a slightly more liberal attitude towards pornography than do others.

Men showed no great or systematic change of attitude towards pornography at any age. However, women under 35 are definitely less tolerant than 20 years ago. Whether this reflects changes in the contents of pornography, or the social debate on the matter conducted by feminists remains an open question. In any case the views on pornography have diverged. How the currently popular boy calendars and the nearly pornographic contents of some women's magazines will influence attitudes, remains to be seen.

During the last few years films and videos on sexual matters have been debated widely, especially since the enactment of the Video Act. The matter was also dealt with in a few legal cases. Action was then taken because of suspectedly obscene material found during random raids in sex shops. Many opinions hold the pre-censure of films to be oldfashioned, and demand that videos be exempted, at least those sold in certain selected stores. When the penal law was reformed, it was suggested that only violent sex and sex involving children would be illegal. This leaves one difficult problem: Where is the limit between violence and sadomasochism. Sadomasochism, which is based on mutual consent, cannot be regarded as violence. How can a censor differentiate between the two?

One of the questions of the 1992 study concerned the free sales and distribution of sexually explicit films and videos. The contents of these films and videos were not defined. The majority of men (51%) agreed with this idea, 39% opposed it. Among women those against were a clear majority. While 24% of women were for the free distribution of pornography, 65% opposed the idea. Free trade with pornographic films was more widely approved by the youngest age groups, while opposition increased with age. This seems to anticipate more liberal attitudes towards this trade, as cohorts get older. The differences in attitudes between men and women will certainly remain as long as the products offered favour men.

The attitudes of Finns, at least of men, towards pornography were relatively liberal if compared with the views of Americans (Smith 1990). In that country approximately 60% have held the opinion that sexual materials are detrimental to morals. The share of people with this opinion remained steadily on the 60% level until 1989. According to the follow-up studies, 55% of Americans thought that sexual materials incited rape. A slight majority thus ascribes pornography dramatic consequences.

Support Permission for the 16-Year-Olds to Freely Buy Porn at Licensed Stores (1971 and 1992)

Only 5-10% of Americans have, according to several measurements after 1973, supported free distribution of pornography. This opinion lost some ground during the 1980s. Between 55% and 60% would accept the distribution of pornography if it were illegal for people under 18 years of age whereas approximately 40% would prohibit all distribution of pornographic material. (Smith 1990.)

The differences between Finnish men and women in their attitudes towards pornography also become evident in how arousing they found it. This question was asked only in 1992. While 65% of men and 33% of women said that watching pornography could be very arousing, the opposite view was held by 19% of men and 42% of women. The great majority of men found pornography arousing, while women doing so remained a minority. However, opinions were evenly divided among women under 45. Women of this age certainly have experience of different kinds of pornography, often together with their partner. These varying experiences also influenced the attitude of women towards unrestricted marketing of porno-graphy.

Sixty per cent of men that find pornography arousing approve of free distribution of pornographic material through certain outlets, as well as free sales and distribution of sexually explicit films and videos. One third of the women that found pornography arousing share this opinion. Of people who did not find pornography arousing, 45% of men and 20% of women supported free marketing of pornography. Their personal pleasure thus did not influence their views, the reasons were based on their liberal feelings.

The different attitudes towards pornography seem to be associated with attitudes towards nudity. Women tend to be more bashful than men. Women have been more forcibly taught than men to guard their naked body from the eyes of others. This is why women might find the naked bodies displayed in sex magazines distasteful.

Forty-two per cent of men and 11% of women said that they willingly have mixed sauna baths (naked) together with people they have never met before. Such sauna baths were not liked by 40% of men and 81% of women. About every other man was bashful, while most women were. Women under 40 were least opposed to common sauna baths, 15% approved.

Nudity is the central characteristic of pornography. Negative feelings about and attitudes towards pornography are common among people who have a reserved attitude towards their own nudity. The women who accept mixed sauna baths with pleasure on average, also support free distribution of sex films and videos and regard pornography as more arousing than other women do.

How do opinions related to sex life vary in different parts of Finland? Already in 1971 it was noted that there are no specific geographical differences showing any characteristic attitudes towards sex life. It was noted that in the province of Uusimaa (around the capital area) attitudes towards occasional relations, unfaithfulness and sex education at school were more liberal than average. In the province of Vaasa (west coast) attitudes towards these matters were more conservative than average (Sievers et al. 1974).

The size of the community where respondents live had a more significant influence on sexual attitudes than the province. To put it briefly, the bigger the community where people live, the more liberal their attitudes. People in rural areas show greater conservatism. Thus, the greatest differences are found when comparing inhabitants of Helsinki with those living in the countryside; differences in views are generally greater among women than among men.

To mention a few of the questions where opinions differ most: in Helsinki 38% of women approve of society-controlled brothels, while only 6% of women in the countryside do so. Nine out of ten women in Helsinki regard sex for adolescents in a steady, non-marital relationship as acceptable while only 56% of women in the countryside do so. The assertion that even an occasional sexual relation can be happy and satisfying for both parties is supported by 74% of women in Helsinki and by 43% of rural women. Women living in Helsinki are significantly more liberal sexually than rural women.

Differences in opinion per social group were also studied. In addition to the attitudes above, this comparison also includes attitudes towards homosexuality, which otherwise is discussed in greater detail in Chapter 9.

Attitudes to sex issues vary somewhat by social group, although differences are not always very clear. Women show greater differences in this respect. Women in upper white-collar jobs are the most liberal. More frequently than other women they support women's right to sexual initiative, regard pornography as arousing, and approve of free abortion, occasional sex and sexual intercourse without love. Of all women, those retired and farmers are the most conservative in these respects.

Among men also, farmers and senior citizens have more restrained sexual attitudes than others. Men in upper white-collar jobs are approximately middle of the road. They are more liberal than average only regarding the connection between love and sexual intercourse. Lower white-collar workers are slightly more liberal than others.

What impact do these attitudes have on the actual sex life of people? Often it is very difficult to say which comes first: a certain attitude or a certain behaviour. Both constantly interrelate. The youth study (Kontula 1991a) seems to indicate that sexual attitudes are formed on the basis of social values; people then try, at least to some extent, to adjust their behaviour to their attitudes.

In this context we limit the study of the connection between attitudes and behaviour to the sexual behaviour regarded as ideal for him- or herself by the respondent (e.g. one faithful relationship, living together). This desired sex life was compared with some of the information given on the sexual behaviour of these people.

Persons who wanted several parallel sexual relationships have initiated their sex life at a younger than average age, they have had more sexual partners, masturbate more and would like to have coitus more often with their partner. Moreover, they read sex magazines and watch sex films and videos more often than average, find them arousing more frequently than average and engage more frequently than average in oral sex with their partner.

Persons who want to deviate from the monogamous family model have stronger sex drive and higher sexual self esteem than others. Their attitude towards sex life can, at least partly, be seen as a consequence of their strong sex drive. Those who least express their sexual interest in their sex life do not necessarily even want a sex partner. Thus, there is a logical connection between attitudes and behaviour.

During past centuries and decades, sex life that was contrary to sexual morals was called sin, immorality or indecency. Immorality was a clearly moral concept. The relativity principle of morality inevitably leads to the fact that no society can establish an unanimously approved concept of immorality, even internally. It gets more difficult still when several societies and cultures are involved. It is, indeed impossible to define immorality or indecency.

In the 1992 study we wanted to study people's views on the borderline between conventional and unconventional sex life. As the use of concepts sin or immorality has grown infrequent when discussing sexual matters, we decided to study another, more current concept: perversion. Perversion as a concept has its origins in medicine, and it has been spread with the greatest force by Sigmund Freud.

Perversion has meant immature, sick or a deviation from the normal. The concept is not clear to everyone. For this reason the study included the following leading phrases before the question: It is said that people have sexual perversions. What, in your opinion is perverse, or sick, regarding sexual matters? These phrases served to get respondents thinking about things that they do not regard as healthy behaviour in sex life. To use an open-end question as a measurement of perversions seemed to be the only possibility, because otherwise important activities regarded as perversions could have been unrecorded.

Fifty-four per cent (N = 1226) of all respondents answered the open-end question on sexual perversions. The fact that the question was at the end of the second form, at which time they already had spent an average of 75 minutes answering the questions of the study, decreased the amount of answers. When comparing the number of answers with the number of answers to the previous question, it was 63%. This is quite a normal percentage for open-end questions, which usually are answered more infrequently than multiple-choice questions. Part of the non-response may relate to the fact that some people do not regard anything as perverse. Slightly less than 1% had indeed answered that nothing is perverse.

What, then are regarded by Finns as sexual perversions? The answers to that question were many, and they had to be coded into a few more general classes for statistical processing of the material. The central contents of the coded classes, i.e. perversions, were:

1. Sex with children = Statutory rape, incest, child prostitution and pornography involving children

2. Sexual violence = Rape, violent behaviour, coercion, sexual harassment, violation

3. Sodomy

4. Homo- and bisexuality

5. Sadomasochism, sadism, masochism

6. Group sex, exchanging partners

7. Porn = Hard-core pornography, commercialization of sex

8. Accessories

9. Urine and feces

10. Anal coitus, oral sex

11. Public sex = Exhibitionism, public coitus

12. Abnormal partner = Abnormal partner, very senior partner, retarded partner, necrophilia

13. Selfishness = Not taking the partner into account, contamination with a disease, contempt, double standard

14. Hypersexuality = Excessive activity, constant talk about sex, overemphasizing sex

15. Free sex

16. Other

Among others, the following matters regarded as perversions were included in the group 'other':

How usual was it to regard the above as perversion? Below follows a table showing what per cent of the men and women who answered the question designated something a perversion. Each respondent may have mentioned several perversions.

The results of the study indicate, that Finns do not agree on what constitutes a perversion, many activities and characteristics received 'votes'. No issue listed as a perversion got the majority of answers to this particular question.

Sex involving children or sexual violence was regarded perverse by a greater part of respondents than any other, by approximately one third of men as well as of women. Sodomy was thought perverse by every fourth respondent. Ranked fourth was sex with a person of the same sex (homosexuality), found perverse by about 20% of male respondents. Less than 10% of the women found it perverse. Other things and activities were mentioned more seldom.

Sex involving children, sexual violence and sodomy were regarded as perversions more often by younger respondents than by middle-aged and, especially, elderly ones, as opposed to homosexuality, which the elderly usually regarded as a perversion and the youngest more seldom. The elderly thought of some forms of perversion more often than other groups did. Elderly respondents regarded hypersexuality as a perversion more frequently than did the other groups. Otherwise the perception of perversions per group did not differ significantly from group to group.

Some perversions had an evident connection with the education level of the respondents. The well educated regarded sex involving children as a perversion three times as frequently as did the least educated. The difference was nearly as clear regarding sexual violence and sodomy which was regarded as a perversion more frequently by the best educated respondents. Half of the respondents with at least 17 years of schooling and studies regarded sex involving children and sexual violence as perverse. As to homosexuality, the situation was exactly the opposite: the less educated the respondents, the more frequently they regarded homosexuality as a perversion. Nearly half of all men with eight years or less of schooling thought that homosexuality was perverse.

Women who began having intercourse at a younger age than others regarded sex involving children and sodomy as perversions. No corresponding difference was detected among male respondents. Women who had looked at sex magazines during the last year regarded sex involving children as a perversion more frequently than other women. Men who had looked at sex magazines during the last year (one in two) regarded sexual violence as a perversion more frequently than did other men. Pornography had not increased their tolerance for sexual violence, quite the contrary. Homosexuality was regarded a perversion most often by men and women who had never masturbated, and men who had begun intercourse later than average.

5. The Sexual Initiation

Sexual initiation (sexarche) here refers to first kisses, permanent relationships and intercourse. Thus this does not mean sexuality as such, which is a significant part of every human being from birth. Even before commencing sex life proper, people often have sexual sensations and experiences.

Small children often masturbate and play sexually slanted games (doctor games) where other children's and their own genitals are examined. According to the KISS study, at least 40% of present young adults have played these 'sex games', half of them several times (Kontula 1987). These games can also include imitating and experimenting with adult sex habits the children have seen. However, this cannot be regarded as initiating sex life as playing these games is not interpreted as conscious sexual behaviour. The sexual significance of these experiences is usually first understood when approaching adolescence. At this point, sexual issues in general become more interesting.

In the previous chapter we stated that during the past 20 years the attitudes of adults towards sexual interrelations between young persons have changed dramatically towards more liberal. A clear majority of adults approve of sexual intercourse between young people in a permanent relationship. Does there exist a connection between this change in attitude and the young making their sexual debut? The aim of this chapter is to give as versatile a view as possible on the changes which have occurred in the commencing of sex life. As this material shows great changes during the past decades, the results are presented separately by age group. Before dealing with the sexual experiences we shall take a brief look at how society has regulated the sexual initiation of young persons, for example through sex education.

Regulating sexual initiation and sex education

The changes which have occurred in sexual initiation are very interesting due to the fact that it is specifically the sex life of the young that has been the main target of moral supervision. As stated in the previous chapter, a few decades ago sexual morals approved only of sex life in marriage. Since young people were not old enough to get married, and thus unable to have acceptable sexual relationships, they were pressed into celibacy.

Aims to influence the sex life of young people has not been a characteristic only of Christian culture, but of most communities irrespective of their beliefs. According to anthropological research, premarital intercourse has been forbidden in 30% of the cultures, 45% approve of it with certain reservations and 25% approve of it without any reservations at all (Broude and Greene 1976). Thus there has been no uniform practice regarding this matter.

Controlling the sexual debut has not been done only on ideological grounds, but it may have been sensible for natural or for economic reasons. This has been noted from the fact that the initiation age has fallen in many communities if it has been vital for economic reasons to get married at an early age. During past centuries, even children aged 12 years have been joined in matrimony for such reasons. This means that the sex life of young people has only been merchandise in trading between parents (Niiranen 1986).

One of the main functions and purposes of the common ideologies controlling sex life has been to protect people who have been living in difficult natural conditions. Such ideologies have sought to help people to secure their livelihood and ability to procreate. The values these ideologies have represented have been coded in religions that convey instruction in adjusting to the environment, also regarding sex life (Reynolds and Tanner 1983). This has been the case also with Christianity.

Earlier there have been laws to regulate the commencement of sex life. In Finland, for example, sexual relationships of unmarried people were legal offenses until 1926. Naturally this was a law often violated, as statistics show that in the beginning of the 20th century every third bride was pregnant at the time of the wedding (Nieminen 1964).

Controlling the sexual initiation by law was replaced by the moral education given by the church and the schools. In this education, little by little, the religious sexual morals have been forced to give way to medical viewpoints. Instead of teaching the ideas of sin and indecency, the weight has gradually been shifted onto preventing the disadvantages of pregnancy and health risks caused by sexual relationships. Today the sex education given at school in Finland is mainly concentrated on birth control and venereal diseases. Unfortunately the teaching of other matters connected to sex life is limited (Kontula 1991b).

The sexual initiation can be controlled by limiting it, teaching how it should be done as well as passing it over in total silence. The latter has been the most common practice in Finland up to recent years. Schools have tried to avoid their teaching responsibility by stating that it is a private matter of every home in which schools should not interfere. This has been used to cover up the teachers' feelings of inadequacy regarding the sex education. At home, the responsibility of sex education has been pushed over to schools. Young people caught in the middle of this dilemma have been forced to seek the knowledge they have needed from the most varied sources.

In this study people have been asked whether they received any information in their youth from their childhood home about matters related to sex life and whether they were given sex education at school. They were also asked to evaluate the adequacy of the information and education given, as well as their general inclination at the time to receive this kind of information on sex-related issues. These questions were posed both in 1971 and 1992.

Talking about sexual matters has gradually increased both at home and at school. In 1971 39% of men and 41% of women had received information on sexual matters from their childhood homes. The corresponding figures were 61% and 64% in 1992. In 1971 10% of men and 14% of women regarded the information received as adequate, and in 1992 the corresponding figures were 29% and 32%. Thus, until recent years, people have not been informed very well in their childhood homes about sexual matters, even though the discussion of these matters has increased.

In 1971 28% of men and 33% of women stated that they had received sex education at school. In 1992 the corresponding figures stood at 64% and 74%. This information was considered adequate by 7% of men and 8% of women in 1971. The corresponding figures in 1992 were 25% and 32%. This indicates that sex education at school has markedly been increased, though less than one third regarded the education received as adequate. Less than one tenth of the people stated that they did not want this kind of education at all. Most of the respondents had preferred education given at school to information received at home.

Young people reported significantly more often than others having received sufficient information on sexual matters at school or at home. This indicates that discussing and teaching sexual matters has markedly increased among those who were still young during the 1980s. During the past 20 years sexual matters have been discussed with ever increasing intensity. The number of people that have received sex education at school has almost trebled since 1971. Only a few persons in the oldest age groups have discussed sexual matters sufficiently at home or at school in their youth.

Although talking about sexual matters to young people has increased, still almost every other person that lived their youth in the 1980s has not been adequately informed on sexual issues at school or at home. The changes occurring at home take time because sexual matters were not widely discussed in the homes of present parents. Therefore it may be difficult for parents to talk to their own children about these matters. Learning to talk about sexual matters becomes gradually easier as generations go by.

Sex life doesn't usually begin with intercourse, but with kisses and caresses. These, in turn, are often connected with the first steady relationships. It has been noted with young people that it takes approximately four years from the first kisses and caresses to intercourse (Kontula 1991a). The significance of these experiences is certainly as great to young people as the first intercourse. At a time when a large number of people wanted or were forced to postpone the first intercourse until marriage, the only forms of sex life were indeed the kisses and caresses.

Today, approximately four fifths of people experience their first kiss before the age of 16. Most of them have kissed by the age of 20. Approximately 3% of both men and women have their first kissing experience after having turned 20. One per cent of people aged between 18 and 74 stated never having kissed. The age when starting to kiss has continuously been lowered during the past decades. Twenty years ago the average age at the time of the first kiss was 15, in 1992 14 years in the population aged 18-54 years.

In the 1940s the number of people having experienced their first kiss at an age under 16 was half of the corresponding figure in the 1970s and the 1980s. The correspondence of the answers to the questionnaires in 1971 and 1992 is good in this respect. The age when starting to kiss still fell from the levels of the 1960s to the 1970s, though after this it has remained about the same.

Most of the people have kissed before their first steady relationship. Approximately two years passed between the first kiss and the first steady relationship, as the numbers of those having gone steady when under 18 is almost equivalent to the corresponding numbers of those having kissed when under 16. Since the mid-1970s, approximately 60% of men and 70% of women have gone steady when under 18. Approximately 40% of those presently under 35 have gone steady at an age under 16. Before the 1950s it was very rare that women of this age were going steady. Today, 3% of those over 25 have never gone steady. During the past years, no great changes seem to have happened in the age when starting to go steady.

As well as with kissing, the age when starting to go steady has significantly been lowered during the past decades. From the year 1971, there was a fall of half a year, on the average, in the beginning of going steady. In 1992 the surveyed aged 18-54 years had started dating at 17 years of age.

According to the answers, only half of the people under 20 had gone steady in the 1930s. Therefore it seems that the change in this respect has been growing from the 1930s to the beginning of the 1980s, but it has stopped since then. The information representing this change in the surveys of 1971 and 1992 are quite consistent.

Steady Dating Before Age 18, p52

There are no significant differences around Finland in starting to go steady. In the province of Uusimaa, a few more people have begun going steady at an age under 16 compared to the other provinces. In the eastern and central provinces of the country, going steady has begun at an older age than in the rest of the country. Those living in the countryside outside the population centres were clearly older compared to the others when they began going steady. One third of them had entered their first permanent relationship only after having turned 20.

When people were asked about having sexual experiences almost all of them understood this to refer to intercourse. In addition to representing a sexual experience, the first intercourse is also a symbol of growing up for many young people. It is an initiation rite after which childhood is left behind and maturity has been reached (Tirkkonen et al. 1989).

A significant change has occurred during the past decades in the age when experiencing the first intercourse. From the 1930s to the beginning of the 1980s, ever younger people have begun having intercourse. During the 1980s this age has been stabilized to a level where just over 20% have had their first intercourse when under 16 and a little over a half at an age under 18. This data compares well with the information gained from the KISS study regarding the age when having the first intercourse (Kontula 1991a).

Twenty years ago women had their first sexual intercourse at an earlier age, 19.7 years, than men, 18.3 years. In 1992, the ages were 17.9 years and 18.1 years. The diminishing of the gender gap during the interval between the two surveys is statistically very significant. It shows an increase in equality between the genders in sexual life at the same time as there was an increase in equality also in other sectors of life such as education, work, politics, family, and leisure time.

Only a few per cent of those women who lived their youth before the 1970s have reported having intercourse before turning 16. The percentage of women having had intercourse at this age has boomed to over 20% among younger age groups, and also the share of those having experienced intercourse at an age under 18 has increased by approximately 20 percentage units. The trend concerning men has been similar, though clearly less dramatic. The vivid sexual-politics discussion and the changes in values which occurred in the 1960s have thus significantly had an influence on the sexual behaviour of the population. Sexual intercourse was no longer regarded as a preliminary stage of marriage, but frequently as an experience by itself and as something that young people could decide on themselves.

In the oldest age group, almost half of the women had experienced their first intercourse at an age over 20. The corresponding share of men was approximately one fifth. In the younger age groups, approximately 10% had experienced their first intercourse at over 20. Approximately 2% of those over 30 report never having had intercourse.

The age at which the first intercourse happened has been found to have many connections to a person's later life. These connections as such probably have nothing to do with the actual timing of the intercourse, but a great deal with a person's values and qualities. According to a follow-up study carried out in the USA

First Sexual Intercourse Before Age 16, p 53

The shares of those who had started having sexual intercourse before age 18 (%) in different age groups by the importance of religion and active participation in congregational life at some stage of their lives

having intercourse, of the men the youngest have been those with an average education (occupational education).

Per level of education, the latest starters of intercourse were those who had passed the matriculation examination. As to answers obtained from people in the oldest age group, secondary school education had the same impact up to the 1940s, but after this only those graduated from secondary school have differed from the rest. Instead of spending time on social relationships in their early youth they have preferred spending more time on their studies than average.

The age of first sexual intercourse has not varied very systematically with regard to the status of the father or other provider in the childhood home (as estimated by the respondents themselves). In the oldest age group, i.e. before the 1950s, the initiation age has not really varied with the social status of the home. Among the middle-aged, meaning those having lived their youth in the 1950s and the 1960s, young people from the farming families and the upper white-collar group have began their sex life at a slightly older age than the rest. When reviewing the starting age by age groups, it has decreased most, relatively speaking, in the youngest age group.

When relating findings to social groups during adulthood, the first sexual intercourse has been experienced at an age under 18 most frequently by those (approximately 50%) belonging to the working class, lower white-collar and the unemployed. The corresponding figure for farmers and upper white-collar has remained at approximately 30% for both women and men. Thus the age at sexual

debut does indicate something about the values and aspirations young people have regarding education and future profession. Those investing heavily in future careers have less frequent sexual relationships in their youth compared with others. Especially the answers of men and women having lived their youth before the 1960s are somewhat inconsistent, as the number of men having had intercourse is clearly greater than that of the women. After the 1970s this distinction can no longer be made. This inconsistency is hardly due simply to the fact that sometimes men exaggerate their experience, the consistency of the answers is quite good in the questionnaires of 1971 and 1992. At least part of this inconsistency might be explained by the 'public' women who could earlier be found even in the country villages. Many men have had their first experience with these women. This may also have been the only option for those boys seeking an intercourse experience, as the girls were not very willing to have intercourse before marriage. A significant change has occurred also in the extent of the first sexual relationships that included intercourse. By comparing the age when having the first permanent relationship and the first intercourse it is evident that in the 1930s intercourse did not usually constitute a part of a permanent relationship. At this time only less than one third of the women having gone steady at a certain age had also had intercourse at the same age. After this, the number of women having experienced intercourse while going steady increased constantly. At the end of the 1970s the share of those having had intercourse at the same age had risen to almost 90%. This figure declined slightly in the 1980s falling to approximately 80%.

Men had experienced intercourse more often than gone steady when under 18 in the 1930s and the 1940s. This indicates clearly that for men, contrary to women, the first intercourse was not a phase in a permanent relationship. Therefore it can be stated that for them the first intercourse was not primarily an affair but an experience.

In most cases, nevertheless, the connection between beginning to have intercourse and going steady has been significant. This statement is supported by the fact that 59% of all women and 54% of all men have had their first intercourse approximately at the same age as their first permanent relationship. Only 17% of the men and 6% of the women have been markedly younger at the time of their first intercourse than of their first steady relationship. The share of those having gone steady clearly before having the first intercourse stands at 36% with the women and at 29% with the men. Thus in many cases the intercourse has been postponed by at least several years even when going steady.

Only rarely alcohol has been used in great amounts prior to the first intercourse. The use of alcohol has increased in general, and so in the youngest age groups it has become more common to drink before having intercourse. Approximately one fourth has used alcohol moderately or heavily prior to their first intercourse, men slightly more often. Approximately 60% of the women and 50% of the men have not used alcohol at all in this situation. Therefore it is more an exception than a rule to use alcohol when making the sexual debut.

It has become distinctly more common to use contraceptives when having the first intercourse. Only a few per cent of those over 55 used a contraceptive the first time and approximately 70% had been totally without any protection. The most common method of birth control has been coitus interruptus. The use of the condom as a birth control method during the first intercourse has increased appreciably among those under 45. This means that the use of a condom has significantly been increasing among young people since the mid-1960s. According to the age group comparisons, the use of a condom declined slightly during the 1970s, but picked up again in the 1980s probably due to the condom campaigns carried out after AIDS was discovered. During the past few years approximately 60% of men and 65% of women have used a condom during their first intercourse. Approximately 15% have been entirely unprotected. These figures correspond quite well with the most recent research among young people (Kontula and Rimpelä 1988).

Naturally the use of birth control methods has been boosted by the availability of contraceptives and a more natural attitude towards them, as well as the rising level of educational knowledge and general awareness. Among those with more education, it has been twice as rare to have had the first intercourse without any birth control than among the rest. These people have also had a more natural attitude towards sexuality in general, as many of them have markedly been more eager to experience the first intercourse than the rest. Still they have been the ones to actually have the first intercourse at a slightly older age.

In the age group of over 60, approximately 90% of women report their steady partner, fiancé or husband as their first sexual partner. With men the corresponding figure is approximately 40-50%. Thus elderly women have made their sexual debut with a steady partner twice as frequently as men.

Approximately 70% of women and 50% of men under 35 have experienced their first intercourse with a steady partner. In this age group the answers of men and women are already much closer to one another. The number of people having had their first intercourse with a steady partner has yet increased at the end of the 1980s. No distinction can be made in this respect between different social classes. Having the first intercourse with a fiancé or a spouse has become very rare, the number of these cases has been falling with time and now stands at only a few per cent.

The earlier a person has started having intercourse, the more often it has been done with an occasional partner. In the age group of under 16, 58% of women and 30% of men having had intercourse have experienced it with a steady partner. Of those having begun later than this, 80% of women have done it with a steady partner, of men more than 50%.

No Contraception at the first Sexual Intercourse (1971 and 1992), p59

According to the answers of men, the willingness to have the first intercourse has significantly been greater with men than with women. A little over two thirds of men irrespective of their age group have been very eager to have their first experiences. With women the willingness has increased gradually. One third of women in the age group of under 35 have been very eager to have their first intercourse. This shows that the growth in willingness has clearly happened in the 1970s. Even today men express their eagerness to have the first intercourse twice as often as women.

An interesting point is that in the survey of 1971 approximately 10% of women stated having experienced forcing or pressing. As these answers should be consistent with those of 1992, this would indicate that women's interpretation of what is considered forcing or pressing has changed. Perhaps earlier it has been more difficult to admit one's own willingness than today.

Both men and women have regarded themselves somewhat more willing in those cases where the first intercourse is had with a steady partner. Also 70% of men aged between 18 and 35 and 21% of women in the same age group have been very eager to have their first intercourse with an occasional partner. With men the share is almost as great in the older age groups too, whereas it is markedly smaller with women in these age groups. Thus the women's willingness to have intercourse with an occasional partner has increased.

The difference in the willingness between men and women is also shown in what the first intercourse is considered to have been like. Men have considered the first intercourse pleasant significantly more often than women. Approximately 70% of men and 20-30% of women have considered their first intercourse pleasant. The share of women considering their first intercourse pleasant has significantly grown in the youngest age groups. Of women approximately one third and of men 5% consider their first intercourse to have been unpleasant.

This shows that women have found their first intercourse less often to be pleasant than men. This can partly be explained by the pain women feel when the maidenhead is being torn.

Another and perhaps even more central reason for this is that only a few girls dream about the physical pleasure of sex. They do not have any special expectations of it (Tirkkonen et al. 1989). Those girls who are better prepared for the intercourse often already feel pleasure during the first time, as this study also proves to be true.

The first time was more agreeable than they had expected for 40-50% of men and 10-20% of women in different age groups. It had been a disappointment to 35-55% of women and 10-20% of men. The first intercourse was regarded as not painful by 34% of women. There are no significant differences in this respect when making comparisons between different age groups.

Those women who have had their first time with an occasional partner have slightly more frequently considered it unpleasant or disappointing. With men this kind of distinction cannot really be made. There has been no difference in the painfulness of the first intercourse between the women having had an occasional or a steady partner. Many of the women who have had their first intercourse with their spouses have regarded it as painful as those with an occasional partner.

The women's feelings regarding the first intercourse are quite strongly either positive or negative, even though the positive sensations are clearly in the minority. What then is the cause of the difference between these experiences?

According to research carried out by Sharon Thompson (1990), the girls' first sexual experiences have two different scripts according to whether she has considered herself a subject or an object of her own sexuality. Approximately three fourths of the girls involved in the research regarded herself as an object during the intercourse - 'it just happened'. These girls did not have a proper relationship with their own bodies. They hardly discussed their sex life with their mothers. One fourth of the girls did, however, consider themselves a subject. These girls were familiar with getting excited as well as with their own bodies. Often they had open-minded mothers who were frank with their daughters about their own sexuality. The erotic education given by these mothers has clearly had a positive effect in the sexual experiences of their daughters.

According to the KISS study (Kontula 1991a), the willingness to engage in intercourse has been particularly low with girls who have never gone steady. The women's culture emphasizing love does not encourage anticipation of pleasure. Entering the institution of going steady tears down some of the effects of this subculture among girls. With girls the appreciation of sex grows rapidly as they have more permanent relationships. Going steady markedly evens out and brings closer the expectations boys and girls have regarding their sex life.

The willingness to have intercourse is markedly bound to the appreciation of sexuality among both boys and girls. It has been unusual for a boy not to be willing to have intercourse, though this has been the case with approximately one tenth of the girls who have experienced intercourse. This reluctance among girls has significantly had a connection with their attitudes and interpretations of maturity. In the cases where she has not felt mature or old enough to have intercourse, she often stated this to her partner when commencing intercourse (Kontula 1991a).

In 1971, the information regarding the first sexual experiences was obtained from people aged between 18 and 54. When these same age groups were asked 20 years later the same questions, the respondents then being between 38 and 74, there were no systematic or significant changes in the answers in any age group. This indicates that although the percentage of answers obtained was lower in 1992 than in 1971, this has not affected the results in any systematic way in the selection of the respondents.

What has really then changed in initiating sex life? The age of the first sexual intercourse is nowadays significantly lower than in 1960s and the attitudes towards a premarital sex life and women's sexual activity has become more liberal. One reason for this is the economic development. The share of those 15-year-olds who have already had intercourse has increased from the 1960s to the end of the 1980s from approximately 15% to approximately 30% according to studies on young people (Minkkinen 1969, Koskelainen et al. 1973, Kontula 1991a). This study shows that the age for commencing intercourse has been falling at least since the 1930s. This change is especially clear and consistent in the answers of women. A rapid change can be seen when moving from the 1960s to the 1970s. The explanation for the changes with men not being as great is probably found in the many cases where a 'public' woman has been the partner when obtaining the first experiences.

No data is available in Finland about the proportion of the first intercourse having been experienced with a prostitute. However, making use of the Kinsey material, it has been possible to establish that in the USA for 28-42% of men of different ages their only premarital sex partner has been a prostitute in the first decades of the 20th century (Gephard and Johnson 1979). Results complying with this have also been found in several other countries.

In Finland the changes which occurred during the 20th century regarding making the sexual debut bear a great resemblance to those which occurred in the USA at that time (Clement 1990). Studies carried out before the 1960s indicate that one half of men and one fifth of women had experienced intercourse before turning 20. In the timing of the men's experiences, no significant change had happened between the years 1920 and 1950, but those of women had happened somewhat earlier than before. According to several studies, the number of those having had their first intercourse when under 20 began clearly increasing in the 1960s from one third to approximately half. After this, the share of these people has yet increased, now standing at a level close to that of Finland.

In Finland the first sexual experiences have significantly more often been connected to going steady, also the experiences reported by men and women have become more uniform. The gender uniformity in first sexual experiences has been promoted by the women's increased taking of the initiative as well as the increased willingness to have the first intercourse. Though a great deal of women have still felt the first intercourse to have been painful or disappointing, many of the women 'have it over and done with', so that they can really start to enjoy their sex life after this 'penetration'.

With girls, the symbolic value of the first intercourse as a sign of maturity or rebellion against their educators has been distinctly emphasized in relation to the subjective experience of intercourse. It is going steady that makes sex important to girls. Going steady brings sensations that give new interpretations to the meaning of sex. For example, it can be seen as a way of showing affection and love.

The positive economic development in the 1980s and the prosperity connected to it have played a part in the increasing of sexual tolerance in the whole society. This has been shown to be true by, in addition to this study, the survey replies published in Autumn 1990 by Suomen Gallup concerning people's sexual attitudes. More positive meanings have been connected with sexuality and the first experiences during the past years. What happens to these attitudes and meanings as a result of the recession of the early 1990s remains to be seen.

For those young people making their sexual debut earlier than the rest, it has been common to pursue a way of life that is cut loose from the childhood norms and is directed towards free social values. Being social is an aim in itself, not just an instrumental value, unlike those with lower self-esteem and less sexual experience. Learned attitudes and moral ideas, like in their minds connecting love to the family, promote the celibacy of young people. Sexual development, high sexual self esteem and values supporting these (e.g. connecting love with going steady) for their part promote the early initiation of sex life. Also one important factor influencing the early experiences is the meaning one has given to sex life. Therefore the differences in making the sexual debut are not explained by individual factors, but questions widely dealing with the way of life and the values that young people have.

In historical interpretations sex has been connected to ensuring people's livelihoods in uncertain natural conditions and social environments. These interpretations cannot be applied to the present day. Instead of reproductive and matrimonial morals, the moral of satisfying social needs has gradually become more important. It is this moral that today shows young people the way when making their sexual debuts.

6. The Sexual Habits and Partners of the Finns

Earlier chapters have described what Finns think about establishing a sexual relationship, at what age and with what kind of partners they commence their sex life. How does this sex life continue in adult life, and with what kind of partners? What kind of sex habits do people have, what kind of sex life do they feel to be satisfying? What kind of equipment or products (such as pornography) do they use in connection with their sex life? This chapter tries to provide answers to these questions, among others.

The central aim of this chapter is to compare changes in sex habits and the choice of partners that have occurred during the last 20 years. The 1992 study does, however, include many new issues about which nothing was asked in 1971. Such subjects include oral and anal sex, satisfying the partner manually, the use of various equipment and accessories, group sex, sexual relations in the workplace and sexual relations with foreigners. Changes that have occurred are examined by comparing the answers of different generations.

Often a sexual relationship is established when a person is in love, and for some, love is a prerequisite. This chapter therefore starts out with falling in love and changes in that during the last 20 years.

'Love gives the right for sex' has according to the American sexologist Ira L. Reiss (1967) been the foundation of sex life in the Western world in the 20th century. Falling in love and romantic love have also been regarded as an important reason for marriage (Jallinoja 1984). The idealization of love has also been met with criticism. According to the results we obtained, it has become more unusual to let go and fall in love with abandon. The percentage of people who think that they are of a type that falls in love easily has diminished, as have differences of gender regarding the tendency to fall in love, even if structural changes of the society are allowed for. Twenty years ago, 40% of men and 25% of women said that they fell in love easily. Now corresponding figures are 28% and 21%. Of course, it is difficult to say what was considered easy in those days, as opposed to the present.

Although people say that they do not fall in love as easily as 20 years ago, respondents between 18 and 54 years of age reported more occasions of falling in love than did those interviewed in 1971. In 1992 the average number was 3.3 persons, having been 2.9 in 1971. The change occurred mainly in age groups 35-54. In both studies, men reported falling in love more frequently than women.

Now, the situation of the Finns is better than before, in the sense that they are subjects of love more often than they were 20 years ago. According to the previous study 59% of men and 67% of women, according to the present one 72% of men and 78% of women thought that someone really loved them at the time of the study. Especially men reported a growing tendency to be in love themselves.

The difference between the sexes has also decreased. Earlier 66% of men and as many as 76% of women said that they were in love with someone at the moment, now corresponding percentages are 78% and 79%. Thus, men love a little more often than they feel themselves loved. Women love and are loved equally. The portion of the loving and the loved is related to social background. Youngish, married, educated persons who value religion and use alcohol think that they are loved and love more frequently than average, even if the influence of other factors is considered at the MC analysis.

How often do Finns engage in intercourse? There has not been any significant change, the frequency of sexual intercourse was approximately the same in both studies. The frequency of sexual intercourse and the time elapsed since the last sexual intercourse were, on an average, the same according to both studies.

Of the respondents who had had sexual intercourse (in 1992 97% and in 1971 92% of all respondents), some 40% had had sexual intercourse at least twice a week during the last month. No intercourse at all during the last month was reported by 13%.

Results on the time of the last sexual intercourse were very similar. Approximately 40% (48% of men in 1992) said that the last sexual intercourse had occurred two days ago or later, while 17% stated that at least three weeks had elapsed since their last sexual intercourse. Nearly half of the Finns have a very regular sex life, nearly one fifth an occasional one, at best.

Even if the frequency of sexual intercourse has not changed, sexual activity seems nowadays to be somewhat livelier than 20 years ago in the age groups 35-54, both men and women. The coital frequency of the age cohort that was about 30 in 1971 seems to have remained approximately the same now they are 50. It has also remained the same in the cohort that is ten years older. Even if advancing age affects a person's sex life, it does not necessarily show before the age of retirement. The coital frequency remains rather high for those who initiated their sex life earlier than others, appreciate it and have positive experiences. The age groups that adopted a positive and more liberal attitude towards sexuality in the late 60s and early 70s, have continued to engage more frequently in sexual intercourse than do other groups.

Sex life is a free pleasure, highly suitable for enjoyment during a recession and during otherwise hard times. This is of course true in theory, but it is not the whole truth. A safe financial position is usually required as a basis for a satisfying sex life. Sex is a luxury product that many people can enjoy properly only when their life is otherwise in good shape.

The explanation of the connection between income and frequency of coitus is that men earning good money get married or start cohabitation at a much younger age than do those earning less. Established relations make for a regular sex life. Why do those earning good money get married, while others do not? The preselection performed by women might be one reason among many others. If a man does not appear a success financially, women do not dare form a relationship with him. In the case of women, a small income does not seem an obstacle for the formation of relationships.

How great a part of the population does not have intercourse at all? Those reporting no intercourse at all were most frequently found among young and old people. In 1992 2% of people over 30 declared that they have never had intercourse. During the last five years one fifth of women between 30 and 50 and some 15% of men in the same age groups declared at least one half-year period, during which they had had no sexual intercourse. Half of the people under 25 had experienced such a period, one half or more of women of age 60 and up and of men of age 70 and up. Of retired women 47% had not engaged in intercourse for one year, the figure for men being 18%. A few (4%) only of people aged 50 or younger had been without any intercourse during the last year.

No intercourse at all during the last month was reported by 14% of men and 23% of women. The figure is strongly dependent on age: some 10% of the middle-aged did not have intercourse, but this applies to more than half of the women turned 60. The portion of elderly men having to do without intercourse is considerably smaller. Men are seldom widowed at this age, which guarantees the continuity of a more regular sex life.

According to both studies, men of 25 or older report sexual intercourse more frequently than do women, whether this is measured by frequency of sexual intercourse per month or by the time elapsed since the most recent sexual intercourse. The reason for the greater intercourse frequency of men is explained by the fact that especially older age groups include many elderly women living alone and having no, at least no regular, sexual partner.

Well and less educated and those regarding religion as important or not important have intercourse equally often. The coital frequency of frequent users of alcohol is now - but was not in 1971 - higher than that of people who seldom drink. Sexual activity and repeated intake of alcohol seem to correlate better now than 20 years ago. This might be due to the fact that particularly the sexually active people have increased their intake of alcohol.

The egalitarianism regarding sex life during the last two decades is evident from the fact that women take the initiative in intercourse significantly more often than before. However, men still have slightly more initiative than women. Comparisons of men's and women's replies show that men emphasize the initiative of women more than women do. More often than men, women construe the initiative as mutual. The change is increasingly evident in younger age groups, in which an increasing percentage found the initiative mutual. We will show later, that intercourse seems more satisfactory if the initiative is experienced as mutual.

Twenty years ago, social factors explained mutual initiative to a much greater degree than now. Earlier simultaneous initiative by both sexes was commonest in the youngest age groups and among those not married; now age and marital status do not influence initiative. In 1992 - but not in 1971 - it was a characteristic of frequent drinkers of alcohol that sexual initiative was mutual. When comparing social groups, it was seen that the initiative of women in upper white-collar employees was at the highest level, nearly on par with that of men.

The positions used in intercourse were not subject of deeper study, but the question about the position used in the most recent intercourse was included in both studies, both times with five predetermined alternatives: 1. Face to face, man on top; 2. Face to face, woman on top; 3. On our sides; 4. Other position; 5. Two or more positions.

The positions used in sexual intercourse have become more varied since the 1971 study. Then a mere 15% reported having used two or more positions, in 1992, 33%. Woman-on-top had also gained some popularity. In 1971 68% of men performed intercourse in the 'missionary' position, with the man on top, now only 43%. Slightly less than one tenth engaged in sexual intercourse lying on their side.

The greater variation of positions used in intercourse is an indication of a real difference between generations, and not a consequence of the routine to which a relationship of long standing is subjected. Irrespective of the duration of the relationship or the partner of the last sexual intercourse (own, steady partner or someone else) positions have been used approximately in an equal manner. There are significant differences between the positions assumed by young people, the middle-aged and the elderly. As for females, upper white-collar women and students have used the most varied positions. Sexual activity is a part of their active social role.

The use of alcohol before the most recent sexual intercourse was much more frequent among the unmarried and the divorced than among the married and widowers/widows, similarly among those usually drinking more frequently than among those drinking alcohol more seldom. Gender, age, education and the importance of religion did not explain the use of alcohol in connection with sexual intercourse, when the impact of these factors was standardized using the MC analysis. Alcohol was used before intercourse in all social groups when a person did not have any steady partner and usually drank alcohol frequently. Sometimes alcohol constitutes part of making social contacts.

Besides the various positions used in intercourse, sexual contacts involve an increasing number of other sexual techniques for satisfaction. In the 1992 study we gathered information on foreplay, arousing and satisfying the partner manually, oral sex, either performed on the partner or received by the partner and anal intercourse. Of these only foreplay was included in the 1971 study.

Nearly all people indulged in kissing, fondling and other foreplay before intercourse. In 1971 6% of women reported no foreplay (half of them did not want it anyway). In spite of the occurrence of foreplay, all were not satisfied with its duration. In 1972 72% of men and 59% of women were satisfied with their foreplay. In 1992 the corresponding figures were 75% and 68%. Thus, women were more satisfied in the foreplay, even if nearly one third still was dissatisfied. Dissatisfaction was evenly spread throughout all age groups.

Manual stimulation of their partner was done by 86% of men and 76% of women (stimulating the partner's genitals and giving him or her satisfaction without sexual intercourse e.g. through fondling and stimulating by hand). Approximately half of the men and a good third of the women had satisfied their partner manually during the last month. Men have certainly offered manual satisfaction when their partner did not achieve orgasm during intercourse. For 26% of men and 42% of women more than one year had elapsed since they had satisfied their partner manually. Women have thus been more passive when it comes to satisfying their partner by hand; part of the gender difference is, nevertheless, related to the lack of steady partners of elderly women.

Manual satisfaction was much more common among younger people than among older. In the age group 55 and upwards, more than half of women and 30-40% of men have never satisfied their partner manually, while the share of these among 25-34-year-olds was only 5%. Of men and women under 35 more than half have satisfied their partner manually. Men and women satisfy their partners equally.

Oral sex is very much more usual among young people than among old people. In the youngest age group nearly everyone had engaged in oral sex during the last year, in the older groups only a minority. Of women aged 55 or older, four fifths had not offered their partner oral sex, nor had they had any performed on them. Approximately two thirds of the younger age groups had practiced oral sex at least occasionally.

The connection between youth and oral sex is explained partially, but not fully, by the fact that young people engage more often in sexual intercourse than older people do. The main explanation is the greater versatility of the sex life of young people. Young people use a greater variety of positions and satisfy each other manually and practice oral sex more frequently than older age groups do.

Anal intercourse was also characteristic of younger people. Of all men that participated in the 1992 study, 20% and of all women 17% had engaged in anal sex at least once in their life. Several times it had been practiced by 8% of men and 6% of women. In the age group 25-34, 31% of men and 29% of women had engaged in anal intercourse. A good tenth of this age group had tried it several times. Just a few per cent of the age groups 55 and older had ever tried anal intercourse.

It has been noticed in several studies that self-pleasuring or masturbation is the most delicate and intimate form of sex life, judging from the fact that questions regarding self-pleasuring were most often left unanswered (Johnson and DeLamater 1976). Many regard it as such a private matter that they never masturbate in the presence of another person, even their spouse. This guarded attitude towards self-pleasuring might be on the verge of changing, judging from the fact that respondents answered the question on self-pleasuring as often as other questions.

When asking about self-pleasuring, the same preamble was used in both studies: 'Masturbation means fondling or stimulating one's own genitals, which gives satisfaction and may lead to orgasm (coming). Very many people masturbate at least at some time in their life.' Following that, the respondent was asked when he or she had masturbated last.

The share of people who had masturbated had grown appreciably during the last 20 years. It has always been more common among men than among women. Self-pleasuring has increased on both an annual and on a monthly basis. In 1971 28% of men and 16% of women had masturbated during the last month. In 1992 corresponding figures were 42% and 25%. The magnitude of the change is best illustrated by the fact that on a yearly basis the women of 1992 masturbated more than men in 1971. As attitudes towards self-pleasuring grow more natural, ever fewer people refrain from it completely. In 1971 49% of women and 26% of men had never experienced self-pleasuring. In 1992 the corresponding figures were 23% and 10%. The great majority of both women and men have thus satisfied themselves sexually at some point in life.

Masturbation was very much more usual among young than among older people. This is not a consequence of age per se, but of changed times. People seem to retain the regularity of self-pleasuring that they got used to in their youth. There are no limitations attached, as self-pleasuring does not require a partner. Self-pleasuring will be more usual among the entire population as the present middle-aged population turns elderly.

The increased occurrence of self-pleasuring is explained by the fact that ever fewer people believe in the false allegations that masturbation is dangerous for your health yet printed in some sex guides of the 1950s. Two thirds of women and more than one third of men who still believe in or are unsure about the veracity of these dangers have never masturbated. Of those women and men who had no such fears, half of the men and almost 30% of women had masturbated during the last month. The distribution of correct information has thus contributed greatly to the attainment of sexual enjoyment by self-pleasuring.

The existence of a steady partner decreases the need for self-pleasuring somewhat: The unmarried, divorcees and widowers/widows masturbate more regularly than married people. Better educated people masturbate more often. Religiosity has no effect on self-pleasuring, but those who use alcohol more frequently than others, also masturbate more often. According to MC analysis, breakdown by age group shows diminished differences, while breakdown by marital status and the use of alcohol show increased differences from 1971 to 1992.

Young men and women with low incomes masturbate more frequently than other groups. This higher frequency of self-pleasuring, associated with low income, is still evident among middle-aged men. This result is connected with the finding that men with low incomes establish sexual relationships more seldom than other men. For them, self-pleasuring is at least a part surrogate for an intercourse-centered sex life.

By sex materials we mean magazines and books, regarded as pornographic by the respondent, wall calendars featuring nudes, sex magazines, sex movies in the cinema and video versions of these, and other sex films or programs on TV. In 1971 only books and magazines regarded as pornographic by the respondent were studied. The above were designated sex materials, because any classification into e.g. pornography and erotica is subjective, telling more about the personal attitude of the respondent towards their acceptability than about their contents. People's views on pornography were discussed in the chapter on sexual attitudes, Chapter 4.

The only possibility to measure changes in the use of sexual products is offered by the question on the use of magazines and books, classified as pornographic by the respondent him/herself. This comparison does, however, run into some problems. Firstly, the very idea of pornography has changed during the last 20 years. Many magazines regarded as pornographic 20 years ago are no longer generally regarded as such.

Another, and perhaps more serious problem is that the porn market has changed radically during that same period. The circulation figures of sex magazines have declined since the 1970s, these magazines being replaced by sex videos. A case in point is the magazine Jallu, the circulation of which was very large in 1971, 111,694 copies, but only 13,645 in 1991. However, the total circulation of all sex magazines was 150,000 in 1991. Estimated readership of each copy is five. To measure changes in the use of pornography, all magazines, books and sex videos in the 1992 material must be counted as one batch.

The proportion of those having read or browsed a magazine or book that they regarded as pornographic during the last year was considerably less in 1992 than it was in 1971. Among men, the proportion of users dropped from 82% to 64%, among women from 59% to 30%. When the watching of sex videos during the last year is added, the use of sexual products still decreased, but not as dramatically as the above comparison shows. In 1992, 75% of men under 55 had used a pornographic magazine or book or a sex video or both during the last year. The corresponding figure for women was 41%.

The total use of pornographic products has decreased during the last 20 years also on the basis of this comparison. This might follow from the fact that 20 years ago these products were novelties for the majority of the population, and it was fashionable to test them. Along with their wider availability the market has become saturated, and interest in them has declined slightly.

Young people are significantly heavier consumers of sexual products than older people are. People seem to get fed up with pornographic products when growing older. The percentage of aging people using these products is only one third of that of younger groups. Part continue their consumption through life. From 1971 to 1992 the use of pornography declined in all age groups.

When comparing the use of magazines and books by men and women with the use of sex videos by men and women, both product groups have an approximately equal number of users. Almost as many men and women watch sex videos as read pornographic magazines or books. The number of men using these products is the larger by far in all age groups. According to the 1992 study, 53% of men and 22% of women had watched sex videos, approximately half of these at least a few times.

According to the MC analysis, male gender, young age and the use of alcohol explain reading and browsing of pornographic magazines and books. Marital status, education and religiosity were not related, when allowing for the impact of the first-mentioned. When none of the other variables is controlled, it can be seen that religious people use less pornography than do people that are estranged from religion.

What kind of people, from a sexual standpoint, are the users of pornography? As pornography splits the opinions of especially women, it is interesting to find out what kind of women do use pornography. Pornography is regarded as arousing and not arousing by approximately equal amounts of people (see Chapter 4).

The first observation is, that women who have read pornographic material during the year support women's right to make sexual initiatives more often than do other women; 70% of these women do so unconditionally. They have taken the initiative to sexual intercourse with their partner more frequently than other women. Of the women who have watched pornographic videos during the last year, 61% regard them as arousing, while this view is shared by only 27% of other women (corresponding figures for men: 80% and 55%). Women watching sex videos had orgasms more frequently than others, they had intercourse with significantly greater regularity, they had had more sex partners during their life, they satisfied their partner manually twice as often as other women and they were versatile users of coital positions.

The number of sex partners during a lifetime was expected to grow because of the accelerated structural changes of society and family. Marrying again after a divorce implies that a person has at least two sexual partners. The number of partners was expected to grow because of the greater tendency towards parallel relationships beside the established one (Thompson 1983, Sundet 1988). The number of short relationships, and therefore of partners, is expected to grow, along with the number of one-person households. The changing sexual morals associated with the decreasing importance of religion, might also have increased the number of sex partners.

The changes in numbers of sex partners were, indeed, up to expectations. In 1971 Finns had an average of seven sex partners during their lifetime, against ten in 1992.

Double morals had allowed men more sex partners than women. Finnish men still have a significantly greater number of sex partners than do women. According to the 1971 study, men had on the average 11 sex partners, women three. Corresponding figures for 1992 were 14 and six, respectively.

In 1992, 13% of men and 29% of women had one sex partner during their entire life. A maximum of two partners had sufficed for 22% and 43%, respectively. In 1971, 31% of men and 4% of women had had at least 10 partners, correspondingly 46% and 18% in 1992. Although women have a growing number of partners, the relative gap between men and women remains nearly the same.

Many respondents have rounded off the number of partners to certain decades, which is an indication of the relative inaccuracy of these figures. Especially reports on tens and hundreds of sexual partners seem somewhat unreliable, at least in this respect. In the 1992 material one woman reported 350 partners and one man 700. Changes in the numbers of partners, are examined by using as the indicator the proportion of those who reported ten or more partners.

As people get older, they encounter a growing number of opportunities to enter into sexual relationships. If the sexual habits of people would remain unchanged, the oldest people would have had the greatest number of partners. According to this study, the situation is different in Finland. Men and women of approximately 30 years of age had had the greatest number of partners. This seems to suggest a significant change in sex habits during later years.

Table 6.8, p.89

When comparing answers from 1971 and 1992, it was noted that per age cohort the percentage having had 10 or more partners had grown by 20% points (men) and 10-15% points (women). If people would continue getting new partners at the same rate, 60% of present middle-aged men would have had at least ten partners in 20 years (by 2012). The corresponding figure for women would be 30%.

The number of sex partners in the oldest age group was the smallest of all, although they could have had the greatest number, based on their age and the time that they have had to engage in sexual relations. These people lived their entire youth at a time when the norm of monogamy was going strong. It was not considered suitable to have too many premarital sex relations, and fidelity was a must during marriage. As divorces also were abhorred, it is natural that the number of sex partners did not grow too large.

In practice the correlation between falling in love and establishing a sexual relation is strong. Every other woman has had at most as many partners as the times she fell in love: 30% of women had had exactly that number of partners, and 20% had had fewer partners than love affairs. Often even true love has not led to a sexual relationship. Half of all women had, though, established a sexual relationship with a man they did not love.

In the case of men, the correlation between falling in love and sex partners is not as strong, but still significant: 30% of men had had at most as many partners as loves - 18% an equal amount and 12% fewer. Other men (70%) had had more partners than loves. Most men have thus had a sexual relationship with a person that they did not love.

Application of regression analysis showed that the total lifetime number of sexual partners in both surveyed years was related to age, living outside marriage/cohabitation, living in a large town, falling in love many times, early timing of the sexual debut, frequent sexual intercourse, present masturbation, the use of alcohol before the last sexual intercourse and regarding religion as only slightly important. A large number of sex partners is thus associated with aging, independence, a lively and versatile sex life and a secular lifestyle.

What kind of sex partners? Here we have information on the partner of the most recent sexual intercourse, whether he or she was the steady partner, an acquaintance or hitherto unknown, the steady partner of someone else, a free agent or a prostitute. Additionally we studied to what extent Finns have had intercourse with foreigners, and to what extent they found their partners at the job. Finally, we will see how many had several simultaneous partners, i.e. engaged in group sex.

As the majority of adults live in a permanent relationship, and they usually had had only one sex partner during the last year, one can presume that the most recent partner in intercourse was the respondent's own steady partner. That really was the case. The last sexual intercourse was mostly with the spouse or the cohabiting person (76%) or another steady partner (15%). Nine out of ten (87% of men and 92% of women) had sex last with their steady partner, while 9% of men and 6% of women had their most recent intercourse with an otherwise well-known person. Intercourse with a person they did not know beforehand was engaged in by 3.5 per cent of men and 1.5 per cent of women.

Between 80% and 85% of women aged 25 and up and men aged 35 and up had intercourse last with their spouse or cohabiting partner. Younger people had their most recent intercourse with a steady partner almost as frequently; only this partner was more seldom a spouse or a cohabiting person. Men under 25 had their most recent intercourse with a person they did not know before most frequently (12%).

A free agent was the latest partner of 16% of men and 10% of women. With the exception of the youngest age groups, approximately one in ten of men and women reported that their latest partner was not committed to somebody else. In the age group under 25, 40% of men and 19% of women had had a free agent partner.

Three per cent of men and 4% of women had their most recent intercourse with the spouse or steady partner of someone else. The percentage of such partners was almost the same in all age groups. Unemployed men had more such liaisons than other men. For the partners, this sexual intercourse was a parallel sexual relationship. We return to these further below. A prostitute was the most recent sex partner of 0.4% of men, all under 45.

Along with the increasing internationalization, Finns have started getting foreign sex partners. According to the 1992 study, 20% of men and 13% of women had had an either steady or occasional sexual relationship with a foreign person, either on a trip abroad, living abroad or in Finland. Percentages were calculated on the entire material, including also those that did not answer one or some of these questions. One particular question, that on sex partners while living abroad, was unanswered by many; most Finns have never lived abroad, so they did not feel that this question was relevant.

Approximately half of the men and one third of the women who reported having had a sexual relationship with a foreigner, reported two or more such relationships. Approximately one tenth of men and women had engaged in sexual relationships with foreigners in Finland. Women had had an equal number of these relationships in Finland and abroad, while men had had double the number of relationships while travelling abroad. Of men, 12% had had intercourse during trips abroad. A few per cent of men and women had had sexual relationships with foreigners while living abroad.

Among the younger age groups there was no difference between women and men in the number of relationships with foreigners. As of age 35 and up, men have had these relationships to a radically greater extent. This is partly due to the fact that men do more business travelling than women. The men who participated in this study had had 3.2 travel days a month, while women had had only 0.6 a month. Moreover, from the age 35 upwards, many men had sexual experiences with foreign prostitutes. Prostitute services had been bought by 45% of men who reported several sexual relationships with foreigners in Finland or abroad. Among those who had had one sexual experience with a foreigner, 28% had purchased sex at some time.

Upper white-collar employee men and self-employed businessmen are the social groups that most frequently had a sexual relationship during trips abroad. These groups do indeed travel abroad more frequently than others. Corresponding groups among women are upper white-collar employees and students, who also have more frequent sexual contacts with foreign men in Finland than other groups. The high percentages among the younger age groups suggest that sexual relations with foreigners are growing more frequent.

Among men, sexual relations with foreigners in Finland are concentrated to persons who have had more than ten partners during their lifetime. This applies to men of all ages. Of these men, one in five had had a sexual relationship with a foreign woman in Finland. One in two of men who have had 20 partners or more have had a sexual relationship with a foreigner in Finland.

Sexual relations with foreigners were more usual also among women who had had many partners. Women differ from men in that they have had sexual relationships with foreigners also when they had not had too many partners altogether. Of all women under 36 years of age with only one lifetime partner, this partner was a foreigner in 5% of all cases. Even the initiation of sex life seems to be getting international, as far as Finnish women are concerned.

Approximately one in ten of men has had a sexual relationship with a foreigner, even if they had had only a few partners all in all. Middle-aged men had had more travel relationships than younger men. Intercourse with a foreigner during trips abroad was had by 30% of young men who had had ten partners or more and 50% of middle-aged men with ten partners or more. Relations with foreigners were rare for men over 55, especially over 65; they concentrated to the group with many partners.

For women, sexual relations with foreigners concentrated to women with many partners. Younger women with only two or three intercourse partners tend to have had one sexual relation with a foreigner. Among older women, relations with foreigners were rare, irrespective of the total number of sexual partners.

A joint activity leads to informal interaction and feelings of attachment (Homans 1951). Erotic and sexual relations at the job were not very widely studied before the 1980s. There are some theories and some information from USA and England (Hearn and Parkin 1987, Collins 1983, Gutek et al. 1990, Quinn 1977). According to earlier research, some two out of five Finns have at least once fallen in love or gotten infatuated with a colleague or with another person encountered at work (Haavio-Mannila et al. 1984, Haavio-Mannila 1988). There is approximately the same number of love affairs on the job in the other Nordic countries and in the United States. In the former Soviet Union they were rarely mentioned (Haavio-Mannila 1992, Haavio-Mannila 1993). Young, well-educated people and white-collar personnel who meet lots of people of the opposite sex in the course of their work, report the highest frequency of love affairs at the job.

The percentage of people fallen in love at work had increased slightly since 1981. At that time 36% of urban, employed men and 38% of such women reported having fallen in love at the job at some time (Haavio-Mannila et al. 1984). In 1992, 46% of men and 40% of women reported having fallen in love or getting infatuated with a colleague or another person they had met at work. Job romances do not always last long. Only 4% of respondents were in love with an acquaintance at the job. Every other one of these had already established a permanent relationship with that person. At present, falling in love at work does not vary greatly with age. The oldest women had had the fewest job romances.

Very many people get infatuated or fall in love with a colleague or with another person that they meet at the job in spite of being married or cohabiting with someone else. This was reported to be the case by 49% of men and 40% of women. Marriage or cohabitation was a particularly low obstacle for the job romances of older men.

Job romances bring pleasure and happiness to most people (66% of men and 76% of women thought so) or lead into a pleasant, friendly relationship (84% and 82%). A sexual relationship was attached to the job romance in more than a third of all cases (38% of men and 34% of women with experiences of job romances). A sexual relation with someone they fell in love with at work was entered into by 17% of all employed men and 13% of all employed women.

In earlier research the percentage of job romances leading to a sexual relationship was slightly higher (Haavio-Mannila 1988). This might be explained by the fact that the earlier respondents did not represent all parts of Finland and all sectors of employment: they lived in Southern Finland and represented professions where both sexes were unusually well represented. In the representative study of 1981 (Haavio-Mannila et al. 1984) no questions were asked on the consequences of job romances.

The latest love at work was married or cohabited with by 12% of men and 17% of women; 30% of the oldest age group had married the object of their love. The percentage of marriage with a man they met at work was also slightly higher (21%) than average among women in the age group 25-34.

Besides its positive consequences, a job romance can also lead to problems, as the two roles of a person, those of a professional and a sexual actor, may be conflicting. Of those who had fallen in love at work, 16% of men and 24% of women talked about heartache and pain as the consequences of the last infatuation or falling in love with a colleague or another person at work. Especially youngish women (aged 24-44) had suffered heartaches as a consequence of their romance. Jealousy had been experienced by 14% of men and 16% of women, while 11% of men and 9% of women had noticed envy and resentment at the job in connection with their last love.

Envy and resentment occurred more commonly at the jobs of older respondents than at those of the younger ones. Job romances are perhaps regarded as a more natural element of the lives of the young rather than those of older people. Attitudes towards job romances may have changed for the more liberal with time. The oldest respondents could have described infatuations and loves from decades back in time.

Sexual intercourse is not a very social event, except for the two people participating in it. Usually people try to conceal it from others and do it in as intimate circumstances as possible. Sexual intercourse involving many people are an exception from this general rule. Sexual intercourse involving more than two persons is called group sex.

Relationships that lead to group sex are relatively rare. Only 1.4% of men and 0.8% of women have participated in sexual events involving at least four people. These are distributed rather evenly among the various age groups.

Sexual intercourse involving three people have occurred more frequently, the most usual configuration being one man and two women. Nine per cent of all men report at least one such experience, most frequently men aged around 30. Two per cent of women have had intercourse with two men simultaneously.

Four per cent of men and a good per cent of women have engaged in intercourse with a man and a woman. In the case of men, these experiences are concentrated to the middle-aged. Group sex with two persons of the same gender (homosexual group sex) had been tried by 1.1% of men and 0.6% of women. With the exception of young women, these experiences are quite evenly distributed among the various age groups.

When comparing the answers on group sex given by men and women, men emerge so experienced that the veracity of the result merits some pondering. The situation one man and two women is reported by 9% of men and 1% of women, the situation two men and one woman by 4% of men and 2% of women. Do men tend to brag about having had two women, even if this had not occurred in reality? Or do women find it difficult to admit that they have shared a man with someone else? It is difficult to provide answers to these questions here. Partly the wider experience of group sex reported by men may arise out of services provided by prostitutes.

The main part of the sex life of Finns occurs in a permanent relationship, i.e. in marriage or cohabitation. The sex life encountered in these couple relationships is very much like that described above, precisely because the great majority of the adult population lives in such a couple relationship. What is done in these steady relationships is also done by most Finns.

We have gathered some information on sex life, relevant especially for permanent relationships. We view the sex life of steady relationships by duration. Part of the sexual relationships does not involve cohabitation. The aim is to detect whether there are 'dangerous years' from the point of view of functionality, and what sex life is like in relationships established a long time ago.

In 1992 one question dealt with whether their relationship involved enough touching and physical proximity. The previous study contained no corresponding question. Generally, people were very satisfied in this respect. The great majority, 85%, of men and women alike thought that the relationship involved sufficient amounts of such touching. It was thought insufficient by 14%, while 3% of women and 1% of men said that there was no physical togetherness at all.

The youngest women were most satisfied and the oldest least satisfied with touching and closeness. One in five of women aged 55 or older said that there was a scarcity of closeness. Approximately one tenth of women around 70 reported that their relationship did not involve any physical proximity. The partners were evidently fed up with one another.

What impact does sex life have on a relationship? Some 90% of men and women have regarded it as very important or important for the happiness of the relationship. Only 1% of the respondents found it quite unimportant. One change can be seen: the proportion of people regarding sex life as very important for the happiness of the relationship had decreased between 1971 and 1992; in the case of men, from 42% to 29%, in the case of women from 40% to 21%. Simultaneously the sex life in these relationships has become more versatile, and as shown below, more satisfying. How is this change in opinion to be understood?

A couple of decades ago, it was emphasized in the public debate arisen in connection with the sex revolution, that a satisfying sex life is a prerequisite for marital happiness. The development of family planning advice stations is one expression of this view. When the openness of sex became ubiquitous, hardly anyone could think any longer that sex was not a self-evident, integral part of each permanent relation. Presumably sex has become normalized, become part of everyday life, lost some of the taste of forbidden fruit. Thus, it is now unnecessary to emphasize its importance.

In 1992 especially middle-aged men (30%) and women (22%) regarded sex life as very important for the happiness of the relationship. The appreciation of sex life does not change very much with age, the only exception being women over 55, of whom only half regard sex life as being even somewhat important for the happiness of the relationship. Sex life was regarded as totally unimportant for the permanent relationship by 13% of these women. This is balanced by an approximately as large group in the same age group, finding sex life very important. Elderly women seem to have very contrasting views on the importance of sex life in their relationship.

What, then, does sex life look like in relationships of different duration. It must be said here, that as relationships grow older by years, their nature also changes. Four out of five relationships that are no longer than one year old do not involve living together. Of relationships whose duration is more than one year, but less than five, a good half involve cohabitation and more than one in ten has married. However, many people continue their relationship without living together. Relationships of long standing, one decade or more, are usually judicially confirmed by marriage (90%), the rest usually go on cohabiting. Relationships usually get formally confirmed after very many years spent together. How does this stabilization show in their sex life?

It is a characteristic of relatively new relationships of a few years' standing that sexual intercourse is engaged in regularly, both take the initiative to intercourse together, and versatile positions are used during intercourse. Partners also use versatile methods for inducing satisfaction, such as manual satisfaction of each other. During the early years of a relationship, the sex life is remarkably active and versatile. As many cohabit during these years, sex life during cohabitation is much livelier than sex life during marriage.

Sexual intercourse is engaged in at regular intervals for up to 20 years, but intercourse is not as versatile as in the early years. The percentage of partners wanting intercourse more frequently grows, among men and also among women, and women develop a greater interest in pornography.

Interest in sex life seems to increase, but the man takes the initiative with increasing frequency and masturbation decreases, when the relationship matures. Sex life in relationships that have lasted for over 20 years is much less active than that of shorter ones. Couples have intercourse at longer intervals, using the man on top position more frequently, do not often satisfy each other manually or by mouth, and show less interest in pornography. Even if many want more frequent intercourse with their partner, relatively few masturbate. At this stage ever fewer women consider themselves sexually accomplished. Although sex life is very active in many relationships that have lasted for over 20 years, an increasing number of people feel that sex with their partner is getting less interesting than before. This has been called tedium, it has also been said that sex is a duty rather than a pleasure.

Are the changes in sex life consequences of the long duration of the relationship, of people getting older, or of the changing world around us? Relationships that have lasted for over 20 years are, after all, entered into by people who lived their youth before the more open-minded sexual debate of the 1960s.

Apparently all three factors have influenced the change. There is a strong correlation between the duration of the relationship and age. Allowing for age, half to two thirds of the impact of the duration of the relationship is lost (betas being smaller than etas in analysis of variance) in relation to the following factors: frequency of intercourse, the man's initiative to intercourse, two or more positions during intercourse, manual satisfaction of the partner, and masturbation. Tedium in these matters is thus mainly a consequence of aging. The duration of the relationship per se, irrespective of age, detracts partly from the liveliness and versatility of sex life, but not to the degree the figures in the table seem to indicate.

Certain traits of the relationship are related to its duration equally strongly in all age groups. Such traits are the total number of sex partners, estimates of the respondent's own sexual proficiency and the wish for more frequent sexual intercourse, for women also that they find pornography arousing. The figures do not change appreciably regarding these, even when age is standardized.

A 20-year follow-up of marriage implemented in USA (Ard 1977) showed, that husbands often felt that their wives did no longer enjoy sex the way they used to. The women had felt that their men had changed less than husbands had felt that their wives had changed. Generally, at this stage husbands wanted sexual intercourse more frequently than did their wives. Unanimity on sex life seems to decrease in longer relationships because of this.

People starting their relationships nowadays have had much greater numbers of sex partners than those that have lived in a relationship for decades. Partly this is a consequence of the fact that people changing partners often get selected into relationships of short duration. The people that enter into relationships these days have made their sexual initiation at a younger age than past generations, they have amassed sexual experience with several partners and they know increasingly many ways of satisfying their partner sexually. Thus, they stand a good chance to have a versatile sex life throughout a long relationship.

Expectations regarding sexuality and the enjoyment of sex life diminish with advancing age. A study of elderly clients of home health care in Finland (Paunonen and Häggman-Laitila 1990) showed, that only 20% of these regarded sexual activities of the elderly as natural and proper. That sex life does not belong to old age and that elderly people do not need any sex life was a view held by 44%. These views are sure to change as the present middle-aged population gets older.

Sex life, especially that of young adults, has become more versatile, but is it also more satisfying than before? The answer is definitely yes. Sexual intercourse is now regarded as more pleasant, intercourse orgasms occur more frequently (orgasms are discussed in Chapter 10), the amount of foreplay is better, discussion of sexual matters with the partner is easier, relationships are happier and sex life in general is regarded as more satisfying than 20 years ago.

Another positive development is, that the difference between men and women regarding opinions on the pleasantness of the last intercourse and of sexual intercourse has decreased. Experiences of intercourse of both genders are more egalitarian. Still, women would have preferred intercourse to have been preceded by more foreplay than men did. Women now think less of the importance of sex life for the happiness of a relationship as do men; earlier there was no difference in this respect between genders.

How satisfying did people find their sex life as a whole? In 1992 85% of all men and 83% of all women were at least moderately satisfied with their sex life. Very satisfied were 27% and 32%, respectively. Four per cent of men and 6% of women thought their sex life was unsatisfactory. No differences were detected between the satisfaction of men and women under 55, but women of 55 years and up were distinctly more dissatisfied with their sex life than were men and younger women. Approximately one in ten thought it unsatisfactory. Unmarried people are more satisfied with their sex life than before; this is partly a consequence of increased cohabitation.

How satisfied were people with the amount of sexual intercourse in their relationship? When studying this question, we noted that men and women in the age group 25-34 wanted more frequent sexual intercourse, although they already had intercourse more frequently than average. Men also wanted more frequent sexual intercourse distinctly more often than women did. More frequent sexual intercourse was on the wishing list of 40% of all men and 16% of all women. Relatively few found their frequency of sexual intercourse exaggerated.

Fifteen per cent of young and middle-aged women were satisfied with having intercourse at most a few times a month. Three quarters of the women that had intercourse once a week were satisfied with this, but satisfaction of nearly all young and middle-aged women used to a regular sex life, requires sexual intercourse two or three times a week. Men and women over 55 were satisfied with significantly less frequent sexual intercourse. The great majority were satisfied with a few times a month. Only a few men or women of this age group had sexual intercourse more than two or three times a week.

What kind of sex life is found especially satisfying? According to results of a regression analysis, the following factors explain independently the satisfaction of sex life as a whole:

- a person loves somebody;

- a person receives love;

- only a short time has elapsed since the most recent sexual intercourse;

- the partner often performed oral sex on the respondent;

- both took the initiative for the most recent intercourse;

- no alcohol was drunk before the most recent intercourse and

- a long time had elapsed since the most recent masturbation.

These seven factors explain the satisfaction with sex life to 25% regarding men and to 27% regarding women. Women found mutual initiative and the absence of alcohol slightly more important than did men, and greater frequency of sexual intercourse increased the sexual satisfaction of men more than that of women.

Due to correlations between different explaining variables, all the sexual techniques discussed earlier did not significantly influence assessments on the pleasantness of sex life. Of the factors included in the preliminary analyses the following were left out: acquainting oneself with sexual printed materials, the use of sex accessories and equipment, positions used in the most recent intercourse, performing oral sex on the partner, satisfying the partner manually and anal intercourse. These factors did not influence views on the pleasantness of sex life when other factors were standardized. Nevertheless, many of them correlate with sexual satisfaction when the impact of the other variables is not standardized.

Coitus-centered sex is considered the most satisfying, especially when both take the initiative and when the partner frequently offered the respondent oral sex. The use of alcohol immediately before the last intercourse and masturbation a short time ago are related to dissatisfaction with sex life. As stated earlier, they are associated with a life without a partner.

When assessing the pleasantness/unpleasantness of sexual intercourse, almost all men have found them at least fairly pleasant, in 1971 as well as in 1992. A good 40% found them very pleasant. In 1971 only 80% of women found their sexual intercourse pleasant, but that percentage was almost on par with men in 1992, 95%. A significantly greater part of women now finds intercourse pleasant. Apparently those women, who did not quite know how to assess their sexual intercourse in 1971, now find them pleasant. Sexual intercourse is found very pleasant by 35% of women.

Men and women under 45 have approximately the same views on the pleasantness of sexual intercourse, but in 1992 only 75% of women over 55 found sexual intercourse pleasant. Approximately one in five of the women in this age group cannot say whether they find intercourse pleasant or unpleasant. They were young at a time when the sexual satisfaction of women was not regarded as important. As some of these women have viewed the matter as a duty, they have not enjoyed their sex life very much.

The happiness of the steady relationship was very strongly related to how happy people think their life is in general. In this study the same percentages, 64% of men and 69% of women, found both their permanent relationship and life to be happy on the five-degree scale very happy - very unhappy. Many men, 27%, and women, 21%, considered their life to be happier than their permanent relationship.

Among young people, women emphasize the happiness of their relationship more than men do, but there is no difference in this respect after the age of 35.

Approximately half of young women and one third of young men found their

A factor analysis was performed to get deeper information on satisfaction provided by sex life. The factors measuring the satisfaction with sex life have two basic dimensions. The first one is designated enjoying intercourse, describing the pleasantness of sexual intercourse and having orgasms. The other factor describes the happiness of the permanent relationship. This is a combination of the ease of discussing sexual matters with the partner, the happiness of the relationship and general satisfaction with sex life.

Factors influencing the two dimensions of sexual satisfaction, enjoyment of intercourse and the happiness of the relation, were further studied by MC analysis. Enjoying intercourse is related to male gender, youth, living in a permanent relationship or cohabitation and with frequent sex in this steady relationship. This is the case, even when the impact of other explaining factors is standardized.

Youth, good education, frequent sex in the steady relationship and lack of alternative sex (masturbation, sex materials and equipment, oral sex and manual satisfaction of the partner) are related to the happiness of the couple relationship. Well educated, religious and temperate people also found their relationship to be happier than average. A good social status and traditional values - religiosity and temperance - are thus associated with the happiness of the relationship.

The results indicate that unhappy couple relationships are a feature of a secularized life style. Or is it easier for the secularized and less educated people to break the happiness barrier (Roos 1988) that makes it difficult to admit to strangers that all is not as it should be behind the façade?

The influence of sexual styles - active sexual life with the steady partner, occasional sex and sexual practices alternative to vaginal intercourse - on sexual satisfaction was also studied using cross-tabulation. People's assessment of the overall satisfaction with their sex life was chosen as the factor to be explained.

Best satisfied were all groups engaged in frequent sex in a permanent relationship, i.e. those who had had intercourse quite recently, and who had had it with their spouse or other steady partner. Men, who frequently had sex with their steady partner, who had had only one sex partner in their entire life, and who did not practice alternative sex (masturbation, sex materials, oral and manual sex), found their sex life especially rewarding. This group included just 39 men.

Most dissatisfied were the men and women who had little sex with a steady partner, who had had many casual sexual relationships and who have not resorted to sex techniques alternative to vaginal intercourse. But when those who do not have frequent sex in a permanent relationship and who have had many occasional relationships venture to use alternative techniques - masturbation, sexual equipment, oral and manual sex - in order to achieve sexual satisfaction they are better satisfied with their sex life. Sex techniques other than vaginal intercourse can thus partly make up for problems arising through the lack of regular sex in a permanent relationship.

People without sex activities of any kind were fairly satisfied with their sex life. These 'sexless' people were elderly: the average age of the men was 57, that of the women 61. Their non-existent sex life does not seem to pose problems. Some elderly people find their sex life satisfactory, even when it does not involve any sexual activity. Perhaps their complacency is a consequence of scant expectations.

Those who lack sex in a permanent relationship or occasional sex, but use alternative sex techniques are young, men 31 years and women 33 years, on an average. These men are discontented with their sex life, women as contented as all women on an average. Some young women, who do not have a permanent relationship and refrain from occasional sex have learned to get sexual satisfaction from sexual accessories and masturbation. However, there were only 13 such women in the sample.

From a practical point of view, it is important to know that sex techniques alternative to vaginal intercourse increase satisfaction. Anyone can, after all, use them. What humans cannot do, is change their age or gender; both do, partly for biological reasons, influence satisfaction. When striving towards greater satisfaction it pays to look at things that can be influenced. Besides sex techniques alternative to vaginal intercourse, such influences are, as could be expected, regular sexual intercourse and a well-known partner.

7. Parallel Sexual Relationships

Up to the present day, sexual activity limited to one partner has been the norm in Finland. In the past, the sanctions to conform to this rule were exceptionally severe because under the law in the 19th century extramarital relations could be subject to the death penalty. The Church helped create and maintain this norm by meteing out dishonouring and disciplinary punishments. Sex was also forbidden for divorced persons and widowed persons unless they remarried. Until 1948, extramarital relations were criminal offenses. Adultery remained valid grounds for a divorce under the Finnish Marriage Act up to 1988. The unfaithful spouse was regarded as guilty of the breakdown of the marriage and suffered financial losses for such behaviour.

Because of legal reforms, new values and changes in society, the hegemony of marriage in the sex life of the Finns has been eroded. Since the 1960s, new contraceptive techniques have played a part in giving the opportunity to enjoy sex without the fear of pregnancy in a marriage or another similar relationship. Undeniably, the possibilities of having affairs outside temporary or more long-term marital or similar unions have increased. However, the ideology of love and the prevalent norms in society are still largely based on a sex life limited to a single partner. To what extent do people actually depart from this monogamous norm? How common are other sexual affairs maintained during a marriage or other such unions, what are these liaisons like, and who are the people who enter into such relationships?

In many respects, the terms used to describe sexual liaisons during a permanent relationship or marriage are unsatisfactory. The most common term 'extramarital relationship' refers only to marriages and not to other couple relationships (cohabitation, other steady sexual relationships). The term extra includes also connotations that are not justified in many kinds of sexual relationships. They exist as a result of monogamous sex morals. Many people who live alone have long-term sexual relationships that are in no way extra to them. Therefore there are strong reasons for amending the term that upholds the traditional ideal of a monogamous marriage.

Another term commonly used about this is infidelity. Infidelity does not describe a certain type of relationship; instead, it is an interpretation given to such a relationship from the point of view of a regular established relationship (often by outsiders). A person is unfaithful to his or her regular partner if they have agreed to refrain from sex with other people. Consequently, infidelity means breaking a promise given to one's partner. Instead, a temporary or more long-term sexual relationship maintained parallel to a permanent liaison cannot be characterized as an instance of infidelity if the partner is not opposed to it and the affair is not concealed from him or her. As a result, the term infidelity cannot be applied as a generic description of all relationships maintained in addition to a marriage or other similar union.

A third concept often used in the debate - escapade (casual sexual relationships during couple relationships) - describes temporary departure from a monogamous sex life. The term escapade implies that no special value is ascribed to such a relationship and it is a one-off event. However, if a casual sexual relationship continues for a longer time, the word escapade is replaced by terms such as mistress or lover. In fact, these terms give a more apt description of the significance of extra sexual relationships than the considerations based on concepts such as infidelity. However, they do not describe the relationship itself, but only one of the parties to it.

In this study, sexual relationships maintained in addition to a permanent union or other sexual relationship are called as parallel sexual relationships. The advantage offered by this concept is that it does not rate such a relationship as valueless, nor does it characterize anybody's sex life as extra to some other relationship. When relationships are parallel, they are psychologically equal. Certainly, they are not similarly equal in terms of the living situation and time usage as marriage or cohabitation unless we are dealing with a group marriage. A parallel relationship can last only for a short time or continue to exist in addition to the permanent relationship for a very long time and even gradually replace it. As a result of this process, the parallel sexual relationship is transformed into the principal (and maybe the only) sexual relationship.

Since Finns are not familiar with the term parallel sexual relationship, the word used on the questionnaire was extra sexual relationship. Here this concept will only be used in the same connections as on the questionnaire. When attitudes were explored, the term escapade was also used because the same word had been employed on the 1971 questionnaire and it was left unchanged on the 1992 form to ensure the comparability of the results.

What kind of parallel relationships do Finns then engage in and how common are they? The most common parallel relationships are short- or long-term relationships established during a marriage or other permanent relationship that the other spouse or partner is not aware of, or at least has in no way contributed to its establishment. The spouse can be either opposed to or approving of such a relationship. If the spouse is opposed to the relationship which is then exposed, it may lead to jealousy and a deep crisis in the permanent relationship.

Parallel sexual relationships based on a mutual agreement between the parties to a permanent relationship can either be specific to both partners or shared. When the relationship is specific to one spouse only, the other spouse is usually not present while the person is meeting the other partner. Such a situation arises in so-called open marriage. Shared parallel relationships are usually called swinging. Swinging can be either open or closed. In closed swinging, both act as separate pairs whereas open swinging means involvement in group sex. Persons living alone may also be engaged in group sex. If the swappers move into the same premises and their relationships become established, this arrangement is called a group marriage. A group marriage includes at least three people (such as one woman and two men), but its maximum size is only limited by practical considerations.

This study provides data on casual parallel relationships as well as more long-term and well-established parallel relationships during a couple relationship. Some of these parallel relationships are shared by the spouses and therefore called swinging. Such swinging may also lead to group sex experiments. Since the information on group sex in this study covers the entire life span of the respondents, it cannot be related to established sexual relationships and is therefore not discussed in this chapter.

The first information on the prevalence of parallel sexual relationships was provided by Kinsey's research carried out in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s (Kinsey et al. 1948). Of the respondents, every second man and every fourth woman reported having had sex with a person other than his or her permanent partner. New data on this subject was not available until the 1970s and 1980s. According to these surveys (Thompson 1983), approximately 50% of the population in the United States had engaged in parallel sexual relationships in the 1970s, the corresponding figure for the 1980s being approximately 65%. Men had such relationships slightly more frequently than women but the difference was not great. On the basis of the results yielded by a number of studies, it has been estimated that in 50% to 75% of all marriages in the United States of America at least one of the spouses has had a parallel sexual relationship during the marriage.

In Sweden, the latest study on parallel sexual relationships is from 1979 (Sifo 1980). It was found that 4% of the married or cohabiting persons had had their most recent intercourse with a person other than his or her spouse or permanent partner. Usually, such a person was referred to as a friend (umgängesvän). At the time when the study was made, 3% of both men and women were involved in this type of more or less established extramarital relationship.

Previous data on the prevalence of parallel sexual relationships in Finland is available from the national inquiry (Sievers et al. 1974) conducted in 1971 and from a study on students in Helsinki completed in 1984 (Kontula 1988). In 1971, 24% of men and 9% of women reported that they had had intercourse with another person during their marriage.

Of those students who were going steady in 1983, 30% of men and 22% of women said that they had had sexual intercourse with a person other than their permanent partner after their relationship had begun. The parallel relationships were most common among cohabitants. Over 40% of the sexual contacts were such that the regular partner had learnt about it. A total of 17% of the students knew that their partner had had a sexual relationship with another person during their couple relationship. In some permanent relationships, both partners had had sexual contacts with other people. Their proportion was 11% of all respondents living as a couple.

Of those who took a permissible attitude to parallel sexual relationships during marriage, every second person had had a extramarital relationship of their own. However, the percentage of students who approved of his or her partner's parallel relationship was only 10% to 20%.

By combining the data on oneself and one's partner, it is possible to estimate that every third student who was steadily going with another person had had a parallel sexual relationship. However, part of these relationships were such that the respondents did not wish to disclose them in this study.

Of all the men and women living in a couple relationship, 6% of the men and 4% of the women reported in early 1992 that the latest partner they had had sex with was somebody else than the steady partner. Of these parallel relationships, half of the women and a third of the men had had an affair with a person having a couple relationship with another person. As a result, the parallel relationship initiated by men was more often established with a single (unattached) person. These parallel relationships were significantly more common in permanent relationships that had lasted only a couple of years.

When asked how many sexual partners those living in a permanent relationship had had over the past 12 months, 20% of men and 11% of women reported having more than one partner. In practice, this means that these people had had parallel sex at least once during the past year in addition to their permanent relationship.

Although parallel sexual relationships are on the increase, the attitudes towards them have become less liberal over the past 20 years. In 1971, 34% of men and 29% of women reported that they approved of husbands having casual affairs (escapades). In 1992, the corresponding figures were 19% for men and 21% for women. The decrease is particularly clear in younger age groups who have adopted a sexual standard which is distinctly more monogamous than in the past. At present, women seem to be slightly more tolerant of parallel relationships than men, although in 1971 the situation was reversed.

Adoption of a more severe attitude of escapades has been influenced by the fact that in 1992 this question was asked orally whereas in the 1971 study it was included in the self-administrative questionnaire. Since the social norm still favours fidelity, for reasons such as the risk of AIDS, people may tend to pad out their attitudes to conform to the monogamous ideal.

Accordingly, men who are approving of the affairs of their spouses have been more afraid of AIDS and they have also reported increased use of the condom as a result of this concern. However, they have not cut down on the number of their sexual partners. With women, the attitude to the spouse's casual sex is not similarly coloured by the fear of contracting AIDS.

Attitudes towards casual sex by the wife have also become less liberal, but not as much. In 1971, a wife's casual affair was tolerated by 28% of men and 30% of women. In 1992, the corresponding figures were 22% for men and 23% for women. As a result, men were more tolerant of a wife's casual affair than that of a husband's.

Table on page 120.

The women's attitudes betray a certain double standard in that they are more approving of their own casual sex.

Jealousy as experienced by the Finnish people was studied in 1991 (Kontula and Koskela 1991). Of the sample, 11% of men and 6% of women said that they would not be jealous even if their spouse or other permanent partner were to make love to somebody else. These people were thus ready to share their sex life with others.

In the present study made in 1992, 15% of men and 3% of women thought that they would be willing to maintain a sexual relationship simultaneously with several persons. This idea found most support among middle-aged people. According to the selection of the latest sex partner, women seemed to have even more parallel relationships that they wished to be involved in. Possibly, women find it hard to admit their wishes associated with parallel relationships, particularly as these questions were put in an interview. Another potential reason for the discrepancy between wishes and reality could be that some women do not start a parallel relationship in the hope of having another sexual relationship in addition to the existing one. Rather, they think that the new relationship could gradually replace the present union.

When parallel relationships are started, the attitudes concerning the acceptability of such relationships is of great importance to men, but, surprisingly, not to women. Of the men who approve of casual sex or of maintaining several sexual relationships simultaneously, half as many had actually realized this idea in practice, as compared with the number of women. For women, starting a parallel relationship also seems to be regulated by factors other than the attitude of the acceptability of such relationships.

Of the sample, 5% of men and 2% of women expressed an interest in swinging involving their current or future partner. Men were more eager for swinging experiments but studies indicate that the situation may be reversed with people who actually engage in swinging, the pressures being harder on men than women (Jenks 1985). Men may have felt that they have been compelled to prove their sexual prowess and, in a way, compete with other men. Women, by contrast, have found that they are desirable to other men as well and have enjoyed this. As a result, many women who have tried swinging have pursued this activity whereas men soon lose interest.

The prevalence of swinging is lower than suggested by the wishes associated with it. Of the sample, 2.4% of men and 1.1% of women reported having engaged in swinging at some point of their life. Such experiences were most common among middle-aged people. Therefore the total percentages of those who have been involved in swinging will continue to increase over the next few decades as the people now middle-aged grow older.

Basically, the prevalence of swinging should be identical for men and women, suggesting that the women have either declined to disclose such experiences or the men have exaggerated, or then swinging as a concept is understood differently among the sexes.

The share of those who had been engaged in parallel sexual relationships during their present couple relationship (%) by the acceptance of a spouse's casual relationship and the readiness to maintain several concurrent sexual relationships

The threshold for experimenting with swinging is fairly high, judging by the fact that only 15% of the men and women who expressed an interest in taking part in casual swinging with their present of future partner have actually implemented it. It may be difficult to reach agreement on such wishes with one's spouse and it is probably hard to find attractive couples who think alike.

Slightly more than half of the people who have taken part in swinging would not like to repeat the experience. They have either changed their mind after the first experiences, or they have originally become involved in swinging more or less by chance and not been mentally prepared for it.

Local differences in establishing parallel sexual relationships are not marked in Finland. Such relationships are most common in Helsinki and the Uusimaa County, where every second man and woman has experience from a parallel relationship. Gradually, such relationships are spreading outside the cities as well, with 30% of people living in the country reporting such a relationship. This is probably due to the social control exerted by small village communities and the few opportunities for making contacts.

Naturally, parallel sexual relationships are most commonly established by people who take a versatile interest in sexual matters and find sex important. A case in point is the correlation between an interest in pornography and the prevalence of starting parallel relationships. Men and women who had watched sex videos several times during the past 12 months had established more parallel relationships during their entire life as well as during the latest established relationship. This difference is particularly distinct in the case of women who had watched sex videos several times during the preceding 12 months, as compared with other women. A total of 60% of them had started a parallel relationship at one time or another. Women interested in parallel relationships also often take an interest in pornography.

The share of those who had established a parallel sexual relationship at least once in their lives (%) of the men and women of different ages by net monthly incomes

number of women over 60 lived alone because the proportion of widows increases sharply at this age. With men, living alone does not increase in a similar fashion with time because they are more rarely widowed. An average of 19% of men and 23% of women live without a permanent sexual relationship. Also, these singles are most prevalent in the youngest and oldest age group. A distinct increase in the proportion of singles takes place in the group of women over 50. Of women at the retirement age (65 years and over), every second woman lives without a permanent sexual relationship.

The majority of men and women under 25 have never been married or lived with anyone. At approximately the age of 30, this percentage declines sharply. At this age, only 14% of women and 23% of men have never started a sexual relationship leading to cohabitation with somebody. Some never enter into such a relationship later on, either; in this study, they accounted for close on 10% of the sample. Similar proportions of 'permanently unmarried' in the region of 10% have been found in other studies as well (Ritamies 1988).

A considerable proportion of the people who have been married at one point of their life or another lead a solitary life later on. With men and women from 40 to 49, the proportion of divorcees who have not remarried is approximately 10%. All such divorcees are not singles because about one third of both men and women live as a couple without being married. In the age group over 60, the proportion of widowed persons increases sharply. Of men from 65 to 74, widowers account for 11% of the total. With women, widowhood begins to increase earlier, proportion being 22% in the age group of 55 to 64 and 33% in the group of 65 to 74. Nearly every second widower had a permanent relationship. Of widows, only one fifth had such a relationship.

Consequently, men exhibited a markedly higher probability of engaging a regular sexual relationship in the older age group than women. Of single men 49%, and 58% of single women actually live alone. About one third of them have a permanent sexual relationship, just as all the other singles. People living completely alone account for 15% of the men and 19% of the women in the sample. Men living alone without any sexual partner account for 9% of the sample, the corresponding figure for women being 13%.

After living alone, the second most common form of habitation for singles was living with parents (or one parent). About 40% of single men and 20% of women live with their parents. Approximately 15% of single women live together with one or several children of their own and without any other adult. With men, the corresponding figure is only 3%. Four per cent of men and three per cent of women live with a sister or brother.

Men and women living with a person of the same sex accounted for 2% of the sample. Two of the men living with another man had had homosexual experiences, so that their cohabitation could constitute a sexual relationship. For women, no similar relationships leading to cohabitation were found in this study.

A fairly high proportion of singles have children of their own. Of middle-aged people, every second man and more than half of the women had children. Of all single men, 22% had children, the corresponding figure for women being 49%. Approximately three out of four under 35 years of age single men and women would like to have a child. With middle-aged people from 36 to 55, the corresponding share was about one quarter. These people are probably willing to establish a permanent sexual relationship with the opposite sex for this reason alone.

Single Persons Form of Habitation (with whom they live 1992)

(N=692, 323 men and 369 women)

Singles engaging in sexual relationships

Sex life of singles

Table 8.3

The share of the men and women of different ages (%) who had no male or female friends of those who had no regular relationshp at the date of the survey

The share of the man and women who had masturbated during the last month (%) by the type of the couple relationship

Table 8.5

The share of the men and women (%) who had had more than one partner during the last year by the type of the steady relationship

In the United States, the change in public attitudes towards homosexuality has been monitored by means of opinion polls since 1973. The issue was explored by asking whether sexual relationships between two adults of the same sex were wrong. Over the years, an average of 70% of the Americans considered such relationships always wrong. The attitudes in 1989 were very much the same as in 1973. No liberalization has thus taken place. A follow-up study initiated by the Gallup in 1977 revealed that an average of only 40% of Americans want homosexual relationships between consenting adults to be legal. Every other citizen would have liked to make such relationships a criminal offence (Smith 1990).

Attitudes towards homosexuality were studied in Germany, the UK and Spain in 1981. The acceptability of homosexuality was investigated by means of a 10-point scale where at one extreme, homosexuality was considered always to be justified and at the other extreme never to be justified. The second extreme - that homosexuality can never be justified - was selected by 42% in Germany, 43% in the UK and 56% in Spain. The corresponding figures for those who considered it always justified were only 10%, 7% and 6%, respectively. The rest of the answers fell between these two extremes (Jensen 1988).

In this study, two thirds of the respondents regarded homosexuality as a private matter that the authorities or laws should not interfere with. When a study of the students at the University of Helsinki (Kontula 1984) was conducted in 1983 (N = 968), 17% of the respondents considered homosexual relationships always wrong. A total of 30% thought they were always right. On the basis of these comparisons, the Finns' attitudes towards gays and lesbians are significantly more liberal than those of Americans or other Europeans.

In Finland, homosexuals have for a long time struggled for equality before law. The main grievances have been the so called injunction against enticement (injunction against enticing anybody to have a homosexual relationship) and the age of consent (18) which is higher for homosexuals than heterosexuals. The issue is one of principle because the provisions have not been enforced in practice. Another grievance expressed by homosexuals is that in Finland it is impossible to legalize a homosexual relationship. In the neighbouring Denmark and Norway, this can be done.

People were asked whether the unions established by homosexual pairs (male-male and female-female) should be legalized just like marriages. Legalization was supported by 20% of men and 28% of women, while 56% of men and 44% of women were opposed to the idea. A negative attitude was slightly more common in the older age groups. About a quarter of the respondents did not take a stand on the issue. Thus a majority of people was against a legal recognition of homosexual couple relationships. However, it must be argued whether an issue concerning a minority should be settled in accordance with the views of the majority.

At present, young women in Finland are the pioneers of a liberal policy on minorities, just as they take a more liberal view of foreigners (Jaakkola 1989).

The orientation of the sexual drive/sexual attraction of the 18-54-year-olds in 1971 and 1992 by the gender (%)

Practiced with a partner of the same sex

The most recent intercourse with a person of the same sex

Frequency of having orgasm at intercourse with a person of the same sex

Table 9.3

The share of persons who had obtained sexual experiences of different kinds in homosexual relationships by the orientation of their sexual attraction (%)

Sexual attraction

The most recent intercourse with a person of the same sex

Frequency of having orgasm at intercourse with a person of the same sex

The share of those who had had sexual intercourse during the last month by sexual orientation (%)

Sexual attraction

Sexual orientation

Affirmative responses were given by 0.5% of the respondents, the figure for women being slightly higher than for men. Although the figure appears low, it concerns some 20,000 Finns. Here it is impossible to say how much of it is about actual sadomasochism and how much an attempt to seek extra stimulation to sex life.

Besides the quality and duration of the relationship, also the quality of the sex life with the partner influences sexual desire. Of all women, who had not experienced any lack of sexual desire during the last year, 79% reported that their sexual intercourse usually involved kisses, stimulation and foreplay, just as they liked it. Of the women who experienced loss of desire fairly often, just 60% had had intercourse including such foreplay that they wanted. The partner's lack of desire showed as decreasing tendency to foreplay among men and women alike.

There is a significant connection between desire and the pleasurableness of sexual intercourse. Of the women who during the last year had fairly often suffered from a lack of desire for their own part, only 13% and 29% of men had generally found intercourse very pleasurable. Of the men and women who had not experienced any lack of desire, 53% had found it very pleasant. The men whose partner had not shown any lack of desire had found intercourse far more pleasurable. Men do not seem to enjoy coitus when the woman ostensibly lacks desire. The desire of the partner does not affect women's experience of pleasurableness of sexual intercourse.

Efforts to combine sexual desire and various methods of intercourse are hampered by changes in sexual desire. It is often said that the sexual desire of humans is strongest during adolescence, and then decreases gradually with age. This study partly confirms this view

Responses to the question: 'In the last five years, do you think your sexual desire has increased, not changed or decreased?' - are strongly dependent on age. In the younger age groups, sexual desire had increased more often than it had decreased, and the opposite was true in older groups. The turning point was the age of 40, after which decrease of sexual desire was definitely more common than increase of desire.

According to earlier studies, the sexual desire of boys is on a significantly higher level than that of girls (Kontula 1991a). During adulthood a greater proportion of women than of men seem to experience a strengthening of sexual desire. Even if the sexual desire of most aging persons decreases, some report an increase of theirs. Correspondingly, part of the 20-year-olds say that their desire is decreasing. Changes in sexual desire do not necessarily synchronize with age, but are also influenced by changes in the situation and the personality of each individual.

Fluctuations in desire have a strong connection with the hormonal activity of a person. Testosterone deficiency is the most common reason for lack of desire in men. The sexual desire of women is shown to be related to the menstrual cycle. Normally it is at its strongest just before ovulation, but can be stronger than normal immediately before or after menstruation (Hovatta 1990). Sexual fantasies have added appreciably to the desire of women. In Denmark it has been shown that young women usually fantasize about some new experience, older women about mutual caresses (Lunde et al. 1991).

Partly lubrication problems in couple relationships of long standing are due to the lessening of sexual desire for and interest in the partner. If a man cannot arouse his partner before sexual intercourse in the way she would wish, and if sex life has not been otherwise satisfying, either, the result may easily be insufficient arousal and ensuing insufficient vaginal lubrication.

When comparing the 1971 and the 1992 results, two observations emerge clearly: first, erection problems seem to have decreased during these 20 years, and secondly, they seem to be strongly interrelated with age. Of men under 55, 4.3% reported erectile dysfunction in 1971, 2.2% in 1992. Corresponding figures given by their female partners were 6.2% and 4.4%. As with insufficient vaginal lubrication, erectile dysfunction gets distinctly more frequent after age 50. In the age group around 70, nearly one third of the couples had suffered from erectile dysfunction at least fairly frequently.

According to the 1992 results, men's erectile ability is at its strongest around age 30, at which age two men out of three have no erectile problems at all. At 50, the corresponding percentage is 40%; and at 70, approximately one fifth have no problems of this kind. A significant part of all men thus live their lives without having any erectile problems at all. This must be greatly influenced by, among others, what kind of partners men have and how healthy they stay.

Married men have had fairly frequent erectile dysfunction nearly three times as often as men having another kind of couple relationship. This difference is to a great extent due to the higher average age of the married men. Especially married men over 55 have erectile dysfunction significantly more frequently than do other men. This may be a consequence of the tedium of a long marriage which decreases sexual tension and arousing aspects of the relation (Hatfield and Rapson 1987).

Besides about erection problems during the last year, men were also asked about impotence during a continuous length of time. The word continuous was not defined by other than periods of varying length, the shortest option being a few weeks.

In 1992 15% of all men reported continuous erectile dysfunction. Erection problems are strongly concentrated to men over 50 years of age. One in two of men around 70 had experienced continued erectile dysfunction. It can thus be regarded as a very ordinary matter. Continuous erectile dysfunction had become slightly rarer according to comparison between the 1971 and 1992 data.

One in two of all men had neither experienced any erectile problems during the last year, nor any continuous erectile dysfunction of even a few weeks' duration before that. Correspondingly, 5% of all men had had erectile dysfunction at least fairly frequently during the last year and a continued erectile dysfunction of at least a few weeks' duration then or at some earlier time. Approximately 9% of all men reported a continued erectile dysfunction of at least a few weeks' duration at some earlier time, but no erection problems during the last year.

In 1992 4.4% of all Finnish men reported having discussed the erection problem with their physician, i.e. one third of the men who reported having had continuous erectile dysfunction. Nearly one half of men having had a continuous erectile dysfunction for at least half a year, had discussed the problem with their physician. In 1971 only 16% of the men who reported erectile dysfunction, had discussed it with their physicians. Looking for health care and the quality of the care itself had turned significantly more efficient during the last 20 years.

Erection problems can be alleviated by open discussion with the partner. Of all the women who reported having fairly great difficulty discussing sexual matters with their partners, one fourth reported that their partner had had erectile dysfunction fairly frequently during the last year. Correspondingly these men also, more frequently than others, reported having erectile problems in connection with sexual intercourse.

Of the men whose partners had at least fairly frequent problems with insufficient vaginal lubrication, 31% had fairly frequent erectile dysfunction or problems with maintaining erection throughout sexual intercourse. Of the women who had experienced insufficient vaginal lubrication, 23% reported their partners having had fairly frequent erectile dysfunction during the last year. The sexual problems of the partner seem to be reflected in a person's own sexual reactions. If the partner does not seem too keen on sexual intercourse, your own arousal may only get half way, as well.

Five per cent of the men, who had erection problems at least now and then, reported having taken potency potions or pills. However, these men very seldom used erection-sustaining rings or pneumatic penis boosters. These men had not used a vibrator or a dildo more frequently than other men. They did not use any equipment as a substitute for a real erection.

How do diseases or lifestyle relate to erection problems that occur before old age? During the last year, at least fairly frequently occurring erectile dysfunction has been connected with diseases of the back (13%) and gastrointestinal diseases (15%); men who have had such diseases have had erectile dysfunction three times as often as other men. Men suffering from hypertension have erectile dysfunction twice as often as other men (10%). Of mental problems encountered during the last month, only insomnia and nightmares are related to erectile problems. Approximately one tenth of men who experience these symptoms have erectile problems fairly frequently, twice as frequently as other men.

Experiencing orgasms

An orgasm is a central factor of a satisfying sex life. This is true in spite of the fact that many women regard their sex life as a happy one, although they never or rarely have an orgasm during sexual intercourse. Those who have orgasms fairly regularly are, however (see Chapter 6), definitely better satisfied with their sex life and their partner than others are.

There is a big difference between men and women in experiencing an orgasm. Men, on the one hand, usually have an orgasm when the sexual intercourse otherwise is successful and they ejaculate. Many women, on the other hand, do not have orgasms during sexual intercourse, and many women have never experienced even one.

Approximately half of men and 6-7% of women report having an orgasm always during sexual intercourse. This indicates that only a small share of women have an orgasm with ease, and that an orgasm is not self-evident for the men, either, if e.g. the sexual intercourse breaks off half way. In the case of women, the lack of an orgasm is often a consequence of that the partner 'came' quickly and that the sexual intercourse was not continued after that.

Most men have an orgasm during intercourse, either always, almost always or usually. Eight per cent of men in the age group 18-24 and 19% of men aged 65-74 had an orgasm about every other time or less frequently (quite seldom, seldom or never). In the other age groups the corresponding percentage is 1-2%. Men must most frequently do without an orgasm in the beginning of their sexual career and at retirement age as their physical condition deteriorates.

The female orgasm is more occasional. Slightly over half of all women have orgasm at intercourse at least usually, approximately 60% of middle-aged women. When comparing the frequency of female orgasm in 1971 and 1992, we noted in 1992 that they were more regular for women over 35. No change was observed for younger women. In 1971, 53% and in 1992 58% of all women under 55 years of age had orgasm at intercourse at least usually.

When comparing women of around 50 years of age in 1971 with the same group at 70 in 1992, it was noted that the frequency of orgasms had not decreased, in spite of advancing age and illnesses. Prerequisites for sexual enjoyment seem to have improved. The fact that an appreciable share of all women do not achieve orgasm at intercourse is a clear indication of the fact that there still are many obstacles on women's road to intense sexual enjoyment.

Of men, 0.3% and of women 4.4% have never had an orgasm. Internationally, these are relatively low figures, as e.g. 10% of American women have never had an orgasm (Darling 1991). Of female students at the University of Helsinki in 1983, 20% had not had any orgasm during the last year (Kontula 1984). Sixteen per cent of on the average 25-year-old female students and 2% of male students had never had an orgasm of any kind. By that age 61% of female and 80% of male students had had a coital orgasm. Of female students, 39% had had an orgasm through both coitus and masturbation. Orgasms when engaged in petting or masturbation, but never in coitus, were achieved by 22% of women students.

In 1992 an orgasm was achieved seldom or never by 0.7% of Finnish men and 10% of 18-74 -year-old women. In 1971, 12% and in 1992 9% of women under 55 had an orgasm seldom or never. According to the 1992 study, 30% of women aged 18-74 had orgasm at intercourse quite seldom, seldom or never. For a great number of women, sexual enjoyment was thus found to be poor. The improvement was only slight from 1971 to 1992.

According to our survey findings orgasms are important to considering sexual intercourse pleasurable. Half of the men who report that they always have orgasm at intercourse consider their experiences very pleasurable, while only 18% of the men who have an orgasm every other time or less do so. For women, corresponding figures are 65% and 15%. Some women have, nevertheless, found sexual intercourse very pleasurable, in spite of never having an orgasm.

In 1992 92% of men and 56% of women report an orgasm in their most recent sexual intercourse. This figure is higher than 1971 in all age groups. In 1971 56%, and in 1992 63% of women under 55 had an orgasm during their most recent sexual intercourse. As for the men, any possible change remains undetected, as this question was asked only of women in 1971. For women, the occurrence of orgasms remained about 60% until the age of 50, after which it went down to a third. This last figure may improve as the present middle-aged women grow older.

In their most recent sexual intercourse, 55% of married women, 71% of cohabiting women, 64% of women in another kind of couple relationship and 41% of women without a steady sexual relationship achieved an orgasm. Thus, orgasms occurred most infrequently in casual relationships. It might seem strange that orgasms occur less frequently in marriage than in other permanent relationships, as orgasms have been claimed to be significantly relating with the feeling of security of a couple relationship (Kaplan 1987, Salmimies 1980).

One explanation to the lower level of orgasms in marriage, as compared with other couple relationships, is the age of married women, which is slightly higher than that of other women. When comparing the frequency of orgasm at the most recent sexual intercourse in young, middle-aged and elderly women, married women score lower than cohabiting women or women in other couple relationships. In the case of middle-aged women the difference is 10-15 per cent points, and the difference is visible also among elderly women. Regardless of the ages of the partners, the sexual intensity in marriages seems to be lower than that of other couple relationships. These results also imply that the other kinds of couple relationships are secure enough for orgasms.

Table 10.1

Women's orgasms at sexual intercourse by their own sexual desire and their partner's premature ejaculation (%)

	Always or usually	Every other time	Seldom or never	%	(N)
Lack of sexual desire
- Very often	26	14	60	100	(62)
- Fairly often	45	18	37	100	(161)
- Rather seldom	62	17	21	100	(370)
- Not at all	73	13	14	100	(205)
Partner's coming too quick
- Very often	28	11	61	100	(36)
- Fairly often	35	23	42	100	(141)
- Rather seldom	62	17	21	100	(350)
- Not at all	73	12	15	100	(250)

Of women that had lived at least 20 years in a couple relationship (usually marriage), only 49% had an orgasm in their most recent sexual intercourse. Approximately two out of three women whose relationships had been shorter, had an orgasm in their most recent sexual intercourse, irrespective of the duration of the relationship. In very long marriages the frequency of orgasms dropped to the level of casual relationships.

The regularity of women's orgasms is markedly related to their sexual desire and to the quickness of their partners' 'coming'. Women who had reported lack of sexual desire during the last year, reported distinctly fewer orgasms at intercourse. A great share of the women who have partners they feel come too soon usually do not achieve an orgasm.

The orgasm achieved at the most recent sexual intercourse is approximately equally related to the respondent's own sexual desire and to the speed of the partner's coming. Of the women who had very frequently experienced lack of desire, 24% had an orgasm in their latest sexual intercourse, while 73% of women who had not experienced any lack of desire had an orgasm. Of the women who did not feel that their partner came too soon, 70% had an orgasm in their latest sexual intercourse. If the woman herself feels desire and her partner moderates his speed of coming, most women achieve a coital orgasm.

The partner's lack of sexual desire is also related to achieving orgasm. Only 38% of the women whose partners had a lack of desire at least fairly often during the last year had an orgasm at least usually, markedly below the average.

Seven per cent of the women in a couple relationship have at least fairly often felt intercourse to be painful. More than half of the women suffering from pain had experienced orgasms quite seldom at the most. If unpleasant feelings are associated with sexual intercourse, achieving an orgasm is understandably difficult.

Approximately one tenth of women report that an illness of their partner hampers sexual intercourse. Nearly half of these women experience orgasms at most quite seldom. In addition to causing erectile dysfunction, an illness may prevent the use of a formerly pleasurable coital practice, and the illness may also otherwise detract from the interest in sexual pleasures.

The partner's illness has had a greater impact on women's orgasms at intercourse than their own illness. Of all women with an illness hampering sexual intercourse, 44% had an orgasm in their most recent sexual intercourse, while 34% of the women with a partner whose illness hampered sexual intercourse achieved an orgasm.

The orgasm experienced by women in the most recent sexual intercourse is also related to the coital practice used. The best in this sense has been a combination of two or more positions, followed by the woman-on-top position. In these cases 72% and 67% of the women achieved an orgasm. When the man-on-top position was used, 49% of women achieved an orgasm. The versatile use of various positions and the activity of the woman herself greatly increase the probability of achieving an orgasm.

The relation between masturbation and orgasm in the most recent sexual intercourse is a divided one: only slightly less than half of the women who had masturbated during the last week and of those women who never had masturbated had an orgasm in their latest sexual intercourse. That proportion was approximately 60% among others who had masturbated.

Self-pleasuring has often been found to relate to the fact that women do not achieve an orgasm as quickly as their partners do, and that the sexual intercourse was performed without stimulation of the clitoris (Darling et al. 1991). Masturbation and stimulation with a vibrator have been recommended for women who experience difficulty in having orgasm. Many women have, indeed, succeeded in achieving orgasm also during intercourse with the aid of these exercises (Wakefield 1987).

The fact that a growing share of men and women under 20 has achieved coital orgasms is one indication of great changes in sexual behaviour during the past decades. For men, this proportion has increased from the youngest to the oldest age group from 50% to 90%, for women from 10% to 70%.

At present, sex life turns satisfactory at a much earlier age than before. This is mainly attributable to the earlier sexual initiation, but also to the increased frequency of orgasms experienced at first sexual intercourse. The earlier the first orgasm was achieved, the more frequently the respondents have regarded sexual interaction in general and their most recent sexual intercourse as very pleasurable and have achieved orgasm on these occasions much more regularly than others.

Even if the sexual initiation of men and women occurs at roughly the same age, men achieve orgasms at a younger age and more frequently than women. Many women have their first orgasms only years after their first experience of sexual intercourse.

Part of people experience their first orgasms even before the first sexual intercourse, during various forms of petting. However, most men experience their first sexually induced orgasm at the age when they have their first sexual intercourse. It is not usual for women to have their first orgasm at that time, only one in three experiences it then. Half of all women and 10% of all men experienced their first orgasm only a few years after their first sexual intercourse. There has been no great shift in this timing, even in the youngest age groups. Ten per cent of women achieve their first orgasm more than ten years after their first sexual intercourse, or they have never achieved an orgasm.

In 1971 women achieved their first orgasm during intercourse at the average age of 21.1 years, in 1992 at 20.7 years. The MC analyses of both the data, but especially of the 1992 data, show that women who were young at the time of the study, achieved their first orgasm at an appreciably younger age than older women did in their youth. Unmarried women achieved their first orgasm during intercourse at a more advanced age than married or formerly married women.

Women who had taken the matriculation examination experienced their first orgasm during intercourse at a more advanced age than women with a secondary school or elementary school education. This probably is a consequence of the fact that they make their sexual initiation later. The educated women also achieve coital orgasm in intercourse in general less frequently than less educated women. Age, marital status and education being standardized, religiosity and use of alcohol were not related to the age when women experienced their first orgasms during intercourse.

Table 10.2

Men's and women's first orgasms at sexual intercourse (%) in relation to the first sexual intercourse

Experiencing orgasm in relation to sexual initiation

Experiencing orgasm in relation to sexual initiation	Men	Women
Prior to the first intercourse	6,2	1,3
The same year	82,5	29,7
1-4 year(s) later	9,9	46,2
5-9 years later	0,9	12,4
10 or more years later	0,2	6,0
No experience of orgasm	0,3	4,4
%	100,0	100,0
(N)	(936)	(963)

The orgasm problems of well-educated women may arise from the fact that they find other things than sex important in life. It is also possible that they try to achieve things also in their sex life, and that they just for that reason are unable to relax and achieve an orgasm. It may even be that educated women interpret orgasm, that is, 'an ending of sexual tension into coming and an intense feeling of pleasure' otherwise than less educated women. Perhaps women who have studied are perhaps not contented with just a sense of pleasant well-being; they expect an eruption of passion, ecstasy, before they speak of an orgasm.

The easier women feel it to be to discuss sexuality with their partner, the more often they achieve an orgasm. Of the women who thought it easy to discuss sex openly with their partner, 68% achieved an orgasm in their most recent sexual intercourse, while only 32% of the women who thought talking about these matters was rather difficult and awkward did so. An earlier analysis of the 1971 study also yielded the finding that sexual dysfunction is connected with the absence of a good emotional relationship, a spouse with insufficient understanding and with difficulty in discussing sexual matters (Sievers and Palosuo 1980). Open communication is thus certainly beneficial for sex life.

Other problems detrimental to sex life

The duration of the sexual intercourse has a great impact on the satisfaction associated with sex life and on orgasms. We already stated above that there is an evident connection between the quickness of male ejaculation and orgasm and the orgasm of the woman. How many then have had problems associated with the too quick or too delayed orgasm of the partners?

Two out of three women, irrespective of age, have experienced the quickness of their partners' orgasms as something of a problem. Fairly often this has been a problem for 20-30% of women of different ages. The quickness of the man's orgasm was in no way related to the nature of the couple relationship of the women. Women who feel that their partner came too soon, also maintain, clearly more frequently than other women, that there is insufficient foreplay in their sexual intercourse. Also, they have not found their sexual intercourse as satisfying as other women.

Women who used several positions or the woman-on-top position during their most recent sexual intercourse complained less frequently than others about the speedy orgasm of their partners. The ordinary man-on-top position was most usually associated with a man's orgasm felt to occur too soon.

While many women wish that their partners were a little slower, an approximately equal number of men wish that their partners were faster at sexual intercourse. Approximately one man in five has considered the at least fairly often delayed or nonexistent orgasm of their partner a problem. Men's and women's expectations regarding sexual intercourse and the related sexual reaction time are thus diametrically opposite.

However, there are men, who come too slowly according to their woman partner, and men who find that some women come too quickly. Of women, 6% think that their partner comes too slowly, and 4% of men think that their partner has come too quickly, at least somewhat often. These findings show that it is difficult to arrive at an ideal combination of duration of intercourse and sexual reaction time.

Respondents were also asked about the possible painfulness of sexual intercourse, the effect of illnesses on sexual interaction, excessive violence or roughness of the partner and problems related to lack of sufficient time and peace for sexual interaction.

Sexual intercourse was felt to be painful at some time during the last year by 7% of men and 30% of women living in a couple relationship, while 0.9% of men and 7% of women found it painful somewhat often. The pain felt by women can to a great extent be ascribed to insufficient vaginal lubrication. This relation was discussed above. Clearly most painfulness during sexual intercourse had been experienced by women over 60; least, among middle-aged women.

The sex life of many people and enjoyment of it is hampered by illness. We asked whether an illness of the respondent or an illness of the partner had hampered sexual interaction during the last year. Even if illnesses have hampered sex life to some extent in all the age groups, their effect is appreciable only at age 50 or older. The respondent's or his or her partner's illness has hampered the sex life of every fifth person aged 60 or older at least fairly often during the last year. Some 75% of women and 65% of men at that age experience no sex problems due to illness. Most elderly people have thus been able to enjoy their sex life without any hampering illnesses.

Five per cent of women have thought their partner too rough or violent at least on some occasions during their relationship. Some 20% of men and women felt that they fairly often do not have enough time or peace for sexual intercourse. The intensive rhythm of everyday life has thus posed a problem regarding a sexually satisfactory life. Married women have suffered this to a slightly greater extent than others.

Issues with a bearing on sexual problems were also studied by regression analysis. The nine sexual problems encountered during the year were combined into one scale. The problems were: lack of sexual desire, too quick or too slow orgasm, pain or violence in sexual intercourse, illnesses and lack of time and peace for sexual intercourse. The reliability of the sum scale is .56. This low reliability is related to the fact that some problems, like quickness or slowness of orgasm are mutually exclusive.

Sexual problems are explained by the following factors: lack of or instability of a couple relationship, stress symptoms, scarcity of sex in a couple relationship, use of alternative sex practices and use of alcohol prior to the most recent sexual intercourse. These factors explain 11% of variations in sex problems.

Other possible explaining factors, such as gender, age, type of domicile, education, incomes, religiosity, age at first intercourse, sexual orientation and parallel and casual relationships are not related to these sexual problems.

The problems of sex life seem to be connected with the problems of both the couple relationship and health. Small wonder, then, that people with sexual problems take to the bottle before attempting intercourse.

Sexual self-esteem

The sexual self-esteem was studied by asking how sexually skilful, active and attractive they regarded themselves. Persons who agreed fully or almost that they had these traits were regarded as people who found themselves skilful, active and attractive. According to the responses, 39% of men and 30% of women were in their own opinion sexually very skilful, 66% of men and 44% of women considered themselves sexually active, and 27% of men and 36% of women were, in their own opinion, attractive.

The greatest difference in the sexual self-esteem between men and women was that, excepting the youngest age group, men thought themselves to be sexually clearly more active than women. On the other hand, women under 40 consider themselves to be clearly more attractive than the men of their age. As to sexual skills, the self-esteem of men slightly surpassed that of women. The strongest self-esteem per social group (also regarding skill) was that of women upper white-collar employees. Women, who also otherwise succeed in life, find it easiest to trust their sexual prowess.

The sexual self-esteem of people who cohabited or had a sexual relationship without living together was stronger than that of married people, especially among women (only persons with a steady partner are included in this comparison). More frequently than others they regarded themselves as sexually skilful, attractive and active. Partly this is because they are younger, but also because they have had more sexual relationships during their lives (see below), which has given them positive feedback.

Sexual self-esteem is influenced by many factors related to social interactions, sexual experiences, the present partner and the person's own physical appearance. E.g. slim women, measured by ratio of weight and height, regard themselves more frequently as sexually skilful, active and, especially, attractive beyond average. Of slim women, 48% find themselves attractive, the corresponding figure for fat women being 24%. Slim men also find themselves slightly more attractive than average, however, the differences compared to other men in this respect are not great.

The sexual self-esteem of people is strongly related to the orgasms they achieve in coitus. Of the men who always have an orgasm in coitus, 48% have thought themselves very skilled sexually, while about 30% of other men have the same opinion of themselves. Of the women who always achieve an orgasm, 48% find themselves very skilled sexually, while only 21% of those who achieve an orgasm quite seldom, seldom or never are sexually skilful in their own opinion.

Women who have had more numerous sex partners than average during their lifetime have stronger sexual self-esteem than other women. Of those, who had had at least six partners, 48% of men and 43% of women found themselves sexually quite skilful. Only one in three of other men and one in four of other women found themselves as skilful.

Women's opinion of their sexual skill, activity and attractiveness is strongly related with the number of sexual partners also during the last year. The women who had more than one partner during the last year found themselves sexually skilled, active and attractive markedly more often than other women. Some 60% of the women who had had more than one partner during the last year found them-selves sexually attractive. Only one third of other women find themselves sexually attractive. This difference also holds when comparing women against the number of partners during their lifetime. Men show much smaller differences.

Sexual self-esteem declines with age, that of women faster. The proportion of women who find themselves sexually attractive and sexually active decreases by half from what it was with the youngest women by retirement age. Approximately one woman in four and one man in three still have a strong sexual self-esteem at this age.

Of people with erectile dysfunction or insufficient vaginal lubrication only half of the average regard themselves as sexually very skilful. Approximately every fifth man and woman in this group regard themselves skilful in spite of the problem.

The sexual self-esteem of women in couple relationships of only a few years duration is distinctly stronger than that of women in couple relationships and marriages of longer duration. People's opinion of their own sexual ability and prowess is approximately 10% points lower in longer relationships than in shorter ones. The difference for middle-aged women is 10-20 percentage points and for elderly women it is double that.

Sexual self-esteem of both men and women is significantly worst in relationships that have lasted for more than 20 years. They consider themselves sexually skilful, active and attractive clearly less frequently than other people. The difference with women in comparison with shorter relationships is more than double at this stage.

An average of one man in five and one woman in three suffers from inferior sexual self-esteem. This group increases with age; at the age of 60, this is true of one third of men and half of women. At this stage approximately as many people find themselves sexually less skilful, less attractive or sexually less active.

The appraisals of sexual skills, sexual activeness and sexual attractiveness were finally combined into a scale of sexual self-esteem, the reliability of which was as high as .77. According to the regression analysis, eight variables related to social background, sexual habits and sexual problems explained 22% of the fluctuations in sexual self-esteem.

Sexual self-esteem was related to social background through young age. Other factors explaining high sexual self-esteem were good health, having active sex within their couple relationship, use of alternative sex techniques and having had many sexual partners during their lifetime. Sexual well-being: regularity of orgasms and scarcity of sexual problems and fears strengthened the sexual self-esteem, too.

Gender, type of domicile, education, income, sexual orientation, age of sexual initiation and fatness are not related to the sexual self-esteem when the above factors are standardized and the analysis conducted for men and women together. Fatness, nevertheless, is linked to low sexual self-esteem of women (Haavio-Mannila 1994).

Sexual skills, activeness and attractiveness, as appraised by the person him/ herself, are, on the one hand, related to sexual experimentation, and, on the other hand, to regular sex life in a couple relationship. Besides these factors a sex life without fears and problems contributes towards strong sexual self-esteem. The best sexual self-esteem can thus be attained by combining sexual experimentation with a conventional lifestyle based on sex in a steady relationship.

11. Sexual Advances, Harassment and Paid Sex

In recent years, sexual harassment and interference have become objects of public debate, study and legislation. Sexual harassment is uncondoned and one-sided physical or verbal sexual approach. It is a problem especially when the object of harassment and interference is dependent on the molester, e.g. in the family or at the workplace and therefore cannot oppose or offend the molester too vigorously. Harassment becomes serious if associated with pressure and negative consequences for the object of harassment; when, for instance employment or associated benefits become dependent on submission to harassment (Varsa 1993). Harassment must not be confused with mutual sexual interest or with a flirt, in which the parties have a symmetrical relationship.

In this study, sexual advances are defined as a way of eliciting erotic or sexual response or company from another person of the same or the opposite sex. The word advances refers here to advances which are not exactly welcomed by the object. Advances change into harassment when the object clearly regards it as done against his or her own will.

Sexual harassment is discussed from three different aspects. First we study what kind of harassment persons have been subjected to by persons of the same age or older, at the age of 17 or younger. Secondly we will deal with sexual harassment during the past five years, i.e. groping, offending touching with sexual intent, either at the home of the respondent or somewhere else, e.g. in a restaurant, at school or at the workplace. Thirdly we will look into sexual activities or initiative in the place of work during the last two years, not intentionally induced by the respondent. For the first time we study the reactions of the object of sexual attentions to this event: have people found the various activities and attentions to which they have been subjected liberal or offending.

Besides the harassment and interference to which respondents have been subjected, this study reports on their attitudes towards the following questions: should rape be regarded as a criminal offence, should marital rape be penalized, what kind of penalty would be suitable for rape.

Paid sex or prostitution does not necessarily involve one-sided harassment and interference, but because of its financial properties it is very different from other sex activities engaged in by mutual consent. On the one hand, according to many people the seller of services, sometimes even the customer, must be regarded as victims of commercialization of sexual intercourse. On the other hand, prostitution has been regarded as a necessary and irreplaceable part of sexual relations. Views on its nature and necessity vary greatly (Aromaa 1988, Markkula 1981).

This study reports on the thoughts of Finns on the selling of sexual services and on brothels maintained by the State. They were also asked whether they had been offered money or other economic benefits in exchange for sexual intercourse and whether they had made such offers themselves. There was some information obtained on the proportion and characteristics of users of paid sex.

Sexual harassment experienced at under 18 years of age

During the last decade, several studies on the sexual abuse of children and adolescents were carried out (Kontula and Meriläinen 1988, Kontula 1989, Sariola 1990), and the matter has been debated in public. On the basis of their responses, it can be estimated that 5-7% of adolescent girls and 1-3% of adolescent boys have been subjected to sexual abuse. According to youth studies conducted in the late 1980s 0.5-1% of girls have experiences of incest.

In 1992 we asked the respondents whether they had been subjected to offending sexual harassment before age 18 by one or more of the following persons: boyfriends, girlfriends, other boys and girls, father, mother, other men and women. A person belonging to one of these groups had subjected 8% of men and 17% of women to sexual harassment during their childhood or youth. Comparisons between age groups yield the result that the proportion of objects of sexual harassment has remained nearly static for several decades. Even if the sexual initiation occurs earlier, this has not greatly affected the prevalence of harassment. However, women under 30 do report slightly more numerous experiences of harassment than before. Is this a consequence of that they recall these rather recent incidents well, or has harassment become more usual lately? This study provides no conclusive answer.

Sexual harassment of persons under 18 has most generally involved men or boys, also boyfriends, harassing girls. One woman in ten was subjected to such harassment in her youth. Fathers harassing daughters were a little more common than in the youth study, 1.8%.

Sexual harassment is not always directed to women by men: approximately 0.5% of women experienced harassment by girls, women or their mother. Some 3% of boys have been harassed by girls, women or adult men. This kind of sexual harassment has hardly been discussed in the public debate on the subject.

Different people have been subjected to harassment by people of different ages. Especially older men have been harassed by adult women in their youth, but as to harassment by other people there are no differences by age group. Older women had been harassed especially by boyfriends when young. Younger women report harassment by unknown men and boys more frequently than average. The generation differences suggest that harassment of boys by unknown women and offending sexual harassment of young women by boyfriends is decreasing. According to the results of this study, the main problem today is harassment of young girls by unknown men.

The relation between being subject to harassment in youth and social background and sexual habits were explored by regression analysis. The regression model explained only 7% of harassment experienced under 18. Part of the factors included in the model concerned the present time, thus we do not attempt to explain the harassment of the youth, but to study related phenomena. Being harassed in young years was related to female gender, stress symptoms, alternative sex habits (pornography, masturbation, oral sex and partner's manual satisfaction), casual relationships, the number of homosexual experiences and sexual initiation at an early age. The same factors explained the harassment experienced by both women and men before age 18 equally well.

A person being subjected to sexual harassment does not significantly relate to the social background of the person. Age, type of domicile, steadiness of relationship, education, incomes, religiosity, having sex frequently in a couple relationship, use of alcohol prior to the most recent sexual intercourse and parallel relationships are not related to being sexually harassed when the impact of the above factors is standardized.

Being sexually harassed in the youth is an indication of segregation according to gender and the direction of sexual interest: women and homosexuals were subjected to harassment before age 18 more frequently than were men and heterosexuals. As those who were harassed in their youth exhibit more stress symptoms than others, it is possible that this harassment has caused anguish, which continued through adulthood. It may also be a question of selection of those harassed.

The fact that those who experienced harassment in their youth engage in casual sexual relationships more often than others, may be related to that they already in their youth more often than others visited places where the possibility of being subjected to harassment was greater than usual. The early age at which persons subjected to harassment in their youth made their sexual initiation and alternative ways of getting sexual satisfaction imply that these persons have a greater tendency towards sexual experimentation and greater social mobility than others. It remains unresolved whether this is related to childhood harassment.

It has often been maintained in the debate on incest, that incestuous childhood experiences may lead to frequent changes of sex partners during adulthood, often even to prostitution. This may be the case in certain medical case histories, but this study does not support this view on the population level. This material included 17 women who had been subjected to sexual harassment by their fathers at age 17 or younger. The numbers of their sex partners in adulthood did not differ from those of other women: 86% of the women that had been subjected to sexual harassment had only one sex partner during the last year.

Sexually offending touching and reporting incidents of such to the police

More recent sexual harassment and interference were studied in 1992 through the question 'In the last five years, has anyone laid hands on you or touched you in an offensive way (with a sexual purpose) either in your apartment or elsewhere, e.g. in a restaurant, work place or at school?' This question was answered in the affirmative by 3% of men and 9% of women. A few per cent of the men had experienced such harassment irrespective of age, but with women experiences of physical sexual harassment were clearly more frequent among women under 40, especially among those under 25. The younger the women are, the greater the probability that they will be subjected to sexual harassment. Young and middle-aged women were subjected to sexual harassment markedly more often than men of the same age. These differences between men and women vanish gradually after their fiftieth year.

Harassment is relatively seldom very serious. The greatest part of physical sexual harassment (touching and groping) was, according to the respondents, advances. This view was shared by 88% of men and 69% of women. The greatest part of all touching are just advances, also among young people. Compared to advances, rape or attempted rape are approximately equally rare at all ages.

Three women (0.4% of all women) regarded the harassment as rape. None of the men had regarded it as rape. Six per cent of the men who had experienced it (0.2% of all men), and by 9% of the women (1.1% of all women) regarded the harassment as attempted rape. Of all women, 1.5% had been the victim of either rape or attempted rape during the last five years. Six per cent of the men who had experienced harassment, and 14% of the women regarded the harassment as other aggressive behaviour.

The relation between being subjected to harassment in the last five years and social background and sexual habits was explored by regression analysis. Experiences of harassment were related with being harassed in adolescence, young age and female gender. They were also related with the absence of a couple relationship and with the number of parallel relationships and homosexual experiences. The factors explain 10% of variation in victimization of harassment.

The regression analysis performed separately for men and women, led to the conclusion that young age was related with being subjected to offending sexual touching only in women. Men were harassed more frequently in big cities than in small towns and rural areas. The harassment of women was distributed rather evenly over the different types of communities. Homosexual experiences

did not relate to harassment of women, as they did to that of men. With both sexes, harassment in childhood, instability of the steady relationship and parallel relationships were related with falling victim of offending sexual touching during the last five years. Falling victim of offending sexual touching was, in the case of men, explained to 6%, and, in the case of women, to 12% by these factors.

Of the factors included in the regression analysis, education, income, health, religiosity, age at the sexual debut, having frequent sex in the couple relationship, use of alternative sex techniques, casual relationships and use of alcohol prior to the most recent sexual intercourse did not explain falling victim of harassment after standardization of the above factors.

That men who have homosexual experiences more often than average have fallen victim of sexual groping shows that homosexuals are subjected to sexual harassment and effrontery, when they are young as well as in adulthood.

As a detail - without standardizing other factors - it may be mentioned that women who had had relatively numerous sex partners during their life were subjected to harassment 2-3 times as frequently as other women. When looking for a partner, these women may have entered into situations that might easily involve harassment. Women who had more than one partner during the last year had been subjected to harassment 2-4 times as frequently as other women, depending on the number of partners. Attempted rape or rape did not relate with the number of sexual partners of women.

Another relevant factor was the use of alcohol for the purpose of intoxication. Women who got intoxicated at least occasionally were subjected to harassment three times as frequently as other women (15%). Attempted rape is also concentrated to women who get intoxicated at least once a month. Sexual harassment was especially strongly concentrated to students (25%), who because of their life situation live a fairly mobile life.

Who, then, had touched women and men in a sexually offending way? Were they men or women, acquaintances or previously unknown persons? On the basis of studies in sociology of law (Aromaa et al. 1991, Heiskanen et al. 1990), they could be expected to be mostly men and acquaintances. This was also the case.

Harassment by men was reported by 8.2% of women and 0.8% of men, harassment by women by 0.9% of women and 2.1% of men. Men have subjected women to harassment nine times as often as men, women have harassed men twice as often as women. Contrary to most other crimes, sexual crimes usually are directed at the opposite sex (Aromaa et al. 1991). The above figures agree with findings from earlier studies, viz., that sexual harassers mainly belong to the opposite sex. Only less than 1% of the respondents were subjected to homosexual harassment.

As harassers, men were more active also when it comes to numbers of occasions per harassed. Men had been subjected to harassment by men 2.1 times, women 3.6 times, on an average. Men had been subjected to harassment by women 2.4 times, women 1.0 times, on an average.

Offending sexual touching happens, like violent crimes, often between acquaintances (Aromaa et al. 1991, Heiskanen et al. 1990). Approximately half of those feeling harassed knew the aggressor or aggressors by name or recognized them before the last occasion - 57% of men and 49% of women.

Sexual crime is often concealed even from the victim's family and acquaintances, let alone publicity and authorities. Of the latest cases of groping or offending sexual touching, only 6% of those with a male victim were reported to the police, 7% of those with a female victim.

The willingness to report cases of offending sexual touching or groping to the police was highly dependent on the seriousness of the case. Only 2% of women reported advances or other aggressive behaviour (two women). Three of four rapes and two of ten attempted rapes were reported to the police. Thus, 36% of rapes or attempted rapes of women were reported. Reporting an offence is mostly warranted by reasoning that the offence in question is a serious one and that the offender should be punished. One person told the researcher that she had recalled the report because of the difficulty of the matter.

Of the men who had been subjected to offending touching or groping, 6% (two persons) reported this to the police. One of the cases was attempted rape, the other one was some other kind of aggressive behaviour.

We asked those persons who had been subjected to sexual harassment during the last five years, but not reported it to the police, an open question about the reason for letting the matter rest. Approximately half of both men and women justified it by stating that the offence had been minor. The second most important reason was that the respondent had cleared up the matter him/herself. Whether the person reported the case to the police or not, was not related to whether he or she knew the aggressor.

Half of the victims of rape or attempted rape that were not reported to the police, justified this by stating that someone had helped them. Other reasons were that the victim settled the matter herself, that she knew the aggressor, that she wanted to forget the matter and that she did not dare report it. Fear was the reason for failure to report this aggression in 3% of cases of harassment of women.

Attitudes on the punishability of rape

Lately there have been several public demands that also marital rape should be penalized by law. It is not punishable under present Finnish legislation. The point of departure for these demands was that married persons should have sexual self-determination, to be recognized by the spouse. This idea has many followers, 74% of men and 77% of women. Penalization of marital rape is opposed by 10% of men and 8% of women. Opposition against penalization is strongest in aging people (55 years or more), 15% of whom oppose it. Public opinion is certainly no obstacle for a reform of legislation.

Ethically more difficult is the question whether rape should be made a criminal offence, i.e. an offence that could be prosecuted against the will of the victim.

At present, rape is a complainant offence, to be prosecuted only upon the request of the victim. Police investigation and the legal process have caused the victims so much harm that they have often dropped charges, rather than demanded punishment for rape.

When asked whether a police investigation and legal proceedings should be initiated even when the victim does not wish to do so, the majority was for the idea. Investigation and prosecution was supported by 65% of men and 54% of women. It was opposed by 22% of men and 27% of women. Elderly women supported prosecution a little stronger than other women. However, women were, on the average, more reserved than men on that point. Their possible victimization makes them ponder both sides of the matter deeper than men do. The majority of the Finns do, however, primarily think that the person who has performed a criminal act should be punished. Any additional suffering of the victim is not necessarily regarded as any problem.

What kind of punishment would Finns like to impose on rapists? It is difficult to assess this matter as a general principle, as conditions and incidents vary greatly from case to case. To get some idea on the views of people, a short case description was included in the study, and respondents were asked to take a stand to an appropriate penalty for the man upon his act. In this case a woman invites a man she met in a restaurant to her apartment to continue the evening. The man forces the woman to sexual intercourse by threatening with force. Eight alternative punishments were listed, the mildest being no punishment at all, the most severe being more than three years of unconditional imprisonment. Respondents were also given a chance to suggest some other form of punishment in the option 'Other punishment'.

A small share of the respondents, 4% of men and 8% of women thought that the described case of rape should not be punished at all. More than 10% of women over 50 would have left the act unpunished. A small or substantial fine would have been the decision of 25% of men and 32% of women. In the age group over 50, approximately 45% of men and approximately 50% of women would have imposed a fine at most. Such leniency was supported by only one fifth of women under 35. Elderly women were thus for a more lenient punishment practice than younger ones.

Suspended imprisonment for less than one year was supported by 19% of men and 15% of women. There were no great differences between age groups. Unconditional imprisonment was preferred by 46% of men and 38% of women. Ten per cent of men and 8% of women would have given three years or more unconditional imprisonment. These views were extremely age-specific; young people preferred harsher sentences to a much greater degree than middle-aged and, especially, elderly persons. With age, the share in favour of unconditional imprisonment went down and the percentages of those in favour of fines or no punishment at all went up.

Some suggestions for punishment was made by 6% of men and 7% of women as the alternative 'Other punishment'. One fourth declared that they cannot take a stand. Of the alternative punishments, the most popular were public denigration and humiliation, taking into medical custody and gelding. Each of these punishments was proposed by one half of a per cent of all those who answered this question.

Other frequently mentioned methods of punishment were conciliation and discussion, labour duty, deliberation per case, placing under probation and surveillance, a hiding and to be banned from the apartment of the woman. Some regarded the woman as partly guilty.

Men who had been subjected to sexual harassment during the last five years did not differ from other men in respect of the punishment they proposed for the rape related above. Women who had been subjected to sexual harassment proposed unconditional imprisonment slightly more frequently than other women. Partly, this may be a consequence of the fact that they were, on an average, slightly younger than other women. Not even the views on the punishability of this crime of those women who had been victims of rape or attempted rape differed from the opinions of their age groups. Half of them proposed unconditional imprisonment. Those women who had reported the matter to the police were for stricter punishment than average. This attitude must have influenced their decision to file a report with the police.

Sexual advances and harassment in the workplace

In the new gender equality law proposal presented to the Finnish Parliament in 1994, criminalisation of sexual harassment in the workplace is suggested. Until now it has been difficult to raise a court case on the basis of it. Reports of being subjected to harassment arrive at the office of the Equality Ombudsman, but only a few cases have led to court proceedings or sentences. One reason for the limited activity must be that it is difficult to differentiate between pleasant sexual initiative and uncondoned harassment. Different persons may also see the same situation differently, either as a positive or a negative approach between people of opposite or same sex.

Sexual harassment in the Finnish workplaces has been studied among some occupational groups (Högbacka et al. 1987, Kauppinen-Toropainen 1987, Haavio-Mannila et al. 1988, Haavio-Mannila 1988) and in the Quality of Working Life study, which is representative of the entire population and implemented by the Statistics Finland in 1990. Hannele Varsa (1993) has conducted in-depth telephone interviews at the office of the Equality Ombudsman and gathered written material on the victims of harassment in the workplace. There is a profusion of international studies on harassment at the workplace (e.g. McKinnon 1979, Tangri et al. 1982, US Merit ... 1981, Gruber and Björn 1982, Gruber 1990, Gutek 1985, Gutek 1992a, Gutek 1992b, Gutek and Koss 1993, Kauppinen-Toropainen and Gruber 1993, Arcel 1992, Brantsaeter and Widerberg 1992, Hagman 1988).

A 1986 study involving members of 11 occupational groups, living in Southern Finland (Högbacka et al. 1987, Haavio-Mannila et al. 1988), found that, during the last two years, 26% of men and 34% of women had been subjected to sexual harassment that they did not knowingly cause and did not want. The questionnaire classified the following as sexual harassment: rape or attempted rape; pressuring to sexual intercourse or similar sexual activity; groping or pinching; sexually suggestive looks or gestures; sexually slanted letters, telephone calls or pornographic material; obscene language, bawdy jokes, remarks or questions.

The phrasing of the question may greatly influence the number of people that feel that they have been subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace. In the 1990 Quality of Working Life study of Statistics Finland the following definition was used: 'Nowadays there is talk about sexual interference at the workplace, by which is meant uncondoned and one-sided physical or verbal sexual approach. It is often associated with pressure and negative consequences for the object of harassment.' Of all the employed Finns interviewed in the Quality of Working Life study, 5.0% (N = 3494), 4.2% of men and 5.7% of women reported the existence of such in their workplace. Harassment was most common at workplaces where the majority of those doing the same job were women, or where both genders were represented equally. Subjected to such harassment at one time or another were 5% of men and 12.3% of women, i.e. 7.5% of all the respondents.

When studying the sex life of Finns, sexual harassment was explored by asking the following question: 'In the last 24 months, have you been the object of the following kinds of sexual activity or initiative that you haven't called forth?' In the list of issues there were: 'Sexually coloured letters, phone calls or pornographic materials; obscenities, dubious jokes, remarks or questions; sexually suggestive looks or gestures; groping or pinching; persuasion to have sex.' The alternative answers were: 'Yes, I thought it positive', 'Yes, I found it offending', and 'No'.

Of the employed men 30%, and 27% of women had been subjected to sexual harassment or interference during the last two years. These figures were much closer to the study of the 11 occupational groups (Högbacka et al. 1987, Haavio-Mannila et al. 1988) than the lower proportions in the Quality of Working Life study by the Statistics Finland. This must be a result of the phrasing of the question.

A remarkable finding of this study is the great number of men that had been harassed in the workplace. Being subjected to unwanted sexual attentions had rather been a female problem, according to earlier studies. This difference is largely a reflection of the different phrasing of the question. The preamble to the question in the FINSEX study did not mention the word uncondoned as that of the occupational group study did (Högbacka et al. 1987, Haavio-Mannila et al. 1988), but only that the respondent had not striven to cause the harassment him/herself. In informal connections some men have thought that sexual attention towards co-workers should be viewed as a compliment induced by the sexual attraction of the object, not as sexual harassment.

Sexual initiatives or harassment in the workplace diminish with age. Younger people must take the majority of such activities, older people are disturbed less frequently. While 38% of men and 34% of women under 35 reported having been subjected to such sexual activities at their workplace, corresponding figures for the age group 55 and over were 15% of men and 9% of women.

Men have a distinctly more liberal attitude towards such sexual activities and initiatives at the workplace than women. Only 15% of the men who were subjected to it found it offending. Equal proportions of women found it pleasant and offending. With increasing age both pleasant and offending incidents get less frequent for women. In the youngest age group 22% of the women had been subjected to both types of harassment, against only 4-6% in the oldest. In the case of men, mainly the positive incidents get less frequent. This type decreased from 33% to 14%.

According to traditional gender roles, the man has had the initiative in sexual matters. Sexual activities and initiative, which the man has not attempted to cause himself, are perhaps something new and different, and men usually have a distinctly liberal attitude towards them. Similarly, according to a study on afternoon dances in Helsinki in 1978, men had a more liberal attitude towards invitations to a date after the dancing occasion made by women, than that of women towards corresponding advances by men (Haavio-Mannila and Snicker 1980). If the sexual initiative of women in the relations between the two sexes gets more usual, men may more often regard it as offending.

Obscene language, bawdy jokes, remarks and questions were the most common form of workplace harassment. One in four men and women had heard such. Sexually suggestive looks, facial expressions or gestures had been observed by one in ten. Four per cent of men and 7% women had been subjected to groping or pinching. One per cent had been pressured to intercourse or similar sexual activities. Sexual language and gestures were regarded as positive, rather than offending, while especially women mostly regarded groping and pinching as offending.

Particularly young women were subjected to offending harassment in the workplace. According to regression analysis women who had been sexually harassed at work often lived alone and they had had numerous sexual partners in life. These three factors explained 5% of becoming subject of harassment.

Other factors included in the analysis, i.e. type of domicile, education, incomes, religiosity, the gender structure of the workplace, frequency of drunkenness, sexual orientation and view on one's own sexual activity, did not explain women becoming objects of sexually offending harassment at the workplace.

Thus, young, sexually active women are more frequently than average subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace. The experiences men have of offending sexual harassment at work were not explained by any factor included in the regression analysis.

Characteristics of the women, who had been subjected to harassment that they felt positive about at work were, as of those who were victims of offending harassment, youth and singleness. Other factors explaining harassment taken in a positive spirit were male majority in the workplace and that the woman regarded herself sexually active. These four factors explained 8% of the sexual attentions at work, found positive by women. The explaining factors were largely the same as those related to becoming the victim of offending harassment.

What were the men like, who had a positive attitude towards sexual harassment at work? The men who had been subjected to such activities and initiative were more often than others young, they had had numerous sexual partners, they often worked together with women and regarded themselves as sexually active. However, only 5% of positively received sexual attentions were explained in the regression analysis by these four factors. To conclude: in workplaces with a dominantly female work force sexually active young men with numerous sexual partners are subjected to harassment, and these men find female initiative a positive thing.

The relation between sexual harassment and love affairs in the workplace

Positive and negative expressions of eroticism and sexuality are related to each other in the workplace (Haavio-Mannila et al. 1988). According to Rita Liljeström (1981), there is often 'erotic war', fighting for the favour of the opposite sex. There are sexual stimuli in the air, frequently interacting with business. Sometimes also the lack of sexuality is regarded as a problem. In one-gender workplaces, there are no erotic vibrations that would make working exciting and interesting.

Does sexual initiative in the workplace and attitudes towards this relate to the frequency of love affairs between co-workers? In order to study this we classified workplaces according to an oral proposal, made by Erik Allardt at a seminar of comparative sociology, by sexual initiative and reactions to this. They are accordingly called 'enjoyable', 'exciting', 'peaceful', 'full of harassment', 'puritanic' and 'erotically boring or quiet'. Table 11.1 shows how these types were formed according to initiative and response.

Love affairs occurred more frequently in workplaces with much sexual initiative and activity that were not initiated by the respondent. Love affairs occurred with the greatest frequency at 'enjoyable' workplaces, at which the respondent had a liberal attitude to initiative and found it pleasant. In exciting workplaces and in workplaces with much harassment, all or most of which was found offending by the respondent, the frequency of love affairs was the second greatest. In puritanic workplaces love affairs were scarce, and almost non-existent in erotically boring or quiet workplaces where there was no harassment, either.

The probability of love affairs in the workplace is thus increased by sexual initiative, and the diversity of it. The erotic and sexual relations at work get intertwined. According to earlier researches, uncondoned sexual harassment causes stress and dissatisfaction with work (Kauppinen-Toropainen and Gruber 1993, Haavio-Mannila 1993). Many people do find positive sexual attention nice, and it may lead to infatuation and a love affair at work. As was stated in Chapter 6 on sex habits, love affairs at work usually bring happiness and joy, sometimes even a sexual partner and a spouse. An erotically boring or quiet workplace does not offer as many opportunities to find an object of infatuation and love in the workplace.

Workplaces that are characterized by much sexual initiative have both positive and negative qualities. Part of the employees find sexual initiative positive, part find it negative. The decisive factor seems to be who takes the initiative. Since complete abstinence from sexual initiative does not seem to be regarded as a good solution, it might be wisest to improve the erotic communication of people. Many initiatives that have been found offending may arise out of a mistake: the maker thought that the object had wanted it (Tangri et al. 1982). Direct communication and trust in the initial reaction of the other would certainly decrease the number of offending situations.

Table 11.1

The share of those who had experienced workplace love affairs in workplaces of different types % (N)

Attitudes to sexual initiative in the workplace	Sexual initiative and activity in the workplace
	Much (2-5 kinds)	Scarce 8 (1 kind) or none at all
Considers pleasant	Erotically enjoyable 82% (219)	Erotically peacful 56% (115)
Inconsistent; considers both positive and offending	Exciting 64% (45)
Considers offending	Full of harassment 62% (42)	Puritanic 46% (59)
No information on attitudes since there is no sexual initiative		Erotically boring or quiet 39% (1197)

Attitudes towards prostitution, demand for it and purchasing sexual services

One way of having a sex life parallel with that of established relationships was, and still is, provided by prostitution. Naturally, it cannot replace other sexual relationships or couple relationships, but it can provide temporary relief from the tedium of a tired relationship or from a sex life turned sporadic. When the sexual morality of keeping to one couple relationship was at its strongest, prostitution was not accepted (but it existed). Both the prostitute (as in certain US states) and his/her customer (Hobson 1987) were in danger of punishment.

Notwithstanding, prostitution has not been completely eradicated anywhere. As there always will be a demand for prostitution, it will certainly prevail as one form of sex life also in the future. The more permissive the attitude of society towards the various forms of sex life is, and the closer the sexual expectations of men and women are, the less the need and demand for prostitution.

To work as a prostitute is not illegal in Finland, but organization of such activities e.g. using a pimp is illegal. As the customers of prostitutes mainly are men, attitudes on prostitution were generally gender-specific. When asked whether they had anything against people earning money by selling sexual services in Finland, the majority of men were for it, while the majority of women were against it; 51% of men and 21% of women had nothing against people earning money by selling sexual services. It was opposed by 34% of men and 65% of women. Opposition against prostitution was fiercest in the age group over 50. Its keenest supporters were the middle-aged.

There has been anxiety about problems related to prostitution, such as the possibility that either party contract a venereal disease, and the connections between prostitution and crime. One proposed solution to these problems is to found brothels controlled by society. A proposal to that effect was made in the Parliament 20 years ago. At present that kind of business is impossible, as procuration, i.e. all kinds of organized commercial activities related to prostitution, is illegal.

When asked whether they support the founding of brothels under society's control, the idea was equally supported and opposed by men. To be more specific: it was supported by 42% and opposed by 41%. Other men could not take a stand in this matter. Of women, 17% supported and 67% opposed brothels under society's control. Middle-aged persons were the most fervent supporters of brothels. When comparing these results with a 1972 survey by Gallup, support for brothels has clearly increased. At that time only 20% of all people were for officially controlled brothels (Markkula 1981).

Male and female attitudes towards prostitution are formed in very different situations. Until recently, the customers of prostitutes were mainly men. Many men may feel that they would have something to gain from brothels operating under society's control. Women may fear that brothels sharpen the competitive situation on the sexual market of middle-aged and elderly women. Many women regard brothels and all commercialization of sex as defamation of the sexuality of woman (Hobson 1987, Järvinen 1990). If love shall be a prerequisite for sex, then brothels have no right of existence.

How great is then the demand for prostitution services, and how many have purchased these services? This we studied by asking both men and women, whether they ever had been persuaded to have sexual intercourse against gratification in money or equivalent benefits. This was a piece of information concerning the respondent's entire life.

That question got an affirmative reply from 20% of women and 8% of men. Differences per age group were not very great among men, but women under 35 had been offered money against sexual intercourse far more often than elderly women. This seems to indicate that such offers have become more frequent during the last 20 years. Part of the difference may arise from the fact that elderly women might not remember offers made decades ago.

Offers for paid love have been made most frequently in Helsinki, where 37% of women and 14% of men had had such an offer. They were more unusual in rural areas, where corresponding figures were: women 12% and men 5%. Women, who have had more numerous sex partners than average or who get drunk at least occasionally get markedly more offers of paid sex. Of the women who declared at least ten sexual partners, almost half had got such an offer.

How many, then, had assented to these offers? Of all women only two, or 0.2% reported having done so, another of them several times. Of men, 1.5% reported having assented, four of them (0.4%) several times. Irrespective of the much greater demand for women, men declare that they have offered sex against pecuniary

compensation more often than women. The answers lead one to suspect that women have concealed their selling of services, and that men have exaggerated. The fact is that the researchers do not know to whom the men have sold their services - to other men or to women.

As buyers of sexual services, men are significantly more probable as customers, although it is known that women, too, buy such services. When asked, whether they had offered money or other financial benefits in exchange for sexual intercourse, 11% of men and 0.3% of women answered with an affirmative. For 1% of men, the offer had had no effect, but 10% of men reported that one or more of the subjects of the query had consented to selling sexual services. They had then had sexual intercourse with a prostitute. More than half of these men had bought services from several women. There were no significant geographic differences in the buying of prostitution services, even if those who lived in large towns did it slightly more often than average. The offers made by women had not led to any business transactions.

The proportion of men who have used prostitutes' services increases with age and experience. Purchasing prostitutes' services was markedly more frequent after the age of 40. At this stage, men evidently have better financial circumstances that allow payment of such services. Three out of ten men who had had more than 20 sexual partners, had purchased prostitutes' services. Men who had bought sexual services had usually had at least five sexual partners. While the age of 40 has been a typical age of introduction to prostitution for a long time, the fraction of men who have bought such services has remained at 15% in every age group during the last 20 years. Earlier this figure was lower, as shown by the answers of men over 65 years of age.

A regression analysis was performed including men who had been customers of prostitutes or of other women accepting payment, to find out how well social background factors, sexual habits and sexual self-esteem explain paid sex. Four statistically significant explanatory variables emerged. Men who had paid for sex had had sexual intercourse with foreigners, they had had several parallel relationships besides their steady one, their sexual self-esteem was strong and they did not have any homosexual experiences.

Age, type of domicile, type of couple relationship, education, income, health, religiosity, use of alcohol, age at sexual debut, frequent sex in a couple relationship, alternative sex practices, the number of sexual partners, being subjected to harassment as a child or during the last five years and problems in sex life did not explain men's paying for sex. The explaining power of the number of sexual partners was overshadowed by those of parallel relationships and foreign sexual partners.

Paying for sex is a feature of a sex life with multiple relationships. Men who have had paid sex, as well as sexual relationships with foreigners, regard themselves as sexually attractive, skilful and active. Is the sexual self-esteem a consequence of or a reason for paying for sex and having sexual intercourse with foreign women? Both interpretations are quite possible. Sexually confident men perhaps dare to enter into a customer relationship with a prostitute or a sexual relationship with a foreign woman, or then providers of paid love and foreign women make our men feel sexually attractive.

Paying for sex had no effect on the sexually related fears of men, as shown by regression analysis. Nevertheless, prostitution-related sexual relations with foreigners added to sexual fears, especially the fear of AIDS. In addition to relationships with foreigners, fears also related to alternative sex habits, the absence or instability of a permanent relation, stress symptoms, sexual problems and having been subjected to sexual harassment. Paid sex did not influence satisfaction with one's sex life.

12. Finnish Sex in the 1990s

The aim of this book has been to study the different aspects of Finnish sex life and the changes that have occurred in it. The information we have been using is unique even on a world scale: so far Finland is the only country able to boast two compilations of nationally representative surveys on adult sex life. Since the time span between these two studies was 20 years, it was possible to examine the changes occurred in sex life over a relatively long time.

Approximately nine persons out of ten answered the questionnaire in 1971, so there were no significant problems in the representativeness of the results. In 1992, 76% responded. Again the number of actual respondents is very high even internationally (Wellings et al. 1990). The decrease in response rate occurred during the past 20 years (in the portion of those selected who answered) can be explained by the generally decreased willingness to answer various questionnaires and to participate in surveys since the 1970s. This decline probably does not greatly affect the representativeness and comparability of the surveys, as seen in the fact that results concerning people's first sexual experiences, when the same questions have been posed to people of different ages in the same cohorts in 1971 and 1992, were almost identical.

The aim of this chapter is to summarize the essential results of this study, to discuss their significance and to relate the changes observed in sex life to other changes that had occurred in our society between the years 1971 and 1992. According to the changes observed, it is possible to anticipate some of the future views with regard to sex life.

Summary of the results

Many changes have occurred in the Finnish set of values during 20 years and they are also evident in the attitudes towards sexual morality. The monogamist model for sex life is still strongly dominating people's sexual attitudes and behaviour during their entire lifetime, though relationships people had before and after (widows) this particular relationship are considered increasingly acceptable. Only a few are against sex between the elderly and almost all the people would like to give institutionalized people a chance to have a sex life.

The attitude towards young people having intercourse has undergone a great change. In 1971 two thirds of women would have liked to link the sexual debut of young people to at least a promise of marriage. The proportion of women sharing this view in 1992 had fallen to 16%. The attitudes regarding this matter have changed completely, even though the experiences these women have had in their youth are not equivalent to the situation today. A similar change has been observed in men's attitudes, too. This reflects the decreasing significance of marriage.

The generation gap regarding the morals concerning the sex life of young people is also seen in the attitude towards sex education at school. Only those over 55 (half of them) believe that this education lures young people into having intercourse at too early an age. Very few younger people see this kind of problem arising from the present sex education. Those with the most liberal attitude towards it are those who have had some sex education themselves. The school's educational role will probably be reformed as younger age groups determine the contents of sex education.

Besides the fact that starting one's sex life has largely been separated from marriage, also the attitudes towards casual sexual relationships have changed into more liberal. Some 70% of women consider them satisfying, an increase of approximately 25 per cent points over 20 years. The social disadvantages of casual relationships have decreased as well as the risk of an unwanted pregnancy that is always present in these relationships. The acceptance of relationships that are less based on dependency is also reflected by the fact that two out of three men and half of women accept intercourse without love. Love and commitment are not as indispensable conditions for sex life as they used to be.

A majority, i.e. 60%, of people consider living together with their partner in a sexually faithful relationship to be the ideal situation. In addition, approximately one tenth of the respondents would like to have a corresponding relationship with their partner, but living separately. Thus, 70% of Finns regard one faithful relationship to be the best alternative. One fifth of men and only 4% of women would like to lead a life involving several parallel sexual relationships. This suggests that women are distinctly more monogamous than men.

Besides by economic independence and freedom in general, women's sexual latitude has been increased by the fact that women taking the sexual initiative are entirely acceptable today. The right of women to take the initiative has been promoted mainly by the women themselves during the past 20 years. Only part of the older women are against it. Men had generally accepted this women's right already 20 years ago.

Today, three men out of four feel that a respectable woman can openly show her interest in sex. This idea was vehemently opposed only by aging women. When comparing the notions about the sexual needs of both men and women, it became evident that young people generally regard the needs of both genders as equally important. Aging people feel that men have stronger needs than women. This change in the way of thinking is tremendously important to sex life, as it increases the equality between sexes.

Men's attitudes towards pornography have remained much the same, whereas women had become stricter. This may be due to the fact that porn has become a lot harder during the last 20 years. Half of men and one fourth of women are for the free trade of pornographic products, like sex videos. Two thirds of men and one third of women themselves find it exciting to watch pornographic videos. This bears a resemblance to the attitudes towards state-owned brothels, on which half of men and one fifth of women share a liberal view.

Masturbation has become a remarkably natural part of sex life and only few persons still believe that it can cause health hazards. Twenty years ago approximately one third of the respondents believed in such hazards. This is a good example of how relevant information helps in ridding sex life from erroneous ideas and fears. The situation has been much the same regarding attitudes towards homosexuals, turning significantly more liberal particularly among young and the middle-aged women. The status of gay relationships as one's private affair are accepted today by 60% of men and 70% of women. The lively public debate on the subject has certainly had an effect on the liberalization of attitudes.

Which aspects of sex life are to most people the most difficult to accept? Markedly hardest to accept were sexual violence as well as sexual activities involving children and animals, as shown by answers to an open question. Besides these, men regarded homosexuality equally often as a perversion. Other matters mentioned here were mostly regarded as perversions by young people and people with more education, whereas homosexuality was considered a perversion more often by elderly and less educated people.

The timing of the first sexual experiences has changed remarkably from one generation to the next. The younger age groups have undergone the phases of first kisses and couple relationships clearly earlier than older people. Approximately four out of five had their first kiss before turning 16 and this often happened even before the first steady relationship. Nowadays, most people have had a steady relationship at age 19 or younger; approximately 60% of men and 70% of women have started a steady relationship when under 18. Only half of young people were going steady before their twenties in the 1930s. At that time going steady meant being engaged to be married.

The commencing age for sexual intercourse (sexarche) has become significantly lower during the past decades. According to the women's answers, there was a sudden fall in the age of the sexual debut among those who were young during the 1970s. After this, approximately 20% of people have started having intercourse while under 16 and approximately half when under 18. The first intercourse is experienced at an age over 20 by approximately 10% of the population. One sign of the significance of this change is the fact that every other of the persons who were young in the 1930s experienced their first sexual intercourse after the age of 20.

The proportion of men who have experienced their first orgasm at an age under 20 has also increased greatly. Previously the portion of such men was 50% from the oldest to the youngest age group, now it is close to 90%. The corresponding figures for women are 10% and 70%, respectively. Although most women experience their first orgasms long after they have had their first intercourse, it has become possible to enjoy a satisfying sex life at a significantly earlier age than before.

The spreading of a uniform culture even into sex life is suggested by the disappearance of regional differences in the age of the sexual debut. Only rural youths have their first intercourse somewhat later than the rest. Also, there are no longer great differences between men and women in the age of debut. Before the 1970s, men reported having intercourse earlier than women. Instead of being geographic, the separating factor is now related to education; well-educated young people start having intercourse later than others. Those young people who regard social interaction as an important part of their way of life do, however, tend to make their sexual debut earlier than others.

During the past decades, more than half of all women married their first sex partner. Today this happens but rarely. Intercourse has definitely become a part of a steady relationship that is not necessarily meant to last forever. In half of all cases, the first couple relationship and the first intercourse have occurred at the same age. Seven out of ten women and half of men report having had their first intercourse with a steady partner.

These relationships are usually not very binding, as only 60% of women (previously 80%) and 50% of men have been in love with their first partners. Even among the younger generation, only one fifth of those who loved their first partner married this person. The commitment involved in this first relationship has markedly been further reduced by the development in birth control even during the first intercourse. The use of a condom during the first intercourse has dramatically increased since 1965, replacing the method most often used before this, i.e. coitus interruptus.

Ever more frequently, the initiative to the first sexual intercourse comes from both the man and the woman together, even though it still usually lies with the man. Particularly in the case of intercourse in a couple relationship, the initiative is often mutual. This is connected with the general increase in the willingness of women to have intercourse. The portion of women who have been reluctant to have the first intercourse has dropped from 40% to 10% in 20 years. However, men have still regarded their first intercourse as more pleasurable than women. One third of women and 5% of men consider their first intercourse unpleasant. With women this unpleasantness has been linked to the painfulness of the first intercourse. Approximately 40% of women experienced pain the first time. Sexually harassed at an age of under 18 were 17% of women and 8% of men. Approximately one tenth of women have been harassed by an older man or a boy other than their boyfriend. Incest has been experienced by 1.8% of women. Of men, 3% have been sexually harassed by girls, women or grown men.

Although the commencing of sex life has undergone many changes, no significant change has been noted in the frequency of sexual intercourse among adults during the past 20 years. Approximately every other adult has sexual intercourse regularly every week, while every fifth engages in such intercourse only occasionally. The frequency of sexual intercourse in different age groups (cohorts) has not much changed between the years 1971 and 1992. Therefore it can be stated that aging does not necessarily affect the regularity of sex life.

Only 4% of those under 50 had abstained from intercourse during the last year. As for pensioners, 47% of women and 18% of men had no intercourse during this time. This is related to the monogamous sex life model adopted by aging, where widowhood has usually meant the ending of sex life. Another irrevocable reason is the fact that there simply are not enough partners around for elderly women as they often outlive men their own age.

The women of the younger generation have been markedly more ready to take the initiative at their most recent intercourse than aging women. This has been particularly evident in the cases where the initiative can be considered mutual. The most active women are found in the upper white-collar group. Their active participation in the working life has also led to greater sexual activity.

The most popular position during intercourse is still 'the missionary', man-on-top, position, although the use of different positions during intercourse has become increasingly usual among young people. Essential features in this change are the increasing practice of oral sex (approximately half, almost all young people) and manual satisfying of the partner. Men have been more active regarding the latter (half of men and one third of women have done this during the last month). More versatile intercourse practices have resulted in both women and men regarding their most recent intercourse as pleasurable.

The number of sex partners has increased significantly during the last 20 years, the average increase being from seven to ten partners during a lifetime. Men have had an average of 14 partners, women six. Men aged around 30 have had the greatest number of partners; 46% of men and 18% of women have had at least 10 partners. The differences observed per age group in the number of partners suggest that the number of partners during a lifetime will increase further during the decades to come.

The women who often drink till really drunk frequently have as many partners as do men with similar behaviour. Thus, differences in the number of partners of men and women may not be connected only to general differences in sex life, but to differences in other aspects of life style, closely linked with sexual experiences. A notable number of people have had very few sex partners. Of men, 13% and of women 29% have only had one partner during their lifetime. Of women, 43% have had no more than two partners. The monogamist model has clearly influenced the sex life of the older age groups. Of all adult women, 15% have fallen in love only once in their life and had intercourse only with this person. In these cases the monogamist ideal of sex life has been realized in its purest form. Half of women and one third of men have had no more partners than loves during their lifetime. For these people, loving the partner has been a prerequisite for having a sexual relationship.

Most people have had just one sex partner during the past year. At least two partners during that time were reported by 24% of men and 13% of women. In 90% of the cases, the most recent partner has been their permanent partner or spouse. People having a relationship that has not been particularly happy, have had more partners. However, also in relationships regarded as very happy, the latest partner has sometimes been someone other than the permanent partner. Thus, even a successful relationship cannot restrain parallel relationships.

In addition to the increase in successive sexual relationships, also the number of relationships parallel with an established one has unambiguously increased during the last 20 years. The portion of men having been involved in a parallel relationship while engaged in their present permanent one has increased from 24% to 44%, with women the corresponding share has increased from 9% to 19%. In 4% of cases, the parallel relationship has been going on for a long time along with the established one. Parallel sexual relationships are most frequent in Helsinki and the province of Uusimaa, where they have been established by every other man and woman. Almost half of them have involved someone else's partner. Most of these relationships have never been revealed. Two thirds of the people involved in these relationships estimated that their partners were unaware of them. A tenth of the people knew that their partner had been engaged in such relationships.

During the past year, 20% of men involved in a couple relationship, as well as 11% of such women, had been carrying on a parallel relationship. These parallel relationships occur more frequently during the early stages of the couple relationship, and often more than one at a time. Approximately 5% report that their latest sex partner had been someone other than their permanent partner. In approximately one fifth of couple relationships both parties have been engaged in parallel relationships.

Of men, 52% have had such a parallel relationship while engaged in a couple relationship at some point in their life, as have 29% of women. According to comparisons between the findings, women seem to have concealed these relationships to some extent. A tenth of men and 1% of women have had at least ten such parallel relationships during their lives.

Attitudes towards these parallel sexual relationships have become harder although they have increased in number. More than one fifth of both men and women today say that they accept their partners' casual parallel relationships. In 1971, they were accepted by approximately 30%. Thus, more people have been engaged in such relationships than report accepting them. Despite the fact that attitudes towards sex life in general are more liberal than 20 years ago, the partner is expected to remain faithful for as long as the current relationship exists. For most people, the ideal form of sex life is to have successive monogamous relationships. However, as opposed to that ideal, approximately 3% of people have open relationships where both parties are allowed to have parallel relationships.

Nearly half of the people have fallen in love with one of their co-workers and one third of them have engaged in sexual relationships with these persons.

A few per cent report having tried swinging at some point. Twice as many would like to try it. A tenth of men and 2-3% of women have had group sex some time in their lives, most often involving three persons. Approximately one tenth of women have had a foreign sex partner in Finland and the same percentage during a trip abroad. Men have had such relationships in Finland as frequently as women, but twice so often during travel abroad. In other words, one fifth of men have had a foreign sex partner when travelling abroad. This has become increasingly common among young people along with increasing internationalization. Such relationships with foreign women tend to accumulate on men who travel a lot and have many partners. This concentration is not as evident regarding women. The first and only sexual partner of some women has been a foreign man.

Money has been offered for sexual services to 20% of women and 8% of men. In Helsinki, the corresponding figures are 37% and 14% respectively. In a remarkable number of cases, money is offered to women who have had quite a few sexual partners. Only two women involved in this study admitted having agreed to take the money, as well as did 1.5% of men. Either the women having solicited themselves have been covering up their experiences or they have been drop-outs in this study. Of men, 10% had paid for sex, 6% several times. Typically, men paying for the services of prostitutes have been aged just over 40.

As the significance of other values, like work in the case of women, have increased, the number of children in families has decreased. Due to successive relationships the share of the so-called neofamilies has gradually increased: 15% of respondents report that their present partner has lived in a relationship with someone else and has children of his or her own from this relationship. It is noteworthy that ever fewer people move in with someone because of love. Love often leads to a sexual relationship, but not necessarily to living together.

It is generally felt to be much easier to talk about sexual issues with one's partner today than 20 years ago. Relationships are estimated to be happier now than before, 85% of respondents being happy with the amount of touching and nearness in their relationships. Those most often unhappy are the aging women.

Approximately one fifth of the respondents have worn sexy underwear, one third of those under 35. Approximately 15% have sometimes used a lubricant while having intercourse and approximately one tenth has tried a vibrator.

Half of the people find their partners in connection with some kind of amusement. During the first years of a relationship, sex life has been considered particularly active, versatile and satisfying. Primarily the major changes occurring in sex life usually concern quite long-established relationships. In relationships that have lasted over 20 years the frequency of sexual intercourse decreases, the practices and habits become less versatile and the actual intercourse is less satisfying. This is partly a result of aging and partly of the different emphasis on sexual matters in the life of different generations, as well as of the routines established by long-standing relationships and sex life turning into more of a responsibility. The relationship may also be taken so much for granted, that the excitement disappears.

Although no significant changes have occurred in the frequency of intercourse among adults, the sex life of the oldest age groups and that of the unmarried has become more lively. The sex life of singles (not living together with a partner) has been more closely examined. One third of adults belong to this group of singles but one third of these still have a couple relationship with someone with whom they do not share their dwelling. Of men, 19% and of women 23% have no sexual relationship at all. Every other aging woman (widow) has no relationship. Approximately one tenth lead their entire lives without living together with their sexual partner (if any). Half of these singles live totally alone.

One third of the singles have a relatively regular sex life, although not necessarily with a permanent partner. Of men, 46% have had intercourse during the last month, as have 20% of women. The corresponding figures for the last week are 13% and 3%, respectively. The intercourse methods of the singles bear a close resemblance to those of long marriages where the means of giving satisfaction are, on an average, rather limited. Orgasms have been almost as frequent in casual relationships as in marriages, though fewer than in cohabitation or other couple relationships.

Of the women living alone, approximately one third have had no sexual experiences during the last five years. More than one tenth of singles have never had any sexual experience in their entire life. Masturbation and homosexual experiences are more usual than average among singles. During the past year, singles have had 2-3 times as many partners as others. Approximately 40% of singles have had several partners during the past year. Approximately one tenth of these partners have been the permanent partner of someone else.

Masturbating has become significantly more common during the last 20 years. Of men, 90% and of women 77% have masturbated at some point in their lives, 42% of men and 25% of women have done so during the past month. Self-pleasuring has become increasingly popular especially among young people. It is likely to increase even further, as the level of self-pleasuring reached at an early age seems often to remain unchanged throughout life. Those refraining from it totally are not even today sure whether it has an effect on their health or not. The significance of masturbation on sex life is also reflected in the fact that it is most frequently practiced by men with low incomes and difficulty in sustaining a permanent sexual relationship.

Offending advances and sexual harassment have been encountered by 9% of women and 3% of men. Nine out of ten men reported having been subjected to advances, not harassment. More than in two cases out of three women have also been advanced, not harassed, and this is especially true for the youngest women. Only a few per cent of these cases have been reported to the police. One per cent of women have fallen victim of attempted rape during the past five years. One third of these cases have been reported to the police.

Most people would like to punish those guilty of sexual violence or offending harassment. Approximately three Finns out of four are for criminalization also of marital rape. Half of the respondents would be prepared to have every rape prosecuted, even though the victim might oppose prosecution. Young people are keener on having rapists punished than old people are.

During the past two years, approximately 30% of both men and women have experienced sexual advances or harassment at work without being themselves provocative. Young employees have been subjected to this twice as often as their older colleagues. Approximately half of the women concerned have considered it positive, while half of them have felt offended. However, 85% of men have regarded advances as positive and only 15% have found them offending. Talking about sex has usually been considered positive, while groping has been considered offending.

Workplace romances flourish in workplaces where sexual passes are being made. In workplaces where no passes occur, romances are also scarce. It would be good for the positive atmosphere at work if a balance could be struck between a proper erotic tension and limitations in its expressions.

There have been no remarkable changes in the use of pornographic products among men, although the consumption of porn has largely switched from reading sex magazines to watching sex videos. This is due to changes in the market situation. Women now use considerably fewer pornographic products than 20 years ago. The use of porn is concentrated to young people. The changes occurred suggest that the greatest enthusiasm towards porn is over. However, most people still like to watch sex films on TV. Women have been almost as interested in this supply as men. Men, on the other hand, have been more active in watching sex videos and reading sex magazines than women. Approximately 50-60% of men and 15-20% of women have watched a sex film or read a sex magazine during the past year.

Sexual minorities were also examined in this study to some extent. Of the minorities, only homosexuals were studied in greater detail. In earlier literature and studies, the term sexual minority has usually not referred to a minority in terms of quantity, as this would classify most people into one minority or another (e.g. those using the services of prostitutes and heavy users of porn). The term minority has not referred to people with a sexual identity markedly deviating from that of other people. Instead, sexual minorities have usually been categorized according to criteria used for sexual deviations in the classification of illnesses. Only the concept deviance has been replaced with another concept, minority. In this form, the concept has remained quite narrow and problem-centred as compared with the many-splendoured sexual reality.

Defining homosexuality is problematic, even when making use of the scales for sexual dimensions developed by the Kinsey working group. This is due to the fact that the sexual identity and experiences of people are not necessarily uniform. Many people have had homosexual experiences, even though they consider themselves pure heterosexuals. Moreover, most of those considering themselves homosexuals have had sexual experiences with the opposite sex.

Less than 1% of the respondents regard their own sexual identity as purely homosexual. No significant change has occurred in this figure during the past 20 years. Between 6% and 7% of the respondents have been somewhat attracted to their own sex.

Research that is suitable for generalization, carried out in the USA, shows that 5-7% have had a homosexual experience at some point in their lives. Approximately 1-2%, i.e. one in four to half of all who have ever had a homosexual experience had one during the past year. These figures match the Finnish situation well, as here 4-6% have had a homosexual experience at some point in their lives and 1.3% have had one during the past year. For over half of those who have had a homosexual experience it remained the only one. These people usually regard themselves as purely heterosexual.

Most often these experiences have been mutual masturbation between men and caresses between women. One third of these cases have resulted in an orgasm. Of those who have had a homosexual experience, 70% report heterosexual intercourse during the past month.

People are now significantly more satisfied with intercourse and their sex life in general than they were 20 years ago, although the frequencies of intercourse have not increased appreciably. The genders have also become more equal regarding sex life. A sex life that is regarded as active and uninhibited has given people the greatest satisfaction. At least 85% regard their sex life as at least fairly satisfying. The most recent intercourse was considered at least fairly satisfying by 90% of both men and women, half of the people found it very satisfying. Aging women are by far the least satisfied with sexual intercourse. This difference in experiences is in a higher degree due to the generation gap than to changes in sex life caused by aging as such.

A typical limit for a satisfying sex life concerning the frequency on intercourse is 2-3 incidents of sexual intercourse a week; this holds for men and women alike. Men wish for more frequent sexual intercourse in their present relationship twice as often as women. One factor that has increased overall sexual satisfaction is that women now achieve orgasms during intercourse with a somewhat greater regularity than 20 years ago.

Although people are now more satisfied with their sex life, many of them still have problems with achieving sexual satisfaction. Sexual problems have been encountered regarding desire and sexual reactions, as well as fulfilment.

Sexual desire has increased in young people during last five years. The sexual desire of women develops somewhat later than that of men. The turning point seems to be the age of 40, after which a person's desire more often falls off rather than increases. Lack of sexual desire has been felt somewhat frequently by approximately 5-20% of men and 15-55% of women during the past year in different age groups. Every third married woman and every fifth married man have experienced lack of desire during that period. Those suffering from lack of sexual desire find intercourse unpleasant clearly more often than others, and are seldom engaged in foreplay before intercourse.

Men and women have contradictory expectations on each other regarding sexual reactions. Within the past year, two thirds of women had a problem with the premature coming of their partner, and equally many men have considered the slow coming of their partner problematic. Fairly frequently this situation has been encountered by one fifth of men and women. There is a problem in combining these various expectations, and it can only be solved by finding out one's partner's wishes on the relationship.

Every other woman has experienced at least some problems with vaginal lubrication during the past year. Relatively frequently it has occurred with a tenth of middle-aged women and with a third of women turned 50. A third of these women have also experienced pain during intercourse. Incomplete vaginal lubrication is usually connected with a reluctancy towards intercourse and with the ensuing psychological symptoms. The use of lubricant has usually had the desired effect.

During the past year, one man in two has at some point suffered from erectile dysfunction. At least fairly often this has happened to 6-9% of men. The majority of men having such problems are aging; every third of those turned 70 experience them. Erectile problems have been on the decline during the last 20 years. At least 15% of men have, at some stage in their lives, experienced a period of at least a few weeks' continuous impotence, as have one in three of the 70-year-olds. Of all men, every other reports no previous or present significant problems in getting an erection. Five per cent of men have experienced periods of continuous impotence in the past as well as present erectile problems. One third of men with erectile dysfunction have consulted a physician and half of these feel that they have been helped.

Other illnesses have increased the probability of erection problems. The partner's sexual problems may also contribute to erectile problems. One third of men whose partners have had problems with vaginal lubrication have had erectile problems.

The orgasm is the strongest form of sexual fulfilment. Women have orgasms significantly more irregularly during intercourse than do men. Approximately half of men and 6-7% of women report that they always have an orgasm when engaged in intercourse. Just over half of women and most men report that they usually achieve an orgasm. When last engaged in intercourse, 92% of men and 56% of women reached an orgasm. Within the past 20 years, it has become somewhat more common for women to achieve an orgasm. A tenth of women report reaching an orgasm during intercourse only rarely and a third achieve one relatively seldom. Those women who have orgasms only seldom are the ones who often regard intercourse as unpleasant.

The occurrence and non-occurrence of orgasms are related to one's own sexual desire and to what is felt to be a too early orgasm of the partner's. Of the women who never have encountered these problems, approximately 70% have had an orgasm during their most recent intercourse. This sexual intercourse more often involved various positions as well as female activity towards fulfilment, either through oral or manual stimulation. If their partner has frequently lacked the desire for intercourse, if the male has an illness disturbing sex life or if it has been very difficult to discuss sex with their partner, only 30% of women have been able to achieve an orgasm. The position mostly used in these cases has been man-on-top.

Enhancement of sex life as part of development of the society

Sex life has abundant connections with other aspects of society, and the changes occurring elsewhere in society also influence sex life. Sex life is a part of the society's set of values, in which religious values have a powerful role. During the past decades these values have been secularized, in other words, the significance of religion as a controller of behaviour has been diminished. The dogmatic importance has been decreased by rationalities and by a scientific way of thinking. The structural changes in society caused by industry and technology as well as the increased social mobility connected to these have been reflected in the changes in values. This has a great significance in the rearrangement of the family structure and commitment to couple relationships.

The increased economic well-being during the past decades has affected the way of life in the form of, among others, increasing leisure time and travel as well as data transfer and communication through the mass media which in turn are created by new technology. People's values and way of life have ever more often been influenced by international stimuli. The right to enjoy life off duty as a compensation for work is also shown in e.g. the increased substance use. Mass media has brought people closer to the world in a way which makes it very hard to stay socially isolated from the ways and values of the surrounding environment. Sex life has also become a publicly shared issue that influences people through mass media, rather than being a person's private affair. Besides as fictitious depictions of sex life, these influences have been transmitted by various experts.

However, according to this study, most of the changes in sex life are not only due to the fact that some of the structural and life style characteristics, such as the age structure and marital status, level of education, type of residential environment, religiousness as well as drinking habits, have undergone tremendous changes during the last 20 years. This is shown by the fact that the unstandardized eta coefficients suggesting the connection between social background and sex life and the beta coefficients standardized in relation to the above factors in the MC analysis are the same regarding most of the variables connected to sex life. Changes have occurred relatively evenly throughout the country and in various social groups.

The time span between the two studies is characterized by the great changes in attitudes, ways of thinking and practices caused by the sexual revolution that began in the 1960s. The talk about revolution was intimately related to the increased publication of sexual material and its commercial exploitation in advertising and other forms of mass media. The change was also evident in legislation that increased the rights of individuals to decide on personal sexual matters. In addition, some of the sexual taboos were crushed by the vivid public debate. As a whole, a step towards more liberal attitudes towards sexual matters has taken place.

One common principle regarding sexual issues has recently been that people are allowed to do whatever they wish in private, as long as it does not involve forcing. The aim has been to respect people's right to sexual self-determination. This has also been the central principle when renewing Finnish legislation in the beginning of the 1990s. However, public sexuality has remained under control. The aim here has been to keep people from encountering such sexual products and stimuli that they may find unacceptable or that cause anxiety.

Women have become increasingly equal with men during the past 20 years. This has had important consequences for their sexuality. As women have started to participate in the working life in Finland as widely as men, and gained economic independence, they have had still better prerequisites to make independent decisions also on their own sex life. Commitment to one relationship and sexual faithfulness have no longer been a necessity, but a free choice. This free choice has been crucially influenced by the radical improvement in the availability of reliable contraceptives during the last 20 years. This has also resulted in fewer women having to worry about the possibility of an unwanted pregnancy.

Another group that has undergone remarkable changes are young people. Today they mature earlier than before, both physically and mentally, and due to increased economic well-being (as of the early 1970s to the present day) they are able to lead a more adult-like life at a fairly early age, as well as to build up their sexual identity through the multinational youth culture. As a consequence of this, the sexual debut is made at an earlier age than before. Simultaneously, the time allotted to studies has increased and marriages are entered into later. The time elapsing between the first sexual intercourse and marriage has become significantly longer. Young people get involved in a greater number of relationships, both parallel and successive, than before and relationships involving cohabitation have taken the place of marriages, at least before having children.

Since the first intercourse has occurred earlier in each age group during the past decades, it is very probable that the sexual activity of aging people will increase as the present young and middle-aged people get older. If aging and retirement in the future can be experienced as a positive liberation e.g. from children, parents and stress related to work, new favourable ways of expressing masculinity and femininity may be discovered. The baby boomers will be sure to defend their sexual rights also as they grow older.

The majority of changes in sex habits have occurred gradually over time in all the groups studied regardless of the structural change in the society. These changes, which have occurred in all groups in the same proportion over the last 20 years, are as follows: the tendency not to fall in love so easily, being loved becoming more general, experiencing the first kiss at a younger age, sexual intercourse becoming more general, the increasing of the number of sex partners, the greater frequency of mutual initiative to intercourse, more versatile positions during sexual intercourse, the increasing use of alcohol prior to intercourse, regarding sex life less important to a happy marriage, the increase in masturbation as well as the decrease in reading pornographic books and magazines.

Neither earlier initiation of intercourse and going steady nor the decrease in men's sexual impotence have been very significant when one examines the entire material of the sex surveys. When changes in sex and age structure, marital status, type of domicile, education and religion are being standardized, the changes that happened gradually over time are better exposed. Some of the changes occurred in sex life have been eclipsed by the structural changes in society.

Satisfaction with sex life has been increased regarding to the following factors: satisfaction with intercourse, satisfaction with the amount of foreplay, ease of discussing sexual matters, happiness of relationships and gratification experienced in sex life. These changes can be seen irrespective of whether the social background is standardized or not.

Thus the main conclusion of this study is that the 20 years that followed the sexual revolution have liberated the Finns to express themselves in their sex life and to enjoy it more than ever. Only an insignificant part of the enhancement has been due to structural changes of society. The changes have been very similar irrespective of sex, age, marital status, type of domicile, education and religion. Thus, they have penetrated the whole of Finland. The change in the age at which intercourse and going steady starts is partly linked to other simultaneous changes in society, mainly to the spreading of cohabitation, as well as the attitude changes related to secularization. Going steady has become an accepted institution for young people that enables them to enjoy sex life to the fullest at an early age.

Many of the changes related to sex life seem to have occurred through a change in people's way of life as well as in the values of everyday life. The satisfaction with sex life has increased because women have become more active sexually and because of the more open public debate and communication. It can be stated that the expectations of men and women concerning sex life meet better than before. Relationships are more often entered into for the purpose of enjoying being together and not just in order to have a family; they are so-called pure relationships (Giddens 1990, 1992). Thanks to the changes in the social atmosphere, enjoying life is in most cases no longer considered a disgraceful thing that causes feelings of guilt.

An important factor here has been the increased similarity in the ways of life (for example in the use of alcohol) of men and women. Particularly among women and men in the younger age groups who have the same way of life, no great difference can be found in most matters related to sex life (e.g. the number of partners). Formerly there was a great gap in this respect. Both genders have become increasingly equal regarding sex life. Life is also more equal in the sense that people without a couple relationship are able to enjoy their sex life more fully today.

It is difficult to compare the results on the importance of these changes with the developments in other countries; equivalent follow-up data suitable for generalization have so far not been collected anywhere else. There have been several national studies carried out in Europe on sexual issues concerning adults, but hardly any findings have been published yet. The best data are found in the US, where comparisons between sexual experiences at different stages of people's lives have been conducted in Kinsey's spirit (Downey 1980, Wyatt et al. 1988a, Wyatt et al. 1988b). Although it is not truly possible to generalize this data, it does convey an idea of the direction of the changes. Corresponding European data is available on what used to be Czechoslovakia (Raboch and Raboch 1989).

When comparing the experiences regarding the sex life of men born in the US in the first half of the 20th century (the age difference between the oldest and the youngest being 50 years), the same types of changes were observed there as in Finland (Downey 1980). The younger men had more experience of premarital petting and intercourse, masturbation and parallel relationships during marriage. They also employed more versatile intercourse practices. Underlying this change were the decreased fears of men concerning the mental and physical hazards of certain types of sexual behaviour. The same observation had also been made in Finland concerning the fear of health risks connected with masturbation. Increased scientific knowledge in combination with increasing awareness of sexual issues thus have a significant influence on the versatile enjoyment of sex life.

Comparisons made in the US regarding white (Wyatt et al. 1988a) and coloured (Wyatt et al. 1988b) women born in different decades have yielded similar results when comparing those born in the 1920s and the 1930s with those born in the 1960s. Women born in the 1960s started having intercourse at a significantly earlier age (and usually with someone other than their future husband), had their first orgasms earlier and had more partners. The attitudes towards nudity had become more natural. In comparison with the Kinsey material, the incidence of parallel relationships was doubled and the practice of oral sex was significantly increased. All these changes are very much similar to those found in Finland.

In the former Czechoslovakia, comparisons have been made between changes occurred in the sex life of women born between the years 1911 and 1970 (Raboch and Raboch 1989). The changes are almost identical to those observed in Finland. The percentage of those who had their first intercourse before turning 18 had increased from 15% to 48%. During the past 10 years, the age at first intercourse did not fall appreciably. The percentage of women with four to ten premarital sex partners was 12 times as large in the younger age group as in the older group. It was as common for women to have orgasms as it is in Finland. The similarity of the results in Finland and in the former Czechoslovakia strengthens the idea that changes in sex life are not influenced only by the prevailing conditions in each country, but that the changes also reflect the international exchange of information as well as worldwide changes occurring in the meanings connected to these.

Through the Gallup poll follow-up studies carried out in the US concerning sexual attitudes (Smith 1990), it has been established that attitudes towards premarital sex, pornography, sex education and birth control were liberated when coming from the 1960s to the 1970s. These have been the most significant changes in attitudes in the time of the present generation. Since the beginning of the 1970s, attitudes have not become more liberal, in some respects (homosexuality, extra-marital relationships, pornography) they have even become somewhat more conservative. Signs of the strengthening of conservative viewpoints were evident in the beginning of the 1980s. This change was a relatively moderate one and the sexual attitudes in the US were again somewhat liberated towards the end of the 1980s.

The connection of sex life to other social factors

In this study, the effect of social structure on sex life has been examined also by using regression analysis. A few regression analyses combining certain central themes of the study have been made for this concluding chapter. The date of the research was added to the explaining factors to estimate its independent effect on sex life. The material on the people between 18 and 54 years of age obtained in the two studies was combined in this analysis.

In the following, the social factors influencing sexual attitudes, sex habits as well as the satisfaction obtained from sex life are being assessed. Besides the previously employed variables representing the structure of society and ways of life, explaining factors indicating the social atmosphere of the childhood home, family relations, health, smoking, proportions of the body and sex life were chosen.

As concluded in Chapter 5, the ever earlier initiation of sex life has continued. In 1992, there were more people having intercourse at an early age than in 1971. These people were found among men, young people and those with little education. They had experienced their first kiss and first couple relationship at an early age. The fact that their childhood homes had not been religious nor happy also contributed to intercourse at an early age, also that the respondent's parents had been separated. A total of 47% of the variations in the age of first sexual intercourse were explained by these factors.

Sex education received either at home or at school, a harmonious childhood home, its wealth or its emotional and open-minded nature regarding sexual matters had no connection to the age of first intercourse.

Thus, making an early sexual initiation is very much tied to the generation. Today, the coital debut is made at an earlier age and at both times of the surveys, young age groups had started earlier than older people. In 1971, the starting age for men was earlier (18 years) than that of women (20 years), though in 1992 there was no sex difference in this respect (18 years for both genders). Early intercourse is also linked to little education as well as to other forms of sexual activity, like kissing and going steady, at an early age. The results bring up a question: why is it that attending school and having sex seem to rule out each other? Also, the problems and secularization occurring in the childhood home had some connection to having sexual intercourse at an early age.

To investigate the change in sexual attitudes, a sum scale with a reliability of .62 was created. It was based on the attitudes to the following statements:

- It is good that there are certain reformist groups in society that defend the more liberal moral trends.

- Women have the right to take the initiative to sexual interaction with men when they wish to do so.

- Homosexual behaviour between adults is their personal affair, in which legislation or authorities should not interfere.

- Even a casual sexual relationship may be happy and satisfying for both parties.

- Those having turned 16 should be allowed to purchase pornographic publications freely at certain shops.

- A wife's occasional affair must be accepted.

As concluded in Chapter 4, the sexual attitudes have become more liberal during the last 20 years. Contrary to the satisfaction felt with sex habits and sex life, this change is mainly connected with the structural change in society. The time of the research itself was not significant when the following factors increasing liberal attitudes were standardized:

- youth

- short duration of the present relationship

- education

- living in a big town

- alienation from religion

- smoking

- slender body

- going steady at an early age

- self-pleasuring

- several sex partners during the lifetime

These ten factors accounted for 18% of the variations in sexual attitudes. Time of research, gender, marital status, number of own children, parents living together, atmosphere of the childhood home, stress symptoms, number of times fallen in love, age of sexual debut, frequency of and positions used in intercourse, initiatives taken and the use of alcohol at the last intercourse did not explain sexual attitudes, when the effect of the above mentioned factors had been standardized.

Having a liberal attitude towards sexual issues seems to be connected to the changes occurred during the last 20 years in the duration of relationships, social status, type of domicile, the meaning of religion, the use of stimuli and body proportions. Having a liberal attitude towards sexual matters is a part of the modern, secularized lifestyle characteristic of people who make autonomous and quick decisions on their lives. It is also linked to an unprejudiced sex life: to early mating, alternative sex habits as well as to many sexual relationships.

Of the sex habits, the versatility and frequency of intercourse are examined here. The versatility of sex habits connected to intercourse can be studied only with the aid of the two variables included in both surveys: the use of several positions during intercourse and the initiative taken at intercourse by both partners.

Of the fluctuations in the variation of the versality-scale created by adding up these two variables, only 8% was accounted for by the following six variables:

- point in time: year 1992

- a childhood home with an open-minded attitude towards sexual issues

- liberal attitudes towards sex

- being married

- short duration of the present relationship

- going steady at an early age

The other variables in the analysis mentioned in connection with the regression analysis regarding sexual attitudes (including the above mentioned) did not explain the versatility of intercourse after the above factors had been standardized.

Sex habits have thus become more versatile over time, as can be inferred from the previously shown results. Irrespective of the point in time, the open-mindedness of the childhood home as well as one's own liberal sexual attitudes promote the versatility and equality of sex life. A sexually liberal growth milieu and attitude help people express themselves more freely through sexual experimentation and equality, emancipate from the traditional patterns for intercourse.

A relationship officially blessed, though not very long-lived, is open for sexual experimentation and equality. Establishing a couple relationship at an early age seems to be an indication of one's liberal sexual attitude that often allows exceptional methods to be tried out when engaged in intercourse.

According to the regression analysis, the frequency of intercourse, in other words how long a time had passed since the most recent intercourse, was affected by the following factors:

- point in time: year 1992

- male gender

- youth

- being married

- short duration of the present relationship

- having children

- few symptoms of stress

- non-smoking

- early start of coital activity

- early start of going steady

- versatility of the most recent intercourse

- no use of alcohol before or during the most recent intercourse

- infrequent masturbation

These 13 factors provided explanation for 26% of the variation in the frequency of intercourse. Other possible explaining factors mentioned above in connection with the analysis on liberal sex attitudes had no effect on the frequency of intercourse; liberal sex attitudes as such also had no effect.

When taking into account increase in the number and frequency of stress symptoms and the increased use of tobacco and alcohol, there are grounds for the supposition that the frequency of intercourse would have increased if people, on an average, were as healthy as in 1971 and, would not smoke more or use more alcohol than then. In reality, the frequency of intercourse has remained about the same, as people's lifestyles have been changing in a direction decreasing the frequency. More stress at work (Lehto 1992) and increasing leisure-time activities (Niemi and Pääkkönen 1989), particularly watching television, as well as the substance use have probably cut back on the time and energy that could be used on sex life.

Let's take a concluding look at the underlying social factors and the characteristics of sex life that provide explanation for regarding sex life as satisfactory. The following factors were found to increase sexual satisfaction:

- point in time: year 1992

- youth

- living with both parents during childhood and youth

- emotionalityof childhood home

- happiness of childhood home

- wealth of childhood home

- being married

- short duration of the present relationship

- having children

- few symptoms of stress

- frequency of intercourse

- versatility of intercourse

- no alcohol used prior to intercourse

- infrequent masturbation

These 14 factors provided explanation for 25% of the fluctuations in regarding sex life as satisfactory. Other explaining factors possibly mentioned with the analysis that have been presented in connection with the list of factors explaining sexual attitudes did not affect the sexual satisfaction. Neither did the sexual attitudes.

When considering sex life satisfactory, the importance of human relationships in the childhood home as well as the importance of social status were emphasized in many parallel ways. Living in the nuclear family, i.e. being married and having children, increases sexual satisfaction, provided that the partners have not been bored with each other in a relationship of long-standing. Good health, vivid and versatile intercourse-centred sex life and refraining from alcohol before intercourse makes the sex life of the Finns seem particularly satisfying.

The aim of this study has been to find explanations to the connections between the structure of society and the changes society, as well as sex life, have undergone. Between the years 1971 and 1992, the age structure of Finns has become older, the level of education has risen, the structure of commercial and industrial life has become more white-collar dominated, the way of living has been urbanized, the standard of living has risen and the family structure has undergone changes causing the frequency of cohabitation and that of divorces to increase and the number of children to decrease. The changes in lifestyles are also suggested by the decrease in the significance of religion and the increasing use of alcohol. Because of this development, we are also facing heavier costs: symptoms of stress have increased.

The attitudes towards sexual issues have become more liberal. The age of sexual initiation has become lower; the strong effect of this will be further emphasized as the analyses allow for the aging population and the higher level of education - the older and the better educated people have made their sexual debut at a later age than the average.

The increased tolerance regarding sex life and the earlier age of starting one's sex life have increased the satisfaction it offers. This was indicated by the results in the following way: the more liberal a person's attitude towards sexuality, the more common it was for that person to have intercourse in different positions and to share the initiative to having intercourse with the partner. A varied and equal sex life was found satisfactory. It was also vivid: if the partners used various positions and the initiative to intercourse was mutual, they had intercourse frequently, which in turn increased the satisfaction of sex life.

Another road from structural change in society to enhancement of sex life has been starting steady relationships and having intercourse at an earlier age. Those who initiated intercourse at an early age tend to often have coitus as adults. And again, higher frequency of sexual intercourse led to increased satisfaction with their sex life.

During the past 20 years, the enhancement with sex life is thus connected with both the liberalization of sexual attitudes and the earlier sexual debut. Partly these two factors have led to more varied, equal and frequent intercourse and therefore to increased satisfaction in relationships. Simultaneously the alternative sex habits - for example self-pleasuring - have become more accepted, which in its turn has been likely to decrease the feelings of guilt and shame connected to them.

Certain changes in Finnish lifestyles and health conditions have held back the increase of sexual activity and satisfaction. For example: if Finns were to use as little alcohol and if we had as little stress symptoms - caused by various factors - as 20 years ago, our sex life could have been even more active and satisfying than it was in 1992.

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The authors

Osmo Kontula, born in 1951, is a Doctor of Social Science and Docent of Sociology. He works today as a research director at the department of public health at the University of Helsinki. He acts as responsible director of the FINSEX research project together with Elina Haavio-Mannila. He has carried out a multitude of studies on the sex life of young people and students as well as on illegal drugs and drug control and health-affecting social and economic factors.

Other tasks related to sexuality include acting as chairman of the Finnish Association of Sexual Policy SEXPO in the years 1988-1991 as well as the secretary of Advisory Committee for Health Education. While engaged in the latter, he wrote the report 'Eroticism and health' that attracted even international attention due to the sex holidays proposed in it.

Osmo Kontula has previously published about 25 books, of which the following are examples of work connected to this subject: Nuorten seksi (Sex of the young), Otava 1987, Nuorten kypsyminen seurusteluun ja seksuaalisuuteen (Adolescent maturing into going steady and sexuality), The Government Printing Centre 1991, Mustasukkaisuus ja terveys (Jealousy and health), The Government Printing Centre 1991, Sukupuolielämän aloittamisen yhteiskunnallisista ehdoista (Cultural terms of sexual initiation), The Government Printing Centre 1991, Seksiä lehtien sivuilla: Seksuaalisuuden esitystapojen muutos suomalaisessa lehdistössä 1961-1991 (Sex in the press: The change in the ways of presenting sexual issues in Finnish newspapers and magazines, 1961-1991), Painatuskeskus 1994 and, as Editor, Salattu seksuaali-suus (The hidden sexuality), WSOY 1988, Tietoiseksi - tietoa ja näkemyksiä seksuaalipolitiikasta (Awareness - information and views on sexual policies), Gaudeamus 1988, Seksuaalinen Mielihyvä (Sexual pleasure), Kirjayhtymä 1990, Seksistä - Kuinka puhua nuorille (On sex - how to speak to the young about it), Otava 1991, and together with Elina Haavio-Mannila, Suomalainen seksi: Tietoa suomalaisten sukupuolielämän muutoksesta (The Finnish original of the present work), WSOY 1993. The publication 'Seksuaalinen mielihyvä' was awarded an honourable mention in the Information Finlandia competition in 1991.

Elina Haavio-Mannila, born in 1933, is a Professor of sociology at the University of Helsinki. In the 1960s she participated in the activities of the research division of Yhdistys 9, in the 1970s she was a member of the Marriage Act Committee, and chaired the Sexual-politic Association 1986-1987. She was a member of the board of the family research committee of the International Sociological Association, at which time she also was an international editor of the periodical Journal of Marriage and the Family. She has studied and taught at a number of Nordic and American universities, and participated actively in Finnish-Soviet and Finnish-Polish sociological cooperation. At present she is especially engaged in cooperation with the Estonians.

Professor Haavio-Mannila has published more than 200 scientific books or articles. Her books include, e.g. Kylätappelut (Village fights), WSOY 1958, Suomalainen nainen ja mies (The Finnish woman and the Finnish man), WSOY 1968, Päivätanssit (Daytime dances), co-authored with Raija Snicker, WSOY 1980, Unfinished Democracy - Women in Nordic Politics together with Drude Dahlerup and others, The Nordic Council of Ministers 1983, Perhe, työ ja tunteet (Family, work and emotions) together with Riitta Jallinoja and Harriet Strandell, WSOY 1984, Työpaikan rakkaussuhteet (Love relations at the workplace), WSOY 1988 and Naiset ja miehet työelämässä (Women and men in working life) together with Kaisa Kauppinen-Toropainen and Irja Kandolin, The Institute of Occupational Health 1991 and Work, Family and Well-Being, The Finnish Academy of Science and Letters 1992, and together with Osmo Kontula, Suomalainen seksi - Tietoa suomalaisten sukupuolielämän muutoksesta (The Finnish original of the present work), WSOY 1993.

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